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This article examines the utility of a revised postfunctionalist theory in explaining regional (dis)integration dynamics. The case study employed to test the theoretical framework is based on Ukraine's regional integration processes with respect to Eurasian and European regional organizations in the early 2010s. The principal research question posed is: what factors contributed to Ukraine's decision to opt out of deeper integration with Eurasia in the early 2010s and pursue integration with the European Union insead, and how can this case study move the postfunctionalist theory forward? Three assumptions proposed by postfunctionalism, enriched with insights from social constructivism, were applied to the (dis)integration processes: salience, politicization, and collective identity. The analysis suggests that the revised postfunctionalist framework is indeed instrumental in explaining both integration and disintegration, providing insights into the role of collective identity mobilization once public discussion reaches a critical juncture in the politicization process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the dissatisfaction of researchers in the humanities and social sciences. It highlights the specific challenges faced by researchers in the European Union, particularly in Central European countries, due to the distortion of research activities caused by commercialization and bureaucratization. It also discusses the importance of linking efforts for social change with efforts to transform the model of public research.

The current article problematises European Union governance arrangements in times of crisis. The debate is built by arguing for a conceptual link between policy learning and indirect governance in the EU. These two frameworks are seen as fundamental theoretical pieces for understanding the EU's learning journey and the resulting governance mechanisms during and after these major events. Yet, the article shows that none of these two approaches can explain on its own how EU governance evolves because of crises. It is rather by looking at the intersection between indirect governance and policy learning that we get a more complete picture of the EU governance landscape in times of crisis. This theoretical debate builds on recent EU crises and scrutinises the policy-politics link by concluding on the preferred forms of EU indirect governance in times of crisis, while adding insights from the literature on policy learning and entrepreneurship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The changes promoted in the dairy sector from the industrial restructuring process, which began decades ago, as well as the most recent governance systems and policies of the European Union in the matter, are fully related to the vast abandonment that a large number of dairy farms, both in Spain and Catalonia since years ago. This process is experienced in a special way by those smaller and family-type farms. Therefore, the consequences that this evolution of the sector may have in the medium and long term are not negligible from the perspective of the future of the agricultural world. For this reason, it is of great interest for the social sciences to know the socioeconomic conditions that currently characterize the evolution of dairy farms, as well as the social representations that farmers build on them. These will be the main objectives of the article. We therefore try to analyze the socio-economic conditions of the farms and the way in which they are conceived and valued by farmers, as well as exploring how they face their future. The empirical work has combined a quantitative analysis with a qualitative analysis through focus groups and interviews with dairy farmers. The results suggest the existence of fear of the end of the small family farm, as well as the disappointment of the ranchers in a crisis situation that they are not capable of reversing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper brings reflexivity into conversation with debates about positionality and live sociology to argue for reflexivity to be reimagined as an enduring practice that is collaborative, responsible, iterative, engaged, agile and creative. We elaborate our argument with reference to examples and contemplations drawn from our experiences researching what Brexit means for Britons living in the EU-27 for the BrExpats research project, which was informed from the outset by reflexive practice. We outline three (of a number of) potential strategies for engaging in reflexive practice: reflexive positioning, reflexive navigating and reflexive interpreting or sense-making. We acknowledge that these are not separate actions in practice but are conceptually distinguishable aspects of an ongoing reflexive practice, informed by our understanding of the cognitive relationship between reflexivity and practice theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Identity has long been a contested concept in the social sciences. In contrast, legal scholars have come late to the analytical discussion about the concept. It was only in the late 2000s that the concepts of national and constitutional identity became part of the European legal discourse. Today, national identity is a legal concept in EU law. Article 4(2) of the Treaty on European Union obliges the EU to respect the national identities of Member States. A literal understanding of this provision suggests that any domestic interpretation would be consistent with EU law. This paper challenges this view. It differentiates between national and constitutional identity. The former refers to identity that can be connected either to a community's ethnocultural characteristics or to its political institutions and foundational constitutional values. The latter is often called constitutional identity. Yet, this article defines the term constitutional identity differently by concentrating on identity attached to a democratic constitution. Thereby, it offers a novel, constitutionalist approach. The article argues that the concept of national identity in EU law is a constitutionalist one and demonstrates, using the example of Hungary, how an ethnocultural national identity runs counter to this constitutionalist concept and how a new constitutional identity may be developed. The implication of having a constitutional identity that respects universal constitutional principles is that such a constitutional identity would be more compatible with values at the European level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a legal perspective on the phenomenon of shadow banning: content moderation sanctions which are undetectable to those affected. Drawing on recent social science research, it connects current concerns about shadow banning to novel visibility management techniques in content moderation, such as delisting and demotion. Conventional moderation techniques such as outright content removal or account suspension can be observed by those affected, but these new visibility often cannot. This lends newfound significance to the legal question of moderation transparency rights. The EU Digital Services Act (DSA) is analysed in this light, as the first major legislation to regulate transparency of visibility remedies. In effect, its due process framework prohibits shadow banning with only limited exceptions. In doing so, the DSA surfaces tensions between two competing models for content moderation: as rule-bound administration or as adversarial security conflict. I discuss possible interpretations and trade-offs for this regime, and then turn to a more fundamental problem: how to define visibility reduction as a category of content moderation actions. The concept of visibility reduction or 'demotions' is central to both the shadow banning imaginary and to the DSA's safeguards, but its meaning is far from straightforward. Responding to claims that demotion is entirely relative, and therefore not actionable as a category of content moderation sanctions, I show how visibility reduction can still be regulated when defined as ex post adjustments to engagement-based relevance scores. Still, regulating demotion in this way will not cover all exercises of ranking power, since it manifests not only in individual cases of moderation but also through structural acts of content curation; not just by reducing visibility, but by producing visibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]