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Societal constructivists argue that domestic discourses of identity influence foreign policy. After the 1984 pogroms, Pakistan began its efforts to cultivate support among India’s Sikhs. This was predicated on cultivating a shared ‘monotheistic’ identity, which made Sikhism closer to Islam, as compared to Hinduism/India. The paper analyzes how the Pakistani state crafted this narrative using the popular radio show ‘Talqeen Shah’, and also delve into its wider conceptual implications. Specifically, we illustrate how the Pakistani state, even after undergoing Islamization under the Zia regime, projected an external identity that was at odds with its dominant representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan's paradigm shift in foreign policy to geo-economics, necessitates that Islamabad look for opportunities within and outside the region to utilise its geographic and economic potential. This new policy shift makes the African region a key area of significance for Pakistan, owing to the huge trade and market potential of the region. The adoption of 'Look Africa Policy' by Pakistan is a key step. This paper aims to explore the options and opportunities for Pakistan in the African region. It analyses these opportunities and associated challenges in the light of economic diplomacy framework. The paper argues that Pakistan requires active diplomatic engagement at public and private levels both, to boost trade and economic relationship with African region for the mutual economic benefit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Iran's policy towards its eastern neighbour, Pakistan. It argues that, despite significant differences and geopolitical challenges, cooperation between these two states is inevitable and that it will continue, regardless of international and domestic fluctuations. Iran, both as a monarchy until 1979 and then as an Islamic Republic, has considered Pakistan an important and valuable partner. However, this cooperation is unlikely to transform into a deep, strategic partnership: the national interests and goals of both states are too contradictory. Moreover, other factors – such as international sanctions, poor security, and lack of funds – hinder the development of relations. This paper covers two periods: that of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi before 1979 and of the Islamic Republic of Iran since. Three areas of cooperation have been analysed: political, economic and security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan occupies an elevated role in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and hosts its so-called flagship project, the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Existing literature has often interpreted this project from a geopolitical perspective, as a vehicle through which a rising China projects influence on a peripheral country and advances its own centrality in international affairs. While such motivations certainly played a major role in getting the project off the ground, they are not the sole determinant of its design, or the heated controversies it triggered within Pakistan. This paper seeks to capture both dimensions by analysing the development of CPEC, and the handling of the conflicts it sparked, through a lens of overlapping centre–periphery relations: one between China and Pakistan at the international level, and one between Islamabad and peripheral regions and groups within the country. I argue that this model best captures the pivotal position and resulting agency of national governments in shaping local BRI implementations. It also shows how the BRI is not a straight case of Chinese influence radiating outwards; rather, contestation by local actors in turn forces adaptations in Chinese foreign and security policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

CPEC, a massive economic project under BRI, focuses on the socioeconomic and political dividends in Gilgit Baltistan. It is expected to create more than half a million jobs by creating Special Economic Zones in Gilgit, imparting a boom to the tourism industry and enlarging the scope of e-commerce. Hydropower development, technical expertise, and human resources--resulting from CPEC projects--are also likely to transform the socioeconomic dynamics of the region. This paper argues that the success of CPEC--considering the importance of connectivity for local markets--is likely to transform the region's socio-economic dynamics that will help promote economic and social inclusion of the people, mitigating their sense of deprivation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Infrastructure has played an agential role in the securitisation of everyday life in the Karakoram high mountains of north Pakistan. Geopolitics bear heavily on this region where Pakistan shares borders with China, with whom it has aligned its foreign and security policy, and with India, with whom Pakistan remains embroiled in a long‐standing territorial dispute. Consequently, in the Karakoram, geopolitical anxieties have reflected inwards onto local populations through both security infrastructure and securitised infrastructure. In this postcolony frontier space, statecraft also frequently bypasses normative legal and administrative structures; such exceptions to normative law and administration have antecedents in colonial statecraft on the territorial margins of empire. This paper also argues that long cycles of military rule have allowed the military to acquire and project technocratic expertise, become custodians of state‐led development, and recently, to assume guardianship of, and to enter into joint financing with China on, construction projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Xi Jinping is one of the strongest presidents Socialist China ever has seen. He revolutionized the country's foreign policy soon after he ascended to the President's Office. He revised China's foreign policy towards South Asia including Pakistan. During the 20th century, China adopted a principled policy of non-intervention in the internal affairs of Pakistan. However, Jinping's rise brought an end to the said policy. This research paper focuses on exploring and analyzing the changes brought by Xi Jinping in the Foreign Policy of China towards Pakistan along with the pros and cons related to the changed foreign policy approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The launch of the Saudi‐led so‐called Islamic Military Alliance to Fight Terrorism (IMAFT) in 2015 tested the strong strategic alliance between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia. In light of concerns about the positioning of the coalition of 41 states against Iranian interests in the Middle East, Pakistan's initial response to the Saudi demand to join the war in Yemen was a polite refusal by means of a unanimous decision of the parliament. However, under tremendous pressure from Riyadh and other Gulf States, Islamabad later capitulated and backtracked from its initial decision. This paper analyses the unique nature of the relationship between Pakistan and Saudi Arabia through a dissection of the various dimensions of the Kingdom's cultural and political influence on Pakistan. It also illuminates Saudi hegemonic strategies and the manner in which Islamabad adjusts and is influenced as well as coerced to revise its foreign policy choices. This paper argues that Saudi's diplomatic strategies, political pressure and pledges of generous financial assistance ensured Pakistan's participation in IMAFT. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan and China despite of their diverse cultures, religions, languages, norms and traditions enjoying strong partnership at local, regional and international level. The democratic transition in Pakistan in 2008 had provoked to create many opportunities and challenges. In the study period Pakistan’s ties with China got strengthen in many fields and expanded relations in various fields including political, economic, military and cultural spheres. This new era had created many opportunities for both the states in the study period including CPEC, huge economic aid, Gwadar port operationalization, dams constructions, power generation houses establishment, support in different international organizations, help in gaining full membership in Shanghai Cooperation Organization and provided arms, ammunitions and helped Pakistan to minimize her depend on US and overcome US pressure. Likewise, both the countries also faced many challenges due to terrorism, regional militancy and power dynamics, political instability in Pakistan, US and Indian propaganda and counterbalance strategies, and targeting of Chinese and her interests in Pakistan. But the countries through mutual cooperation had successfully managed these challenges and did not let them to affect their relations. The main objective of this paper is to study the opportunities and Challenges of Pakistan-China Relations from 2008 to 2019. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper adopts a socio-historical perspective to explore when, how and why the eradication of poliomyelitis has become politicised to the extent that health workers and security personnel are targeted in drive-by shootings. Discussions of the polio crisis in Afghanistan and Pakistan have tended to focus on Taliban suspicions of a US-led public health intervention and the denunciation of ‘modernity’ by Islamic ‘extremists’. In contrast, this paper considers a broader history of indigenous hostility and resistance to colonial immunisation on the subcontinent, suggesting how interconnected public health and political crises today have reactivated the past and created a continuity between events. The paper explores how the biomedical threat posed by polio has become intertwined with military and governmental discourses premised on the ‘preemptive strike’. Here, the paper tracks the connections between biological immunity and a postcolonial politics that posits an immunological rationale for politico-military interventions. The paper concludes by reflecting on the consequences for global public health of this entanglement of infectious disease with terror. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Afghanistan is located at the convergence of Central, Middle and South Asian regions, one of the most world prime geographical locations. Its strategic location and abundant mineral resources have always attracted international community including India. Hence Indian objectives to develop relations with Afghanistan are manifold and decades old. Indian foreign policy is devised by many factors like its bitter relations with Pakistan and its desire of access route to Central Asian Republics by limiting Pakistan's reach that has serious implications for Pakistan. In view of its past experience, Pakistan perceives Indian extended desire to engage in Afghanistan as a deliberate strategy of using the later as a battleground to show its power and use influence against Pakistan. Terrorist incidents in Balochistan provide evidence and links with Indian RAW activities organized in Afghan areas. So, Indian intention to invest in Afghanistan for infrastructure rebuilding is not as simple as it is often claimed. India has covert objectives of troubling Pakistan. In hostile lunacy, India increased, dramatically, its involvement in Afghanistan when the Taliban era came to an end. India's interference in Afghanistan is a clear reflection of its desire to execute Afghan land against Pakistan. India sees Afghan war an opportunity to encounter Pakistan's influence in the region. This research paper will analyze Indian involvement in Afghanistan and its implications for Pakistan. The study is designed to unveil the hidden objectives of fast growing Indo-Afghan relations and evaluates Indian strategies in regional context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the short-run behaviour of migrant remittances in the face of terrorism. Using monthly data for post 9/11 terrorist attacks in Pakistan, the study finds evidence of increase in the volume of remittances sent from abroad. This increase is evident in the aggregate, as well as for the three main source regions of North America, the Persian Gulf and Europe. The positive association holds for all the top five migrant-hosting countries of Pakistan. The findings point in favour of an altruistic behaviour of migrant remittances at the macroeconomic level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Violence against women is a problem around the world. Addressing the issues of physical and sexual violence against women has been a complicated endeavor for criminologists. Much of the traditional criminological research on violence against women has frequently focused on rape as a crime of power between individuals. However, this framework has been expanded to incorporate the analysis of rape during times of war and rape as a state crime. In these cases, rape serves a broader purpose within the military and social structure. By focusing on the specific case of the gang rape of Mukhtar Mai, the goal of this paper was to demonstrate and analyze the role of the state in many of these crimes. Mukhtar Mai’s case should not be understood in isolation, but as a way to illuminate the role of the state in these numerous crimes. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The research intends to investigate Iran-Pakistan economic and political links since 1947 and the issues/differences that affected the relations between them. Both Pakistan Iran have a long standing historical, cultural and religious ties. Persian literature and language have had a great impact on Sub-Continent's cultural and educational milieu. During the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah, the relations between Pakistan and Iran were friendly but after the Islamic revolution of 1979 Pakistan tilted towards Saudi Arabia for its own interests. The ideological dimensions of foreign policy of both the countries also marred the friendly relations. Iran has some apprehensions that border violations and subversions carried out inside Iran are with the connivance of US. The paper has mainly adopted qualitative methods. The study recommends that Pakistan can increase trade and diplomatic relations with Iran to take advantage of resource rich country. The minor differences between the two countries can also be tackled through trade and diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]