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Taliban has taken control of Afghanistan; the US-influenced government of Ashraf Ghani has surrendered, a two-decade-long war ended, and the Taliban proclaimed their acting government on 7 September 2021 and resumed the Islamic Emirates of Afghanistan. Pakistan is in support of an inclusive Taliban-led government in Afghanistan and providing Aid to the country for rebuilding and reconstruction of the affected neighbor while hoping for recognition from the international community. Taliban's regime in Afghanistan is a game-changer for South Asian regional politics as now China, Russia, and Iran's interests lie in this area. The Study is an attempt to examine the effects of the Taliban's government on Pakistan's national security, integrity, and economy with special concern for China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), and Foreign Relations by taking the Baluchistan insurgency as an example. This research will answer intriguing questions such as how the Taliban's government of Afghanistan affects the Baluch insurgency. The purpose of this research is to determine if the Taliban-led Afghan government deepens Pakistan's woes or serves the country's national interests. This paper argues that Baluch insurgents were previously hiding in Afghanistan and unstable Afghan territory was used against Pakistan by the enemies to exacerbate of Baluch insurgency and escalate terrorism to destabilize Pakistan. This study also argues that the New Taliban Government in Afghanistan has an amalgamation of encouraging and detrimental outcomes for Pakistan as supporting the Afghan Taliban government has visible impacts on regional politics and the dynamics of Pakistan's relations with the United States, Iran, and with regional powers, Russia, and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan occupies an elevated role in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and hosts its so-called flagship project, the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Existing literature has often interpreted this project from a geopolitical perspective, as a vehicle through which a rising China projects influence on a peripheral country and advances its own centrality in international affairs. While such motivations certainly played a major role in getting the project off the ground, they are not the sole determinant of its design, or the heated controversies it triggered within Pakistan. This paper seeks to capture both dimensions by analysing the development of CPEC, and the handling of the conflicts it sparked, through a lens of overlapping centre–periphery relations: one between China and Pakistan at the international level, and one between Islamabad and peripheral regions and groups within the country. I argue that this model best captures the pivotal position and resulting agency of national governments in shaping local BRI implementations. It also shows how the BRI is not a straight case of Chinese influence radiating outwards; rather, contestation by local actors in turn forces adaptations in Chinese foreign and security policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even though, national interest is one of the most developed concepts of IR scholarship, yet it remains under the debate in academic and policy circles. Various scholars and institutions contextualize and categorize national interests varyingly. There are five main issues under deliberation: first, the interplay of power and morality in formulation and pursuit of national interests; second, longevity, durability and permanency of national interests; third, the interaction between national and public interests, and the process of interest adjudication, which is the function of the political system; fourth, Islamic perspective on national interest; and fifth, the future of national interest in the wake of growing power of the non-state actors, which have started challenging the notion of national interest. This paper revisits the concept and context of national interest with strategic arguments on different debates on national interest. Important attributes of the power potential affecting national interests are considered and conceptualized by the author. The research is descriptive, explanatory, analytical and perspective in nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

International relations are determined by systemic and structural factors at the global, regional and state/domestic levels. Inter-state relations require common interests, shared goals, inter-related threat perception and eminent security challenges. Indo-Iranian relations have been on a progressive trajectory since the beginning of current century; their relations are focussed on political, economic, security and strategic spheres. As an emerging major power, India intends to enhance its influence across regions. This paper attempts to examine how Indo-Iranian relations have shaped up over the years. How convergence of interests by these two far-off neighbors have developed to join and cooperate in economic, political and social domains. For Pakistan, any development on its eastern and western borders holds important bearing on its national security; therefore, what new challenges are posed by Indo-Iranian relations in the changing regional environment of South Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The evolution of International Relations, since the dawn of the 21st century coupled with powerful forces such as globalization and communication technology, has fundamentally changed the world around us. These changes have brought a number of challenges and opportunities for Pakistan. The main argument of this paper is that Pakistan needs review of its national interest, goals, priorities and ultimately an overall adjustment and readjustment of its foreign policy in order to cope with the opportunities and challenges that await us. Hence, this paper, by adopting a futuristic approach and keeping the national interest of Pakistan at the centre of discussion, analyzes the impact of a vast array of changes around our borders as well as in the region. After discussing the changes, the paper then raises a number of important questions and evaluates a number of policy responses and alternatives that may be helpful in the formulation of Pakistan's foreign policy in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]