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This study offers an alternative perspective for examining the rise of Turkish nationalism in the Eastern Mediterranean in relation to cinema culture within the political and historical contexts of Cyprus. The cinema business and its practices had their golden age in the 1950s through the distribution of Turkish films from Turkey and the increasing number of movie theatres in Turkish Cypriot neighbourhoods. This period was also crucial in terms of political developments on the island due to the drastic rise in ethnic and national divisions. Drawing on archival research and oral history; this article aims to examine how Turkish nationalism was provided with the ideal conditions to grow rapidly at Cypriot cinemas and how multi-communal cinemagoing experiences of the early 1950s had transformed into nationally divided Cypriot audiences during the last years of British colonial rule in Cyprus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the structure, content, and function of widely circulating prophetic narratives in contemporary Greece and Cyprus. Prophetologists play a key role in recycling and disseminating prophecies through traditional and modern means of communication in an attempt to explain conditions of crisis and to promote conservative moral values and nationalistic aspirations as salvific remedies in the public sphere. Their highly politicized prophetic discourse blurs the differentiation between religion and politics that characterizes secular modernity. But at the same time, the use of modern media and secular strategies for sacred purposes have unintended secularizing effects on the religious field. Finally, the article explores the reasons why prophecy belief finds fertile soil for proliferation in these countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cyprus has featured prominently on Turkey's foreign policy agenda in recent years. The ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) has weaved this long-standing issue into a broader narrative of 'geographical imagination'. Cyprus policy has thus reflected the AKP's socio-political vision of a 'Yeni Türkiye' (New Turkey), first articulated nearly a decade ago, in which well-entrenched narratives about national identity and the Cyprus conflict are central. Against this backdrop, Cyprus has been leveraged in the twin interests of AKP survival (boosting incumbency through nationalist appeals) and Turkey's regional power aspirations. The present article offers a timely survey of Turkey's Cyprus policy over a 15-year period from 2002 (when the AKP rose to power) until the failure of the negotiation talks on Cyprus in Crans-Montana, Switzerland in July 2017. In so doing, the article charts the important continuities as well as the key markers of transition in Ankara's policy towards Cyprus under the AKP. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the curious non-emergence of populism in contemporary Cyprus despite the deep financial crisis and profound political disillusionment – conditions that are treated as necessary and sufficient. Putting emphasis on Cyprus' key historical particularities, the article inquires into the ways Cyprus' political past, and the subsequent salient 'national question', produce ambiguous notions of 'the people' on the one hand, and impede the potentials for a 'populist moment' on the other hand. By assessing the performative dynamics of oppositional parties in Cyprus, the empirical analysis suggests that the absence of populism is rooted in the following factors: First, nationalist discourse prevails over, and significantly weakens, populist discourse. Second, self-proclaimed challenger parties served 'old wine in new bottles' further undermining their position and claims. The failure of populism to take root in Cyprus, brings to the fore important theoretical insights relevant to the non-emergence of populism even under favourable conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Christoforos Savva, one of the most significant Cypriot artists of the 1960s, was also a highly politicized individual whose leftist worldview paralleled his artistic development. Nevertheless, this side of Savva has not been thoroughly explored. Savva created two forms of art: cementografia and ifasmatografia. Ifasmatografies were based on the vernacular tradition of weaving, while cementografies used modern cement, which was coming to replace stone in building construction. Savva's art departed from contemporary nationalist art production, such as that of the painter Adamantios Diamantis, and it also diverged from the Western colonial/orientalist projections depicting a premodern Cyprus. Overall, Savva's oeuvre bore all the hallmarks of contesting both Cypriot nationalisms—the Greek and the Turkish—since it was inclusive and anti-nationalist in its essence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the change and continuity in the Turkish policy toward Cyprus since the de facto partition of the island in 1974. The exploration of the relationship between Turkish nationalism and foreign policy toward Cyprus suggests that the language of Turkish nationalism regarding the Cyprus question has been far from monotonous. It is shown that the period coinciding with the coming of the Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) in 2002 in particular was a critical juncture which opened up the discursive space for the re-articulation of the 'Cyprus problem', legitimising efforts in relation to reunification. Yet the partial nature of the discursive shift and the absence of a complete paradigmatic change—explained here with reference to structural and historical features of the Cyprus problem as well as the contingent nature of the European Union (EU) membership prospects—has meant the return of the well-entrenched narratives on the conflict and national identity. Also revealing the ways in which Turkish Cypriots have responded to such changes in policy and rhetoric from Ankara, the paper aims to complement existing accounts of trans-border nationalism in conflict and post-conflict settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkish Cypriot newspapers played an important role in the construction of Turkish national identity during the From Turk to Turk Campaign in Cyprus in the late 1950s. The campaign involved the establishment of Turkish municipalities that were separate from the Greek Cypriot ones and the change of village names into Turkish and aimed at conducting all trade and other business relations exclusively between Turks in order for them to develop economically. This article examines the role of the newspapers that were published in Cyprus in 1958 and 1959, which is the period during which the From Turk to Turk Campaign was active. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During its rule, The Ottoman Empire also established its education system. Under the circumstances of the Ottoman State during this period, Cyprus was rented to England in 1878. England interfered in the education system implemented in Cyprus. This situation lasted until the late 19th century. Cyprus was leased to the United Kingdom in 1878 due to the circumstances of the Ottoman Empire during this period. Since then, the United Kingdom has interfered in the education system implemented in Cyprus. Although the Turkish Cypriot community tried to maintain the national education system under its control throughout the British administration, they were not successful. The British colonial administration, with the influence of the conditions formed after the Second World War, made an initiative that included the development of the national identity of the Turkish Cypriots and established the Turkish Affairs Commission in 1948. Upon a yearly-long work, the commission has prepared a comprehensive Interim Report on Turkish Cypriot community issues. In this study, the chronological development of the Cypriot Turkish education history has been discussed by survey method, the interventions of the British administration to the Turkish Education has been analyzed, the issues related to education in the Turkish Affairs Commission Interim Report have been examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the Turkish government facing the 1964 Cyprus crisis applied the principle of negative reciprocity toward Greece and expelled Greek citizens living in Turkey. By doing so, Turkey aimed at pressuring Greece to bring the Greek Cypriot side to the negotiation table. Although Turkish policy proved to be a failure, the expulsions continued. The deportation resulted in the demise of the Greek minority in Turkey for the following reasons: first, there were intermarriages between the Greek citizens and the Greek minority; and second, Turkey's Greeks finally lost their hope of being treated as equal Turkish citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores Greek-Cypriot media representations of national identities during negotiations on a United Nation Plan (the Annan Plan), aiming to reunite ethnically divided Cyprus under a bi-zonal, bi-communal federation. The study analyzed thematically 57 editorials and lead commentaries published in all the daily Greek-Cypriot Press from the presentation of the Annan Plan in November 2002 to April 2004, at which point two simultaneous referenda were held. The study's findings are consistent with ideas that national identifications are not static and provides an in-depth exploration of exclusive forms of Cypriot identities vis-à-vis more inclusive forms and vis-à-vis hellenocentric identifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Border studies have grappled with, on the one hand, the need for the use of common themes or concepts while, on the other, the need for contextual specificity. Borders are sites that embody different potentialities: division and contact, conflict and cooperation, security and anxiety, creativity and oppression, among others. In short, they are sites of the paradoxical. Paradox, it is argued, is the common overarching conceptual characteristic of borders but which specific potentialities are embodied in a border and what prevails as a result of the ensuing power struggles requires contextual specificity. Cyprus, a divided island lying on various border lines, partly inside and partly outside the EU, presents a useful socio-political space in order to illustrate this argument by outlining the specific paradoxical aspects of its own border and the results of the ensuing power struggles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay assigns the literary as the preferred means to write Cyprus because it exposes the power of place and space in postcolonial partitioned cases; it shows that spatial production determines the formation and agency of identity in Cyprus, which serves to sharpen and to blur the dominant binary legacy of historical-political deadlock discourse, so as to generate conflict and solidarity between the deeply divided people in postcolonial partitioned Cyprus. The focus is on the Greek-cypriot and Turkish-cypriot nationalist identification that dominated throughout the last decades of British colonial and into postcolonial Cyprus. This is an examination of ethnic motherland nationalist literatures, with emphasis on capturing the ways writers actively write, read and construct the dominant production of Cyprus. Even though nationalist's writings are based on deeply competing narratives, they have used the same processes and practices to produce a Cyprus for their ethnic selves. This spatial competition and solidarity will be examined through various empirical-theoretical spatial approaches, with emphasis on illuminating the postcolonial and partitioned inventions of gendered nationalism, through making use of Yi-Fu Tuan's healthy balance between experiencing place and space and Henri Lefebvre's spatiology. The essay demonstrates the shared ways in which nationalist writers attempt to produce an ethnically homogeneous mental place through two gendered processes - a maternal principle and ancestral journeys operating with fetish spectacles, objects and substances - that manipulate social, historical and spatial practices to make the abstract nation appear concrete. This place is thus depicted as a gift from the mothers to the children of Cyprus and as Baby Cyprus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that Greek Cypriot nationalism has been in large part motivated by the misconceived idea of Cyprus becoming a modern, European society. Although Cyprus joined the European Union in 2004, the perception of it by the European north as a culturally marginal Mediterranean society had not changed. This was amply demonstrated in 2013 when Cyprus applied to the EU for urgent financial assistance. It was forced to capitalize its banks through their customers' savings and, although this and other “corrective” measures were couched in seemingly rational economic terms, they were unmistakably a punishment and a civilizational lesson. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

As the global wave of decolonization that began after 1945 reached the island of Cyprus, the Cyprus question turned into an issue of paramount importance for Turkish nationalists and for the Turkish people in general. Long before, Turkish foreign policy architects – who had previously taken the line that ‘Turkey does not have a Cyprus problem’ – came to portray Cyprus as a ‘national cause’. Three different geopolitical discourses were instrumental in legitimizing Turkey’s claims over Cyprus and in leading Turkish society to believe that it had a crucial stake in the fate of the island. Naturalized geopolitics represented Cyprus as a natural extension of the Turkish heartland, while ideological geopolitics put forth that Greek Cypriots were responsible for the spread of communism. Finally, civilizational geopolitics characterized Turkey and Greece’s rivalry in Cyprus as the latest chapter in the centuries-old conflict between Turkishness and Hellenism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article builds on a growing body of research that shows an intrinsic but complex relationship between the concepts and the ideologies of nationalism and racism. In doing so, it investigates how different, meaningful national and ethnic in-group identifications of a dominant national/ethnic group (Greek-Cypriots) within a given national context (Cyprus) influence their perceptions of different, meaningful ethnic and racial minority out-groups. Logistic regression analysis of quantitative survey data with secondary school children (N = 738) in Cyprus shows that the relationship between national/ethnic in-group identifications and out-group perceptions varies according to the social and political relationships between particular national/ethnic in- and out-groups. The findings show that future research on the relationship between nationalism and racism should consider the overlap between and context specific nature of national and ethnic in-group identification processes and the historical, political relationships between different in- and out-groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]