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This paper attempts to understand the dynamics of United States aid assistance to Pakistan in the light of post 9/11 security developments in the world. The analysis of US foreign policy aid instruments generally indicates three broad objectives: strategic/politico-security benefits, economic interests and humanitarian concerns. Although one consistently recurring theme in US foreign policy aid provision, both in the Cold War period and the newer post 2001 'War on Terror' period has been security. This theme has also defined US-Pakistan aid relationship in different times, with the exception of Bush administration, who unlike the Cold War period made an alteration by specifying funds for purpose-based usage in sub-fields. This paper argues that Bush administration sought to achieve US foreign policy objectives by providing strategic aid to Pakistan much at the expense of domestic public opinion. It further stresses that change in administration in the US brought obstacles in aid flows to Pakistan as President Obama not only reduced the amount of aid under specific heads, but also openly accused Pakistan of fomenting the militants (the good Taliban), which in turn hurt the US broader strategic goals in the region and raised irreconcilable issues of trust between the two countries. The new administration of Trump went a step ahead by suspending many of the aid programmes to Pakistan, bringing the all-time trust-deficit between the two countries to an all-time low. This paper primarily applies the realist and neo-realist theoretical framework to understand the aid and security relationship paradigm between the US and Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper highlights the role of Pakistani policy makers and intellectuals in compounding Pakistan's problems. It looks at the variations and divergences in approaches to the conflict in Pakistani society from two different perspectives. Interdisciplinary approach has been adopted which helps us show how Pakistani intellectuals and policy makers are repeating the narrative of terrorism as it is advocated by the 'Empire'. The causes of this intellectual submission to the narrative of Imperial hegemon are contrasted with insights from theorists and critics like Chomsky, Duffield, Wallerstein et al., to show why Pakistani policy makers and intellectuals have been unable to make any sense of the equation. The paper builds its argument by detailing the lapses in policies and informed scholarly discourses to the specter of terrorism from within Pakistan and how the same specter has been looked at from critical perspectives by renowned scholars. The causes of these two different responses give us the handle on understanding and contextualizing the obtaining environment in Pakistan. A subjective, interpretivist, and constructivist approach has been adopted to make the argument understandable from theoretical frameworks and perspectives that help us remove veil from the causes that perpetuate conflicts in Pakistani society. What the paper reveals is the total submission of Pakistani intellectuals and policy makers to the dictates of American Imperial agenda in the region. This, as the paper holds, compounds rather than resolving the conflicts. This peculiar mindset clouds the reality of the overall situation in South Asian region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regional and global geo-political and geo-strategic whirlwind changes have pushed the states to revisit and reconceptualize their role and position. Mutual politico-economic and strategic significance propel them to constitute new alliances and sign new pacts and protocols. In the contemporary world, new avenues of regional and inter-regional economic cooperation and trade have achieved the centrality at the stage of international relations. China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), a Sino-Pak joint initiative, has become the flagship project of inter-regional connectivity and integration. The CPEC would link the regions to promote regional and inter-regional commerce and trade cooperation and would boost the economic activities which would resultantly become helpful to seal off the vicious cycle of poverty. However, some regional and non regional states expressed their reservations over CPEC. The paper will seek whether or not CPEC can help Pakistan to overcome its energy crisis and cure the ever-ailing economy? The study will also analyze how operational CPEC would counter the Indian hegemonic designs in South Asia? The research will also frame a set of recommendations to capitalize the CPEC and counter the possible considerations to Pakistan's security and economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Afghanistan has been subject to occupation, invasion, civil war and conflict for almost thirty years. The events that have taken place in Afghanistan have not merely impacted on the region, they have engulfed it. Although thirteen years have passed since the start of the USA's operation in Afghanistan, scholars still discuss its internal and external ramifications, and the prospective developments in the country after the withdrawal of the US forces. This paper seeks to evaluate the extent to which the USA's operation and withdrawal plan have contributed to the current challenges and potential futures for Afghanistan. It takes into consideration the internal and external factors that impact on the stability of the political environment in the region; and proposes foresights of the possible scenarios for future state formation and political (re)orientation in Afghanistan. In conclusion, the paper suggests that that the withdrawal plan of the US forces in Afghanistan should be reconsidered as the continuance of instability in the country is likely to have a negative impact on NATO's effectiveness. It also postulates that the regional powers should cooperate in the containment of problems in Afghanistan and reinforcement of the reconstruction of the country in order to build enduring peace in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The NATO/ISAF drawdown from Afghanistan scheduled through various tranches has drawn the attention of the whole world. The drawdown taking place through five phases is a matter of great importance as Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan destined Afghanistan for civil war, power vacuum, and continuous power struggle between the various ethnic groups and the ascendance of Taliban to the throne of Kabul. This paper discusses the dynamics of NATO drawdown from Afghanistan and its repercussions on Afghanistan. It will focus on schedule for security transition, different stages of drawdown, security assessment and future size and strength of the residuary forces in the post 2014 scenario. Withdrawal of Soviet forces from Afghanistan testifies the fact that the latter may once again be faced with certain chronic issues such as power vacuum, future threats and challenges. This will also analyze Afghan-US bilateral security agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]