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In the context of divisive disagreements about how the British left should orient itself towards the current Labour Party, this intervention uses the Gorzian category of non-reformist reforms to critically evaluate the 2017–19 policy programme developed by the Corbyn-led Labour Party and draw out the implications for current strategic debates. It argues that the radical core of the Corbynite economic programme lay in its proposals for widening ownership and extending economic democracy, but that there was a tension between commodified and decommodifying visions of these proposals. Exploring the different conceptions of political transformation implicit within each vision, the paper argues that only the latter had the potential to be non-reformist in the Gorzian sense. However, Gorz was concerned not merely with a reform's content but also with how it was formulated and pursued. The paper ends by arguing that the transformative potential of the economic programme was not reflected in its political strategy and that this has important lessons for strategy today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper questions the conventional scholarly view that early Chinese economic thought simply conceived of farming and commerce as mutually opposing forces. It argues that during Western Han times there existed a significant distance between court rhetoric and economic reality and suggests that, in reading official discourse, one should be cautious not to emphasize the economic over the political. The paper re-examines a series of well-known court memorials and concludes that few questioned the ethics of how wealth should be generated as long as political control could be maintained and the Han court was on the receiving end of it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mentioning the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, a seminary, and slavery in the same breath seems incongruous. Nonetheless, within the account of Codrington College, Barbados, the Anglican Communion's first theological college, we find these three inextricably linked. Using a historical-analytical approach, this paper reveals the troubling missionizing principles which advanced oppressive colonial structures, while failing to fully develop the personhood, agency, and full emancipation of the oppressed. We reassess the ways that particular top-down framings of Christianity and missions were used to enslave/oppress Afro-Barbadians, even under the guise of emancipation. Advocating instead for a framework centering emancipation from below, we outline the ways in which this historical account provides insight for contemporary missional hermeneutics/praxis that seeks to uproot racial and economic inequalities, thus pursuing liberation for all. Resumen: Parece incongruente nombrar al mismo tiempo la Sociedad para la propagación del evangelio, el seminario y la esclavitud; sin embargo, estos tres están estrechamente vinculados en la historia de Codrington College, Barbados, el primer colegio teológico de la Comunión anglicana. Este trabajo utiliza un enfoque histórico-analítico para poner de manifiesto los preocupantes principios misioneros que extendieron estructuras coloniales opresivas, y fallaron en desarrollar plenamente la personalidad, la organización y la plena emancipación de los oprimidos. Reevaluamos las maneras en que ciertos marcos verticalistas del cristianismo y las misiones, aún bajo el pretexto de emancipación, se utilizaron para esclavizar / oprimir a los afrobarbadenses. Se promueve, en lugar de ello, un modelo centrado en la emancipación desde abajo; se delinea cómo este relato histórico provee una mirada para la hermenéutica / praxis misional contemporánea que busca erradicar las desigualdades raciales y económicas para la liberación de todos. 摘要: 一口气同时提到福音传播的团体、神学院和奴隶制似乎很不协调。然而，在圣公会第一所神学院巴巴多斯的科德林顿学院，我们发现这三者有着千丝万缕的联系。本文运用历史分析方法，揭示了令人烦扰的宣教原则，这些原则推进了压迫性的殖民结构，而未能充分培养被压迫者的人格和媒介以致他们得到充分的解放。我们重新评估了基督教和宣教机构自上而下的框架，即使打着解放的幌子，是被用来奴役/压迫非洲巴巴迪亚人的方式。相反，我们主张建立一个以从下解放为中心的框架，概述了这一历史叙述如何为当代宣教诠释/实践提供见解，这些诠释/实践寻求根除种族和经济的不平等，追求人人解放。 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Harms against nonhuman animals have become a significant concern in different disciplines (e.g., green criminology). This paper presents a multi-disciplinary discussion of one form of animal harm—wildlife harm—created by state agencies charged with protecting animals. Specifically, this issue is examined by reviewing the complex problems faced by the US Fish and Wildlife Service (USFWS), which is charged with competing objectives: between protecting economic and public health interests, and protecting wildlife. In managing the human–wildlife conflicts brought to its attention, the USFWS must often make tradeoffs between protecting economic and public health interests, and protecting wildlife. As the data reviewed here indicate, this leads the USFWS to kill a large number of animals each year to protect economic and public health interests—more than 40 million animals since 1996. The political and economic factors that influence these killings, and how the state balances conflicting interests, are also examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents and critically analyses the case law of the Slovenian courts with regard to mass individual claims against the state due to nuisance from public roads and railroads. The courts have largely upheld these claims. In awarding monetary compensation for non-pecuniary loss, they have considered the fundamental right to a healthy environment to be a personality right. Moreover, they have held that the state is under a guarantee-like obligation towards the population in that noise arising from public roads and railways will not exceed the limit levels set by the Regulation on Limit Values of Environmental Noise Indicators. As a consequence, new mass claims are being filed, exposing the state to considerable liability. The author considers the approach taken by the civil courts in Slovenia to be misguided on several levels. A fair balance between should be sought public and individual interests. Upholding claims in full by individuals who did nothing to mitigate noise is inappropriate. The problem would be better dealt with by way of regulating noise protection; compensation by way of analogy to (partial) expropriation in the public interest should only be sought if noise protection measures are ineffective or disproportionate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines economic aspects of the Arab Revolt of 1936-39, which was, beyond doubt, a national Palestinian revolt. It is suggested that, while the rebels, most of whom were peasants, acted collectively for national causes, many of them also perceived personal economic and rural collective interests in participating and acted to pursue economic and national goals simultaneously. This analysis helps explain why peasants comprised the main rebel force, why many of them were "landless" and from the poorest stratum of Palestinian rural society, why militias tended to be small, why banditry became dominant in 1938, and how economic motivations fueled an internal Arab-Palestinian civil war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper functions as a contribution to feminist analyses that are methodologically based on Rosa Luxemburg’s critique of political economy and her understanding of capital accumulation, but also as a contribution to contemporary social-reproduction theory which aims to integrate Luxemburg’s legacy alongside that of Marx. The essay offers a sketch for a ‘Luxemburgian feminism’ consisting of (1) an overview of Luxemburg’s critique of bourgeois feminism and (2) a preliminary application of Luxemburg’s ‘dialectics of spatiality’ to contemporary social-reproduction theory. With Luxemburg’s The Accumulation of Capital in mind and her several essays on the so-called ‘women’s question’, we shall attempt to relate Luxemburg’s explanation of the dynamic link between capitalist and non-capitalist spatialities with the commodification of women’s reproductive labour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on lessons learned from examining the relationship between several international organizations and African higher education, this paper unveils the subtleties and complexities of power dynamics in negotiations, provides illustrative cases to enhance such understanding, discusses the implications of power dynamics in negotiations over higher education policy, and provides a glimpse at the necessary ingredients to build sustainable and healthy international partnerships. Based in a conceptual framework of power dynamics, the paper hinges on international regimes for its theoretical foundation, and on the intersection of conflicting agendas for a transformative higher education in Africa, as advocated by the Association of African Universities (AAU) and the General Agreement on Trade in Services (GATS), for its historical framework. An understanding of the subtleties and complexities of power dynamics in international negotiations is critical for Africa at this crossroads of her relationship with BRIC countries, particularly amidst the competition between China and other superpowers and their respective organizations over Africa as a market arena. This understanding will also be important for examining newly claimed 'reformed' policies originating from the historically dominant Western countries because (a) the dimensions of this relationship are still being negotiated/established, thus a good time to address power dynamics; (b) Africa is engaged in a quest for development through partnerships; and, (c) African scholars are often confronted with the idea of a higher education system by African design. With a focus on Africa that simultaneously highlights the problem of developing nations more generally, this paper discusses four categories of power - hermeneutical, informational, manipulative, and monetary -- that must be taken seriously into account in international negotiations as they have dire consequences for the developing world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The social contract, as the basis of the relations between rulers and populations in the Maghreb region, is highly contested especially since 2011. However, the rural dimension of this phenomenon remains yet under researched. Building on related emerging critical studies, this paper coins the term of a 'rural social contract' and analyses what it embodies. It highlights how the unequal ownership and use of water and land resources contribute to the marginalization of the large majority of rural populations and to their growing discontent. The article argues that three trends currently contribute to the re-articulation of the social contract in rural areas. Firstly, overexploitation and climate change lead to a severe degradation of water and land resources which challenges the established patterns of use and redistribution of these resources. Secondly, agricultural policies focusing on export production and on large entrepreneurs lead to further marginalization of small farmers. Thirdly, the emergence of new rural actors challenge the established social relationships. On the basis of this analysis, the article frames the major challenges, dynamics and characteristic of a newly emerging rural social contract in the Maghreb. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using multilevel models fitted to data from the World Values Survey and national statistics for 22 countries, this paper explores the relationship between both economic inequality and poverty - both across and within nations - and ethnic and religious tolerance. Consistent with previous research, the results demonstrate a positive relationship between individual-level incomes and tolerance. The results also provide contextual modifications to aspects of Inglehart's (1987) post-materialist thesis by showing that while tolerance is positively associated with national-level economic prosperity, the relationship is stronger for higher income earners than for those who earn less. Finally, the study also contributes an entirely new finding regarding the influence of poverty on tolerance. Specifically, tolerance tends to be highest in countries with low poverty levels. This finding holds for people throughout the income distribution. The paper concludes with a discussion of the policy implications of these findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Famine is a social and economic crisis that is commonly accompanied by widespread of malnu-trition, starvation, epidemic disease, and increased mortality. This paper focuses on the period of the Great Leap Famine in China between 1958 and 1962. Based on newly-collected oral inter-views and archival evidence, it gives voices to ordinary villagers from different parts of China-- from various counties in one of China's biggest and most populated Sichuan province in the southwest to Shandong in the east and Hunan in central China and examines their experiences and their survival strategies in times of hunger, illness, and death. It shows that an integral part of everyday famine culture, particularly in rural China, which was worst hit, concerns the kitchen knowledge and practice of healing and nutrition. Many traditional recipes that were used in previous times were rediscovered and used as everyday hunger-coping techniques. Some are dated back to the Ming dynasty--a few were recorded in Materia Medica for Famine Relief (Qiuhtiang bencao ..., c. 1406). Using the methodology of oral history set against the historical background of traditional materia medica, this paper elicits how ordinary people in rural China devised complex and plural strategies to cope with fundamental biological crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on the Security Council's disparate responses to relatively similar acts of regime violence in Syria and Libya, it seems that the Responsibility to Protect doctrine is heavily influenced by factors other than the substantive act of violence. Accordingly, this paper discusses the legal, but also the strategic and pragmatic factors influencing the use, or abstention from the use, of armed humanitarian intervention. While some critics decry the influence of factors that are seemingly exogenous to Responsibility to Protect, this paper argues that the interplay of law and various matters of strategic concern such as politics, economics, and pragmatics is an unavoidable reality in a world where political actors (the states on the Security Council) decide the legitimacy of interventions. Therefore, this paper contends that the strategic and pragmatic concerns that prevent the use of force in Syria do not make the doctrine ipso facto illegitimate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper has three objectives: i) to empirically examine labor market transitions in deindustrializing Asian economies; ii) to study the character of labor market risks and how these risks are shifting by gender, by education level, and by age in the transitional period; and iii) to rethink the commonly accepted assumptions that deindustrialization and globalization are the main causes of new labor market risks and, thus propose the possibility of institutional legacy as an important factor for such risk shifts. This study focuses on the labor market risks in the Republic of Korea, Japan, and Taiwan. Three steps are taken in this inquiry. First, this study commences by empirically examining the three labor market changes mentioned above. Second, it challenges the idea of the emergence of 'new risks,' arguing instead for the concept of 'risk shift': the feature of risk shifting to different demographic groups. Lastly, with the empirical evidence already used, this paper discusses whether deindustrialization or globalization is a sufficient cause for risk shifts in deindustrializing Asian economies, proposing that institutional legacy may be an important factor in risk shift. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Though the Christian observance of Sabbath-keeping has been inconsistent throughout history, the concept has become popular in devotional literature. This paper argues that because of three characteristics of Sabbath-keeping-an altered, theocentric perspective, a slower, simpler style of living, and an eschatological encounter-it may be a useful "tool" for more environmentally sensitive modes of living. Observing the Sabbath reminds Christians to view Creation as God did while resting on the seventh day in Genesis; it prompts a simplification that often has environmentally salutary effects in its lessened consumption; and it draws Christians into a shared vision of a redeemed, healed creation. The paper draws on insights from Jürgen Moltmann, Abraham Joshua Heschel, John Paul II, Seventh-day Adventists and Sabbath Economics thinkers (including Wendell Berry, Marva J. Dawn, Ched Myers, Norman Wirzba, and Richard Lowery). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract The main concern of this paper is the question of what sociological concepts are appropriate to describe resources derived from religious participation and belief. I test two possibilities: first, the capital paradigm and second, the gift theory. The former has the inconvenience that it contains instrumentalist connotations suggesting people invest in religion in order to reach particular ends. The latter focuses heavily on social bonds articulated on a three-dimensional gift system (vertical, horizontal and longitudinal), overshadowing benefits that reach beyond the ambit of religion. This paper discusses the possibility of combining the two approaches, maintaining the idea of religious and spiritual capital, not in terms of intentionally pursued advantages, but as by-products of religious and spiritual interest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is based on the Isaac and Tamara Deutscher Memorial-Prize Lecture given at SOAS in London, on 27 November 2009. It claims that Marxism remains built around a critique of political economy ('economics') but lacks a parallel critique of international relations (IR). IR naturalises the organisation of inter-state relations along lines comparable to the naturalisation of the capitalist economy by economics. The paper argues that the disciplinary organisation of Western academia is part of the class-discipline in society at large. It was triggered by the abstraction of economics from the field of the broader social sciences. IR, in turn, was codified in the slipstream of Woodrow Wilson's response to the Russian Revolution that followed on from the US-intervention in World-War I. The discipline was built around a founding myth of global liberalism and national self-determination. It served, among other things, to disqualify the claims of the theory of imperialism on disciplinary grounds, and its initial connections with Western hegemony, capital, and the national-security state remain in place today. Distinguishing modes of foreign relations, and specifying the occupation of space, protection, and exchange for tribal and empire/nomad foreign relations, as well as sovereign equality and global governance, on the other hand make it possible to understand the rise and continuing hegemony of the West in its own right, rather than as a superstructure of the transnationalisation of capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Customary tenure in Africa has tended to be marginalized in favour of statutory control and privatisation, including public areas protected for wildlife and forest conservation. Zambia has retained a significant proportion of customary land controlled by traditional authorities (chiefs), although access to wildlife and other natural resources is controlled by the state. Recent private sector investment in the agricultural and tourism sectors has potential to support local livelihoods but, equally, land could become alienated to the private sector at low value. The outcome hinges on the responses of individual chiefs, and on how far communities can hold them accountable. This paper, which is based on participant observation, interviews of community members and government officials in rural Zambia, contextualises the general problem of the privatisation of the African and Zambian 'commons'. It then uses two contrasting case studies of chiefdoms that have negotiated commercial investment by the private sector on their communal land. Additionally, the paper presents an experiment in establishing participatory common property regimes designed to manage private investment in communal lands and temper patriarchal rule with downward accountability. It argues that a reliable positive result depends on the extent to which local people can hold their chiefs accountable, as well as a new holistic policy and legislative environment, accompanied by sound extension services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically examines I.I. Rubin's Essays on Marx's Theory of Value and argues that two different approaches to value theory can be found in that book: a more 'production-centred' value-form theory uneasily co-exists with a 'circulationist' perspective. This unresolved tension, the authors claim, reflects a more general theoretical shortcoming in Rubin's work, namely, a problematic conceptualisation of the inner connection between materiality and social form that eventually leads to a formalist perspective on the value-form. Furthermore, the paper argues that all those antinomies are an expression of the historical and political context underlying Rubin's work, in which Marxism was being codified as state ideology. The political implications of Rubin's formalism are explored through the critical examination of its consequences for the comprehension of the social determinations of the revolutionary subjectivity of the working class. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper develops an original proposition for debate in the fields of African studies, transnationalism, environmental studies, and technology studies. Essentially, the paper posits that, for a few key reasons, Sub-Saharan Africa will not likely have an opportunity to experience industrialization with the reigning "destructo-industrial" technologies pioneered by Europeans and Americans. An industrial experience appears achievable for Sub-Saharan Africans only in the context of a new ecological economy. Not only are there no unassailable national frontrunners in this future area, but Sub-Saharan Africans have a credible opportunity of being among the leaders in the future. The process would commence with "brain circulation," the movement of Africans into rich, technologically advanced countries to have their human, economic, and social capital enhanced, some of which to be reinvested in their respective homelands, particularly in ecological industrial areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Calls for greater levels of protection for workers in the global economy have emerged as a repose to the growth of globally organised networks of production centred around the multinational corporation (MNC). The suggestion is made that, in this context, states, keen to attract foreign investment, are increasingly less able to enforce national labour standards. This paper considers the various debates and controversies that surround the issue of labour standards. I look at the way in which the debates have played out within the International Labour Organisation (ILO) and contrast this approach with the emergence of "self-regulatory" code of conduct based modes of MNC regulation. However, as a feminist researcher with interests in the subordination of female employment within the global economy, this paper also seeks to address the issue of how women's labour rights are being protected. A gender perspective on this issue is essential because of the massively important role of female employment in many of the globalized industries that have been at the heart of labour standards debate (in particular in clothing). It is noted that the emergence of an approach to international labour standards that embraces a human rights approach has, in practice, led to the emergence of very minimalistic definitions of labour standards that act to marginalise women's concerns as workers in global supply chains. Despite the limitations of codes of conduct as a mode of regulating labour standards, it is suggested that these codes do provide a space for the bringing in of gender concerns into the labour standards debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Globalization is one of the outcomes of extended economic development in recent decades, which inevitably has direct and indirect effects on different aspects of human life. This paper explains the effect of globalization on housing dilemmas in global cities or cities that want to be global. For this phenomenon, the effect of immigration—resulting from globalization and space polarization, the economic influence of globalization on housing as a global good, the effect of globalization on cultural characteristics, and finally changes in urban space structures emerging from globalization—on site selection of residential land use will be analyzed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main theses of this paper are 1) that there are such things as "negotiating strategies," 2) that negotiating strategies are acquired from experience from a variety of often dissimilar events, and 3) that when those strategies are brought together at the bargaining table, they usually bring about agreements that are sub-optimal from an overall social welfare standpoint. This perspective is set up to contrast with a variety of models and views that tend to treat negotiations as self-contained events, as though they were individual "games" that could be analyzed solely with respect to their particular parameters - in isolation from other negotiations and experiences that may have shaped the behavior and expectations of the bargainers. A by-product of this approach is the proposition that there is no single answer to the question "how should one negotiate?" and that instead we should expect to find a variety of dissimilar strategies in use, and that the effectiveness of a strategy will depend upon which other strategies it encounters in practice. The paper is constructed around the concept of "learning," and builds its theses from explorations of the various definitions and interpretations of that word. The paper begins with a short explanatory background, proceeds to explorations of three different applications of the term "learning" in negotiation theory, and then goes on to develop a model of adaptive learning that is relevant to negotiating strategies. Following this is a discussion of the social "optimality" of the negotiating strategies that can be expected to evolve in a society. Then there are a few numerical examples that are intended to highlight the properties of the theory, and, finally, a few comments on insights that may be useful for negotiators themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The proliferation of debt crises around the world since the 1980' s has generated debt-repayment negotiations prioritizing austerity in debtor countries. This forty-year history of debt crises in the Global South and North now allows comparison of these negotiations and their impacts. We examine the distinct and historically specific trajectories in Latin American and Greece, highlighting the foundations of each experience of debt crisis. We focus on the institutions responsible for managing crisis and their reliance on similar austerity strategies to compel debtor countries into a neoliberal restructuring of their economies. This paper examines the similarities and differences in austerity policy through a comparative-historical analysis of Latin American and Greek experiences of debt crisis. The results of such policies and the political actors involved in implementing austerity are also examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the political economy of French imperialism from a critical Marxist perspective. It demonstrates how France has maintained a major role on the international scene, especially militarily, despite experiencing a relative decline in world economic power since the 1990s. In this regard, three features have marked the French imperial project: (1) the core role of state institutions and corporate elites in making French capitalism, and the protracted closeness of the state-capital nexus; (2) the strength of militarism in economic, political, and social realms; and (3) the consolidation of rentier interests not only in the corporate power bloc, but also at a political level. Over the past century, these three dynamics have underpinned and reinforced a particular project of empire in France – one that bears relevance to current debates on globalisation and the ‘new imperialism'. By examining these issues, this paper seeks to further develop the Marxist theory of international political economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Amish community is a boon to social science analysis. They are so similar in many ways to the outside world; they live as part of it. And yet they are also quite different. These similari-ties and especially differences provide a contrast that can be studied. The present paper looks at this religious group of people through the eyeglasses of history, law, philosophy, culture and economics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract In this paper, we utilize time series tests with structural breaks to test for evidence of an impact on economic growth rates in North African countries following the 2007-2009 U.S. and global financial crisis. One or two breaks in economic growth are identified in each country, except for Morocco where no break is found. However, breaks that coincide with the financial crisis are found in only two of the six countries (Libya and Mauritania), while other breaks coincide most often with earlier U.S. and EU recessions. To further examine the impact of shocks, impulse response functions are estimated from Vector Auto-Regression models with structural breaks. We again find no evidence that shocks from the financial crisis had a significant impact on economic growth in North Africa. We conclude that shocks from the 2007-2009 financial crisis had only a temporary and relatively small impact on economic growth rates in North Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the discussions on the economy of Galilee in the time of Jesus, the presence or absence of large land-estates must play a significant role. Based on a reading of the parables attributed to Jesus, one could conclude that there were many estates of significantly large size and that they contributed to the economic conditions of Galilee causing loss of land and a growing rural proletariat. This paper will argue that the estates of Galilee were of modest size and had no significant economic impact. The argument will focus on the Bet Netofa Valley, and especially on the village of Shikhin, as the location for the medium-sized estates of the elites of Sepphoris. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract In this paper we discuss the challenges that confront a national strategy that favors sovereign, progressive and counter-hegemonic development projects. The social appropriation of science plays a prime role in such a strategy and can be contrasted with its logical opposite, the capitalist appropriation of science. Never before has so much knowledge been accumulated with potential to transform the surrounding environment in favor of humanity. Nevertheless, the fact that this knowledge has been placed in the service of the interests of a minority who control political and economic power is far from creating the conditions for achieving a humane and just society, and instead is tending towards an abyss of terrifying proportions. The future of life itself on this planet is threatened by the ravages of hunger, poverty, unemployment, insecurity, and environmental degradation, which now touch millions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between economic concentration and governance remains controversial. While some studies find that high economic concentration strengthens collective action and reform cooperation, others stress dangers of rent-seeking and state capture. In this paper I argue that effects are neither strictly positive nor negative: they are best described as an inverted u-shaped relationship, where better governance performance emerges with moderate economic concentration. Decentralisation reforms in Indonesia and the Philippines -- unprecedented in scope and scale--provide a unique opportunity to explore this thesis. Subnational case studies and cross-sectional data analyses indicate that moderately concentrated polities in both countries are accompanied by more effective and less corrupt service provision. The presence of 'contested oligarchies'--a small but diverse pool of economic elites--paves the ground for more balanced policy arenas; they contribute to a scenario where private sector actors are strong enough to influence government decisions and, at the same time, diverse enough to keep themselves and public officials in check. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper introduces arguments from Slavery, Capitalism, and Politics in the Antebellum Republic¹ to suggest that the Civil War arose ultimately because of class-conflict between on the one hand, Southern slaves and their masters and, on the other, Northern workers and their employers. It does not, however, suggest that either in the North or the South these conflicts were on the point of erupting into revolution. On the contrary, they were relatively easily containable. However, harmony within each section (North and South) could be secured only at the cost of intersectional conflict, conflict which would finally erupt into civil war. The Civil War was a 'bourgeois revolution' not only because it destroyed slavery, an essentially precapitalist system of production, in the United States but also because it resulted in the enthronement of Northern values, with the normalisation of wage-labour at their core. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prophetic complaints against landownership abuse that are attributed to eighth-century Judah pose an interpretive problem: their contextual ambiguity. Passages like as Isa. 5.8-10 decry land seizures but lack key socio-economic variables: motivations and the identities of perpetrators and victims. Faced with scarce archaeological and biblical evidence pertaining to landownership in the eighth century, several scholars have turned to the social sciences for clues. Marvin Chaney and D.N. Premnath have found interpretive value in cultural-evolutionary theory. Cultural-evolutionary theorists, like Gerhard Lenski and Timothy Earle, find that recurring patterns tend to emerge as agrarian societies experience rapid economic development and increased trade, including an abandonment of subsistence strategies, land consolidation, and a hoarding of the benefits amongst elites. While Chaney and Premnath have successfully used this model to explore economic abuses attributed to eighth-century Judah, when the region was absorbed into the Assyrian trade nexus, the effects of these recurring societal patterns on religious institutions have yet to be explored by biblical scholars. Religious practices and norms that support outmoded economic strategies tend to be overturned during these transitional periods to accommodate new economic goals. While some religious leaders are forced to choose between either honouring long-held traditions or capitulating to a new economic environment, others find that their place in society is rendered obsolete. Through considering these cultural-evolutionary patterns alongside Hezekiah's religious reforms, this paper explores the possibility that prophetic authors who condemned the displacement of farmers may have also been protesting their own displacement in an evolving Judean society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a long-term transformation, that begins in Antiquity but takes a crucial turn in the Renaissance anatomies, the “fibre” becomes from around 1750 the operative building block and at the same time the first unifying principle of function-structure-complexes of organic bodies. It occupies the role that the cell takes up in the cell œconomies of the second third of the nineteenth century. In this paper, I will first discuss some key notions, technical analogies, and images that are related to “fibre”-concepts from Andreas Vesalius to Albrecht von Haller and then focus on Charles Bonnet's and Denis Diderot's fibre œconomies. In Bonnet's and Diderot's fibre œconomies, the self-active, regulating properties of fibre-agents and their material structures, that reach from fibre bundles, tissues and membranes to apparati of organs, are united within the concrete whole of individual organized “systems” or “networks.” [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the reception of Dutch commercial ideas and institutions in continental Europe during the first half of the seventeenth century. Using printed and archival sources from France, Sweden and Denmark, it argues that it is more useful to examine how statesmen and thinkers adapted Dutch material to different local circumstances and changing political conditions than to search for a mercantilist approach to political economy. Dutch arguments were particularly important, because they focused attentions upon the just and expedient relations between sovereignty and commerce. Replacing Hugo Grotius's Mare liberum in the contexts of the broader debate about the governance of commerce and of the politics of the Thirty Years War allows us to recover part of its further significance, for its polemical clarity allowed statesmen and scholars to refine more sharply their notion of commerce's relation to the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper surveys matters related to the need for a new legal regime for the Arctic Ocean. It reviews the legal system based on the UN Convention for the Law of the Sea, and the regional and international treaties dealing with resource management, (marine) environmental protection and economic activities applicable to the Arctic. It suggests that implementation of existing legal instruments at the domestic level is a key factor needed to tackle the consequences of climate change and governance of fisheries and marine ecosystems in the Arctic. It is also considered to be the Arctic Council's responsibility to build a common understanding among the stakeholders, thereby enhancing the potential for further international cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The power of the Al Bu Sa'id Sultans of Oman was widely known as based on delicate balances of forces (and ethnic-social groups), deeply different among them. In fact, the elements that composed the nineteenth century Omani leadership were, and had always been, generally 'divided' amongst three different ethnic groups: the Baluch, the Asian merchant communities and the African regional leaders (Mwiny Mkuu). Within this framework, the role played by European Powers, particularly by the Treaties signed between the Sultans of Oman and the East India Company for abolishing slavery, and by the arms trade was crucial for the development of the Gulf and the Western Indian Ocean international networks They highly contributed to the gradual 'shifting' of the Omanis from the slave trade to clove and spice cultivation – the major economic source of Zanzibar Island – along the coastal area of Sub-Saharan East Africa. The role played by the Omani Sultans – the myth – within the western traditional historiography, which often described them as firmly controlling both the Arabian and African littorals and the major trading ports of the Western Indian Ocean during the nineteenth century, will be reexamined in this paper, taking into account recent research studies and international debates in the topic. The new hypothesis consists of a different perception of the concepts of power and control (political and territorial) of the Western Indian Ocean littorals by the most famous of the Sultans of Oman during the nineteenth century: Saiyid Sa'id bin Sultan Al Bu Sa'id. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper sketches out some preliminary thoughts on political economy that stem from problematics that emerge from TWAIL. The TWAIL story of international law is one of frustration and disappointment because of the constant exploitation of the Third World despite all the historic changes in international legal ideas and institutions, but it also a story of hope in the moments of resistance. In order to better debate how particular international institutions should be changed or whether particular international institutions should be renounced, I suggest that we need to explicate the theories of political economy embedded within these institutions. Drawing from Karl Polanyi's The Great Transformation, bringing alongside the work of Michel Foucault, I sketch out one way of conducting a study of international political economy by suggesting that we can think of law as the interplay of ideas, institutions, and interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper takes its cue from Leon Trotsky's formulation in Literature and Revolution that "Culture feeds on the sap of economics, and a material surplus is necessary, so that culture may grow, develop and become subtle" (Trotsky (1925) 1991:46). The discussion seeks to put Cultural Studies in its proper place by focusing on its materialist beginnings. The central concern of this deliberation is to underline the efficacy of insights proffered by materialist analyses of culture and cultural formations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The persistence of economic and geopolitical conflicts beyond the 1990s has revived interest in explanations that analyse international conflicts in relation to capitalism. In this debate, many contributors have accepted one or another version of a strong globalisation theory, which reflects the hopes for an age of peace and prosperity as a largely co-operative process. This paper attempts to question this thesis by introducing an almost forgotten debate: the German world-market debate of the 1970s. This approach attempted to show how the general laws of motion of capitalism prevail under changing conditions. Furthermore it pointed to the existence of many states, which again and again reproduces the reality of multipolar competitive capitalism, albeit in changing forms. In the following we outline the central – sometimes diverging – insights, before subjecting them to a critical appraisal and identifying a number of points where the theses could be developed further. Taking up the threads of that debate without repeating its weaknesses could prove productive for today's discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that present-day imperialism is strongly related to the domination of a precise form of capital, namely highly concentrated interest- and dividend-bearing money-capital which operates in financial markets, breeds today's pervasive fetishism of money, but is totally dependent on surplus-value and production. Two mechanisms ensure the appropriation and/or production of surplus-product and its centralisation to the world system's financial hubs. In the 1980s, foreign debt prevailed. Foreign production and profit repatriation by TNCs now represent the main channel. Following the transfer abroad of part of its production by US TNCs, the issue for the US in their relations with the rest of the world is not the commercialisation of surplus through exports, but dependency on imports and, more crucially, on large inflows of money-capital to support the stock market, buy T-bonds and refinance mortgage. This new dependency helps to explain the 'paradox' that US imperialism is increasingly forced to try and offset this through extra-economic and even military coercion where it can. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pressures from global market forces along with austerity and retrenchment have generated predictions of converging welfare state institutions. The purpose of this paper is to examine the development of social insurance programs among 18 of the economically most advanced democracies during 1980–2000. Have social insurance rights converged and have changes been of such a character that we can discern converging trends of social insurance models? The results indicate convergence in the replacement rates, coverage and employer financing of social insurance benefits up to 1980, after which these signs of convergence tend to disappear or transform into divergence. Rather than countries becoming reclassified, changes implemented in social insurance rights appear to have strengthened the distinctive characteristics of social insurance models identified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I analyze the nexus between economic crises, market oriented reforms, and democratization in Indonesia and Korea since the 1997/98 Asian financial crisis. I provide some support for the hypothesis that democracies are better able to survive economic crises than authoritarian regimes. In both countries democratization facilitated a crisis resolution strategy based on market oriented reforms. However, I assert that in the long run the social consequences of market-oriented reforms tend to undermine democratization partly because both are so closely linked and the majority of the population sees them as one. This process does not necessarily destroy democracies but it leaves them more vulnerable to possible external shocks in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

John B. Cobb, Jr and his associates offer a critique of prevailing economic theory and practice in the hopes of contributing to the reformation of both by examining the meaning and relevance of the common good in the economic sphere. This paper examines Cobb's critique of economic theory and practice and his contribution toward an understanding of economic life that would do greater justice to environmental and communal sustainability. It also examines the contours of the new paradigm for economic theory and practice that he and Herman E. Daly propose. While that paradigm stands in need of greater elaboration, their work suggests a line of further development, one that anticipates Bernard Lonergan's macroeconomic dynamics. The latter, I argue, accounts for Cobb's concerns and criticisms and provides a basis for the formulation of moral precepts that promote economic progress in ways consonant with a fuller vision of human flourishing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In ancient China, economic theory developed from the Warring States period onwards. Many philosophers included economic ideas in their works. A number of important theories were first articulated in an extremely obscure text, the Jinizi, a book was associated with the preunification state of Yue. The Jinizi is the earliest known text to include the concept of economic cycles, and it stresses the role of investment and savings in economic development, and price stabilisation. These ideas subsequently formed the cornerstone of ancient Chinese economic theory. This paper includes the first translation of the Jinizi into English. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper will provide an overview of Article 82 LOSC and look at the philosophy and intention behind Article 82's revenue sharing provisions in relation to resources exploited on the outer continental shelf beyond 200 nautical miles. A brief examination will follow of whether the realities faced at the time of drafting are the same as those faced today. The provisions of Article 82 have yet to be successfully implemented and it seems likely that more work will be required in refining certain aspects of the Article before they can be. Any such refinements are likely to be of significant interest to the mining industry as the theory behind the Article gives way to its practical implementation. The term mining industry covers a range of interests from oil and gas to mineral and metal deposits. Clearly, the economies of scale will be different for each of these interests as will the margins within which they operate. This is likely to have quite an individual effect on the desirability of Article 82 revenue sharing within the industry. Most likely as a consequence of Article 82 not yet having an effect, in addition to the relative costliness of deep water exploration, the mining industry has not widely publicised its view on the implications for the industry of Article 82. Notwithstanding this, there are concerns and factors that will be relevant to the industry as a whole. A look at some of the specific incentives and disincentives that Article 82 brings for the mining industry, in addition to the role of technology in the revenue sharing equation are some of the further issues which will be addressed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines one of the many Judeo-Christian allusions in Marx's corpus, his citations of Dante in the "1859 Preface" and the preface to the first edition of Capital. It demonstrates that Marx borrowed key features of Dante's Inferno for his own critique of political economy, and that Marx thereby situated his critical journey through economics as the heir to the Western tradition of the katabasis, the formative descent into the underworld. This undermines the dichotomization of religion and science prevalent in Marxology, and suggests that Marx must be read outside both of these traditional categories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the emergence of a complex socio-political and economic conflict over unequal land and natural resources control in Zimbabwe, focusing on the post independence period from 1980. Colonial expropriation of agricultural land and vast natural resource reservoirs, such as indigenous woodlands, water systems and wildlife resources, established a dualistic political-economic landscape characterised by competing resource ownership structures and multifaceted conflicts. Race dominance of natural resources by a white settler minority class of 4000 commercial farmers with an average of 200 hectares and large scale tourists operators, alongside large state controlled but leased forest and wildlife conservancies marginalized about 1.5 million peasants families, and other sub-altern classes from the access to key resources. The latter depend on natural resources for most of their basic livelihoods needs. Throughout the first 20 years of independence this extractive system remained unchanged and was worsened by increased demand for land by a growing rural and unemployed urban population. Neoliberal land reform and environmental management policies based on private property relations applied to commercial farmers' land rights vis-à-vis 'communal tenure' and partially decentralized land and natural resources management systems, with limited financial and infrastructural investments failed to assuage historic grievances over resource control and the growing fragility of livelihoods among the poor. An export oriented structural adjustment programme, favouring elite natural resources utilization and which led to wide economic decline, ignited popular struggles to regain land. A combination nationalist elite interests and peasants movements challenged the existing property relations of white minority and the 'rule of law' on which these inequities were founded, through a lands occupation or seizure process. A radical land redistribution programme based on land expropriation was initiated by the state in 2000, leading to the reallocation of the prime commercial lands to over 150 000 peasants and about 1600 new black sized farmers. While the redistribution resolved overarching inequities it has led to a series of political, economic and resource conflicts underlain by economic decline, and a second generation of inequities. Resolving these new resource conflicts remains a key challenge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I present in this paper a framework of description for pottery and textile manufacturing in Roman Asia Minor. The research forms part of a wider debate on the speci fic, but generally underestimated contribution of the production of artisans to the ancient economy. The regulatory factors and production organisation of both crafts are remarkably similar and are placed against the agricultural background of a pre-industrial society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact of the twin forces of neoliberalism and globalization on culture in Latin America. It argues that the application of a neo-liberal economic strategy over the past 25 years and the increased integration of the region's economy into the global economy have led to changes in cultural values and lifestyles. There is much evidence to support the idea that the changes denote the diffusion of a USstyle market culture, which values individualism, competition, and consumerism. Chile was taken as a case study, as it has the longest and most successful experience with the neo-liberal model and globalization in the region. In Chile, and elsewhere, there are notable changes in political culture, including a less partisan and ideological electorate, increased political apathy, especially among the youth, and campaign formats that emphasize style over substance. At the same time, more complex cultural mixtures are also emerging, in which, for example, new campaign techniques are used to reinforce traditional values. There is also increasing resistance to the application of neo-liberal economic policies and to globalization in the region, although it is unclear to what extent this opposition can stem the international tide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper defines a set of activities that must be undertaken if water resources management is to be productive and sustainable — two of the basic indicators by which economists measure success. The roles that Non-State Actors may play in these activities are discussed, as well as the usefulness and relevance of economics in each case. Two brief case studies are presented as examples of over-dependence on simplistic approaches — whether dependence on an organisational model, or dependence on an analytical discipline. It is concluded that the essential elements of successful and productive water resources management are scale-independent, that water scarcity requires higher levels of control — which is at variance with current moves to decentralise management; and that the value of each actor's and discipline's contribution to success is interdependent on all other elements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explicates a critical theory, of moral panic, arguing that there is an affinity to be discerned between the sociology of moral panic and the sociology of moral regulation, It is demonstrated how efforts to distance sociological investigations of moral regulation from studies of moral panic have been founded on a narrow treatment of the ways in which the latter have conceptualized panics uncritically as irrational societal overreactions stemming from some variant of 'social anxiety,' Advocating a conceptualization which attends to the complexity of ways in which human conduct is governed, explanatory importance is situated in Valverde's formulation of 'moral capital,' showing how her model not only enables a fusion between a political economy of the state and ethical subjectivity, hut more crucial between patties and regulatory projects though the production of a moral economy of harm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]