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The article presents an extensive analysis and discussion of the work of the 20th-century American artist Vija Celmins, particularly her lunar drawings. Details are given outlining the historical context and source material for the moon drawings, providing an overview of the U.S. National Aeronautics and Space Administration's (NASA) campaign to document and showcase the American space exploration program. In-depth commentary is also given exploring the themes and techniques of Celmins' work, discussing themes of human-machine relationship and the technological medium of cameras.

Lists reports presented at the General Scientific Meetings of the Marine Biological Laboratory on August 14-16, 1995.

This article examines the growth of liberationist LGBTQ and feminist community-based, collectively run newspapers, journals, and small presses in the United States during the 1970s, looking at three distinct, interrelated points of cultural and political tension that these publications and presses faced. The first was the need for publications to define a specific community of readers at a time when stable definitions of community were fluid and often highly contested. The second tension concerned these groups' grappling with the interplay between the radical politics of these publications and their collectives and the more assimilationist, often conservative, groups and journals that came before them, and to which they were, in some ways, indebted—a tension that led to a desire to uncover a history of same-sex and feminist activities as an affirmation of their identity, leading to a plethora of sloppy historical conjecture and misinformation that created a "feel good" sense of the past that was often at odds with the groups' usually more rigorous sense of historical analysis. The third tension was how these groups could maintain their liberationist political identities as discussion of same-sex themes were becoming more prevalent—even marketable—in mainstream media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the degree of market integration between several product forms of US wild salmon and Norwegian farmed salmon. While several studies have investigated the link between farmed salmon and fresh and/or frozen wild salmon markets, we expand the literature with the inclusion of the products canned salmon and salmon roe. Understanding how canned salmon and salmon roe are related to the broader salmon market is of importance to US fisheries, as these products are high-price exports for the United States. Our results find evidence of cointegration between the Norwegian farmed salmon market and all US salmon products. Domestic and international economic conditions, such as production technological advances within farmed salmon production, environmental challenges, and changes in trade regulations, which affect the market for farmed salmon, will hence also influence US prices of frozen and canned salmon, as well as salmon roe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1947, the Cornell psychiatrist Keeve Brodman and a handful of colleagues began developing what would become one of the most widely used health questionnaires of its time—the Cornell Medical Index (CMI). A rigidly standardized form, the CMI presented 195 yes-no questions designed to capture the health status of "the total patient." Over the following decades, Brodman's project of standardizing medical history taking gradually evolved into a project of mathematizing and computerizing diagnosis: out of the CMI grew the Medical Data Screen (MDS), one of the first computerized methods of deriving diagnoses from patient data. This essay follows the life course of these tools through the second half of the twentieth century. It argues for a genealogy of biomedical computing and computerized diagnosis that takes more seriously the continuities between computer-based digital practices and paper-based analog ones. The computerized MDS evolved from, and rested upon, paper data practices associated with questionnaires and surveys. The interlocking histories of the CMI and the MDS prompt a reconsideration of the material and temporal parameters within which the history of computerized medicine has conventionally been understood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies of the creation of social trust and social capital indicate that informal social contact has a positive effect. Some studies find that uncorrupt public institutions have positive effects on trust and social capital. Additionally, a number of papers show that public libraries have a similar effect. The mechanisms that generate trust, however, remain largely unspecified. Therefore, research describing micro-level processes is needed to uncover the mechanisms creating trust. This article reports a study of change in social trust among first-generation Mexican immigrants who participated in English as a second language ðESLÞ classes, computer classes, and civics classes in six US public libraries. These students displayed little trust outside their family and friends; however, after participating in library programs, they became more trusting of the library, the librarians, their fellow students, and other library users. These effects can be considered a starting point for a spiral of increasing generalized trust among the students. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The near-stream groundwater environment is a unique ecotone composed of the hyporheic zone and riparian/floodplain groundwater. Preferential flow paths through sediments are areas of substantially higher permeability than surrounding media. Macropores and soil pipes are a type of preferential flow path where conduit-like voids occur in soil as a result of biological and physical processes. Recent papers show that soil pipes exist in streambanks and have the potential to enhance the exchange of water and solutes between the channel and riparian groundwater. However, these prior streambank studies were confined to isolated locations, hence we do not know if streambank soil pipes are a limited or widespread phenomenon. Here we quantified the abundance, distribution, and geometry of naturally occurring streambank soil pipes >1.0 cm in diameter in 20 streams across 5 physiographic provinces in the eastern United States. We found 998 streambank soil pipes across all 20 streams, demonstrating their ubiquity in the region. Pipe openings were, on average, 4.0 cm wide, 3.4 cm high, spaced 2.2 m apart, and 26.0 cm above baseflow water surface elevation (WSEL) in the channel. Most pipes were above baseflow WSEL, with only 5.7% below. Pipes were more abundant in fine-grained soils, which generally have higher cohesivity and lower hydraulic conductivity. Soil pipes were more abundant in 3 of the 5 physiographic provinces, likely because of greater presence of fine-grained soils. At a smaller scale, streambanks with greater longitudinal heterogeneity of soil texture often had greater spatial heterogeneity of pipe density. However, given the effort required to characterize a relatively small number of streams, and because stream order and soil texture are related to physiographic province, it was not possible to statistically test the effect of these factors. This work represents the first attempt to characterize streambank soil pipe abundance and distribution across a range of stream orders and physiographic provinces. The ubiquity of soil pipes in the region implies their effect on bidirectional hyporheic exchange is likely equally widespread. These results may have water-quality implications, where streambank soil pipes could enhance hyporheic exchange but reduce the filtering capacity of riparian buffer zones. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When do groups—be they countries, administrations, or other organizations—more or less accurately understand the world around them and assess political choices? Some argue that group decision-making processes often fail due to biases induced by groupthink. Others argue that groups, by aggregating knowledge, are better at analyzing the foreign policy world. To advance knowledge about the intersection of politics and group decision making, this paper draws on evidence from a multiyear geopolitical forecasting tournament with thousands of participants sponsored by the US government. We find that teams outperformed individuals in making accurate geopolitical predictions, with regression discontinuity analysis demonstrating specific teamwork effects. Moreover, structural topic models show that more cooperative teams outperformed less cooperative teams. These results demonstrate that information sharing through groups, cultivating reasoning to hedge against cognitive biases, and ensuring all perspectives are heard can lead to greater success for groups at forecasting and understanding politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

African Americans are nearly three times as likely to be killed by police as whites. This paper examines whether this racial disparity is due in part to racial differences in the circumstances of police killings. To assess whether and how these circumstances predict the race of a decedent, I use machine learning techniques and a novel data set of police killings containing over 120 descriptors. I find that decedent characteristics, criminal activity, threat levels, police actions, and the setting of the lethal interaction are not predictive of race, indicating that the police—given contact—are killing blacks and whites under largely similar circumstances. The findings suggest that the racial disparity in the rate of lethal force is most likely driven by higher rates of police contact among African Americans rather than racial differences in the circumstances of the interaction and officer bias in the application of lethal force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Some social and economic problems do not gain broad awareness. Yet others become prominent (and perhaps are alleviated) in part because they successfully engage the wider citizenry. In this paper, we investigate how the evidence used to describe problems affects public engagement. Using disparities in access to affordable health care—a focal aspect of economic inequality in the United States—as our main issue, we conduct a series of field and survey experiments showing how some forms of evidence reduce attitudinal and behavioral engagement while other forms increase them. Our results challenge common arguments about political communication and behavior, while also shedding new light on a central question in the study of politics: What determines when citizens become concerned about a social problem? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents a study replicating the paper written by Robert Hayes in 1983 about library and information science studies in the United States. Use of the Social Sciences Citation Index; Examination of publishing and citation activity; Assessment of individual productivity and productivity by school.

Is democracy compatible with thriving markets that produce long-term prosperity? To survive, a thriving market-economy requires restrictions on political choice, including the rule of law, secure property rights and the enforcement of contracts. This problem comes to the fore as many democratic theorists advocate fewer constraints on the choices by political officials. Robert Dahl, perhaps the most prominent theorists of democracy, asks "How democratic is the U.S. Constitution?" His answer: not very because of its many sources of constraints on politics. Americans take political and constitutional stability for granted. Yet, only 25 percent of all countries have a government free of violent turnover for a generation and the number of countries that have sustained democracy since 1950 is around two dozen. This paper advances a framework for understanding democratic stability, including three conditions: the limit condition, which enhances democracy's survival by lowering the stakes of politics and preventing coups; the consensus condition which supports citizen-coordination to defend against possible transgressions; and the adaptation condition, which holds that successful constitutions adapt the constitution to shocks and crises. Constitutions embody the limit condition through countermajoritarian constraints. The force of this paper is to demonstrate the value of appropriately chosen countermajoritarian provisions in the constitution that constrain democracy. In particular, such constraints are necessary to support long-term, stable democracy as well as a thriving market economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the relationship between award-winning American author Conrad Richter and Laurel Book Service owner Karl Goedecke. Goedecke and his wife Katherine owned and operated the mail order book service since 1932. The data on the 25-year connection between Richter and Goedecke are provided by the Conrad Richter Papers and the Karl Goedecke Papers in the Special Collections at the Pennsylvania State University Libraries.

Market-based “school choice” reforms in the United States were originally devised as a novel conservative tactic to break the liberal hold on public education. This paper focuses on the unstable political alliance—including black and Latino parents in urban settings, conservative Christians, and “new civil rights” advocacy organizations—that coalesced in the 1980s to bring these reforms to power. I argue that the while notions of “choice” and “empowerment” effectively brought unlikely actors together around a response to concrete problems, these alliances are thin and this response hotly contested. Through an account of the political history of school choice, I shed light on the dynamics of social movement mobilization and demobilization in shaping actors’ political visions and the possibilities they pursue, and I place current reforms in a history of racial struggle. This account challenge theories that attribute the driving force of market-based reform to a subsuming economization of politics wrought by neoliberal rationalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Large numbers of Americans endorse political rumors on surveys. But do they truly believe what they say? In this paper, I assess the extent to which subscription to political rumors represents genuine beliefs as opposed to expressive responses--rumor endorsements designed to express opposition to politicians and policies rather than genuine belief in false information. I ran several experiments, each designed to reduce expressive responding on two topics: among Republicans on the question of whether Barack Obama is a Muslim and among Democrats on whether members of the federal government had advance knowledge about 9/11. The null results of all experiments lead to the same conclusion: the incidence of expressive responding is very small, though somewhat larger for Democrats than Republicans. These results suggest that survey responses serve as a window into the underlying beliefs and true preferences of the mass public. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Partisanship increasingly factors into the behavior of Americans in both political and nonpolitical situations, yet the bounds of partisan prejudice are largely unknown. In this paper, we systematically evaluate the limits of partisan prejudice using a series of five studies situated within a typology of prejudice. We find that partisan prejudice predicts suppression of hostile rhetoric toward one’s own party, avoidance of members of the opposition, and a desire for preferential treatment for one’s own party. While these behaviors may cause incidental or indirect harm to the opposition, we find that even the most affectively polarized—those with the strongest disdain for the opposition—are no more likely to intentionally harm the opposition than those with minimal levels of affective polarization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Raising the opportunity cost of people’s time may reduce their commitment to social obligations such as voting. Notably, entertaining sporting events can be strong civic distractions, as commentators throughout history have lamented. To consider sporting events’ influence on political behavior, this paper examines the effect of Monday Night Football games the day before US general elections from 1970 to 2014. More attractive games, such as those that feature more prominent and competitive match-ups or that feature local or high-scoring teams, may entice people to consume more entertainment and thus have less time to devote to civic affairs. When preelection football game quality increases from its 25th to 75th percentile, voter turnout falls by between 2 and 8 percentage points. These effects are somewhat weaker among those more interested in politics and do not appear in placebo tests on other political behaviors occurring before the preelection game. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

American employers are increasingly engaging their workers in the political process. Drawing on original surveys of firms and workers, this paper examines the extent to which employers act as political machines, channeling their employees into politics in ways intended to support corporate interests. I show that employer political requests greatly increased the likelihood that employees would report participating in politics around the 2014 election and employer requests were roughly as effective as those from unions and political parties. I also find that employer mobilization was most effective when employers used warnings of job loss to motivate participation and when employers could monitor the behavior of their employees, suggesting that employers are indeed acting as a type of political machine. My results shed light on the ways that American firms recruit workers into politics and show that employer mobilization of workers may be an important source of political power for business. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nicola Giocoli* The paper analyzes the last three decades of debates about predatory pricing in US antitrust law, starting from the literature that followed Areeda and Turner's 1975 landmark paper and ending in the beginning of this century, upon the Brooke 1993 decision. Special emphasis is given to the game-theoretic approach to predation and to the reasons why this approach has never gained attention in the courtroom. It is argued that, despite their mathematical rigor, the sophisticated stories told by strategic models to demonstrate the actual viability of predatory behavior fail to satisfy the criteria guiding court's decisions, in particular their preference for easy-to-apply rules. Predation cases are still governed by a peculiar alliance between Chicago-style price theory--which, contrary to game theory, considers predatory behavior almost always irrational--and a Harvard-style attention to the operational side of antitrust enforcement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses the elections of 1980 to 2004 to illustrate that political candidates from opposing parties face different incentives in mentioning foreign policy during campaigns and in taking foreign policy positions. The paper demonstrates that citizens connect their own foreign policy views clearly to their evaluations of Republican candidates, but these same foreign policy opinions are much less likely to affect evaluations of the Democratic party and Democratic candidates. In addition, this paper reveals another significant asymmetry—in a threatening environment, Americans reward candidates and parties perceived to hold hawkish positions but even more severely punish candidates perceived to be dovish. Using two datasets, I find that Americans' opinions on defense spending and diplomacy mattered significantly for the type of political leadership the public preferred at election time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A producer pays commodity taxes on sold goods, realizing only later that the tax was unlawful. Yet, his claim for refund is denied. Tax authorities in the U.S. and elsewhere use the "passing on defense" to deny refunds of unlawfully levied taxes. The defense states that some or all of the unlawful tax the producer paid was passed on to consumers through the price of goods, and thus the producer would be enriched if refunded fully. The passing on defense is largely perceived in legal scholarship as a choice between unjustly enriching the producer by a full refund and unjustly enriching government by denying it. A balance is thus called for, e.g., by applying equity considerations. This paper shows that a full refund of overpaid taxes never enriches the producer-taxpayer. Since the defense does not serve to prevent producers' enrichment, it should be rejected. Further, the paper demonstrates that, in fact, the passing on defense generates an additional implicit tax in the market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the legal doctrine of market share liability from an economic perspective. It explains the underlying economic, or quasi-economic, basis for the doctrine: to obtain appropriate cost internalization of harm-causing behavior where it is not possible to identify which of many producers of identical harm-causing products harmed any single victim. The paper discusses the recent extension of the concept in the lead paint litigation in the U.S. in both products liability and public nuisance cases. The article discusses the very particular requirements necessary for the doctrine to appropriately internalize costs. It also discusses the implications of the passage of time as between manufacture and harm for the application of the doctrine and addresses the view that market share liability can effectively provide a form of insurance for loss. The article shows that application of the doctrine of market share liability serves in many contexts--including with respect to lead paint--chiefly as a form of taxation, which cannot generally be defended on social welfare grounds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2008 election renewed interest in the Wilder or Bradley effect, the gap between the share of survey respondents expressing support for a candidate and the candidate's vote share. Using new data from 180 gubernatorial and Senate elections from 1989 to 2006, this paper presents the first large-sample test of the Wilder effect. It demonstrates a significant Wilder effect only through the early 1990s, when Wilder himself was Governor of Virginia. Evidence from the 2008 presidential election reinforces this claim. Although the same mechanisms could affect female candidates, this paper finds no such effect at any point in time. It also shows how polls' overestimation of front-runners' support can exaggerate estimates of the Wilder effect. Together, these results accord with theories emphasizing how short-term changes in the political context influence the role of race in statewide elections. The Wilder effect is the product of racial attitudes in specific political contexts, not a more general response to underrepresented groups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The question of how best to balance the pursuit of security with the protection of civil liberties has been heavily debated in recent years. This paper challenges the conclusions reached in that debate. It argues that although theorists have identified important subsidiary causes of imbalance, they do not address the structural dilemma posed by state secrecy, which creates an information asymmetry that allows officials to manipulate safeguards meant to secure an appropriate balance. Since this asymmetry cannot be easily resolved, imbalance remains a perennial danger that often can be addressed only retrospectively. Unfortunately, retrospection too can be stymied by the executive's control over state secrets, and it can also be undermined by partisanship, even when the relevant information becomes available. With this in mind, the paper identifies mechanisms to limit the abuse of state secrecy and indicates institutional features that may temper the adverse effects of partisanship.Polity (2009) 41, 166–188. doi:10.1057/pol.2008.27; published online 19 January 2009 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the debate between the ''consensus'' school of American politics and its various critics, all participants have shown themselves capable of shedding light on different historical periods or particular political conflicts; and, of course, given the complexity of public discourse, many American political controversies lend themselves to elucidation by more than one of them. This paper's purpose is to suggest yet a further way of interpreting American political discourse, one that carries the capacity to illuminate a kind of discursive structure in American politics that goes undiscerned by both the consensus school and its critics. The paper illustrates this alternative approach by using it to interpret discourse leading up to and following the 1996 welfare reforms. It concludes by suggesting that since welfare debate lends itself well to this interpretation, the question of whether other American political debates might also do so is a worthwhile project for further research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides an interpretation of the uncertainty that exists on election morning as to who will win. It is based on the theory that there are a number of possible conditions of nature that can exist on election day, of which one is drawn. Political betting markets provide a way of trying to estimate this uncertainty. This type of uncertainty is different from polling standard errors, which estimate sample-size uncertainty. This paper also introduces a ranking assumption concerning dependencies across U.S. states. The assumption does well when tested using data for the 2004 presidential election and the 2006 Senate election. It is shown that if the ranking assumption is correct, the two political parties should spend all their money on a few states, which seems consistent with their actual behavior in 2004. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The effects of any important political decision are always to some degree uncertain. This uncertainty may be ameliorated by the collection of policy-relevant information. Predictably, if such information is biased, then political decisions based on that information will be biased as well. This paper explores the converse of this statement: if the policymaker is biased, will the information provided to him or her also be biased? It is shown in this paper that, in equilibrium, information provided to a sufficiently biased policymaker will inherit the policymaker's bias. Accordingly, the provision of biased policy-relevant information is not evidence of an attempt to produce biased policy decisions. The implications of the theory are examined within the context of modern administrative policymaking within the United States Federal Government. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Problems of multicandidate races in U.S. presidential elections motivated the modern invention and advocacy of approval voting; but it has not previously been recognized that the first four presidential elections (1788–1800) were conducted using a variant of approval voting. That experiment ended disastrously in 1800 with the infamous Electoral College tie between Jefferson and Burr. The tie, this paper shows, resulted less from miscalculation than from a strategic tension built into approval voting, which forces two leaders appealing to the same voters to play a game of Chicken. Because the Burr Dilemma poses a significant difficulty for approval voting, this paper urges that researchers give more attention to “instant runoff” reform options, especially the alternative vote and the Coombs rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information about several awards presented by the American Society of Naturalists. The President's award of the American Society of Naturalists is given to the best paper that appeared in the journal "American Naturalist" in the preceding calendar year. The Edward Osborne Wilson Naturalist Award was established in 1997 on the occasion of Professor Wilson's retirement in recognition of his lifetime of outstanding contributions in the areas of ecology and evolutionary biology, including the study of social insects, biodiversity, and biophilia. The Sewall Wright Award, which recognizes a senior-level active researcher for significant and continuing contributions to the objectives of the American Society of Naturalists, was awarded in 2005 to Robert E. Ricklefs. The Young Investigators' Prizes recognize outstanding and promising work by investigators who received their doctorates in the three years preceding the application deadline or are in their final year of graduate school. The prizes include presentation of a research paper at the annual meeting of the American Society of Naturalists, reimbursement for travel to the annual meeting, and a $500 honorarium.

We examine the relative performance of voting technologies by studying presidential, gubernatorial, and senatorial election returns across hundreds of counties in the United States from 1988 to 2000. Relying on a fixed-effects regression applied to an unbalanced panel of counties, we find that in presidential elections, traditional paper ballots produce the lowest rates of uncounted votes (i.e.,“residual votes”), followed by optically scanned ballots, mechanical lever machines, direct register electronic machines (DREs), and punch cards. In gubernatorial and senatorial races, paper, optical scan ballots, and DREs are significantly better in minimizing the residual vote rate than mechanical lever machines and punch cards. If all jurisdictions in the United States that used punch cards in 2000 had used optically scanned ballots instead, we estimate that approximately 500,000 more votes would have been attributed to presidential candidates nationwide. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an historical study of Richard Rorty's political philosophy, demonstrating how his 'mature' thoughts about patriotism and nationalism (evidenced in Achieving Our Country) advance the complexity and nuance of his political theory. By showing where Rorty diverges from his earlier insistence upon the severe separation of the public and private, the paper hopes to expose his newfound appreciation of the private and cultural spheres and their roles in American pluralistic politics. In Rorty's more recent writings, contestation plays a more important part in building civic identity; the legitimacy of his patriotism and liberal consensus is now dependent on civil societies' access to the public sphere. Rorty's expanded site of politics, the paper argues, results from (among other things, to be sure) his 1984 confrontation with Jean-François Lyotard and his 1994 confrontation with Nancy Fraser. Rorty's more recent admission of the private sphere into politics is sensitive to the demands of legitimacy and makes the ongoing process of political legitimation more possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Highlights the 28th annual meeting of the Bibliographical Society of America (BSA), which was held in New York City in January 2002. Papers presented; Reports presented by BSA officials; Statement of financial position.

Social scientists have long argued about the relationship between ethnic phenomena, symbolic markers, and cultural traits. In this paper, we illustrate the potential of functionalist cultural and genetic evolutionary models to reconcile these debates. Specifically, we argue that we must take seriously the role of cultural similarity in delineating certain category boundaries if we are to understand the origins and development of ethnic stereotyping. We examine whether symbolic markers—namely, sartorial ones—are privileged in the development of social stereotypes by comparing how children and adults in the urban United States and rural highland Peru perform a categorization task. We find that arbitrary sartorial markers motivate generalizations about novel traits in all samples except among US children, even when they crosscut body morphology, emotional expression, and socioeconomic cues. Unlike children in the United States, children in the Peruvian sample demonstrate an even stronger reliance on sartorial and work site cues than do adults of the same community. This suggests a role for early-developing evolved biases that guide learning and require appropriate cultural inputs or different niches for adults and children. We document further cross-cultural variation, in that US participants privilege socioeconomic cues to occupational status more than other cues, whereas Peruvian participants rely on sartorial cues more than other cues, indicating the importance of cognitive rules for learning locally relevant social taxonomies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For scholars interested in what Jason Frank calls 'the outsize authority of the Founders in our jurisprudence and our politics,' I propose reviewing the legacies of The Federalist Papers from the vantages offered by Toni Morrison and Herman Melville. Frank insists that understanding the politics of the Federalist requires grasping how the argument is felt and staged, as well as how its rhetoric constitutes the subjectivities of its readers. To that end, I linger on three words-empire, women, and slaves-that appear in Frank's Publius and Political Imagination yet do more work than he explicitly allows. Passing references, omissions, elisions, and unowned contradictions reveal how the Founders evoked figures of the conquered and the enslaved to support the consolidation of the nation; they also suggest dimensions of the Founders' imagination whose analysis could enlarge and sharpen Frank's argument about the Federalist's formative and depoliticizing work (434-409-5000). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the so-called "perquisites/constituency service" hypothesis that purports to explain incumbents' electoral margins in congressional elections. First, it reviews the individual-level and aggregate-level studies, pointing out serious problems in measurements and methodology and concluding that existing literature does not and cannot support the thesis Second, using 1984 CPS/NES data, the paper models the voting decisions in 1984, finding that respondents' decisions were affected by shared partisanship with the incumbent, ideological compatibility, challenger spending, assessments of President Reagan, and (a dubiously measured) recollection of the incumbent's having done something for the district. Individual casework experience did not affect the voting decision. Third, with data gathered from over 200 House offices, the percentage of the vote won by incumbents in the 1982 election is modeled as a function of 1982 casework loads, staff allocation, mailings, and several baseline variables. The findings are that casework loads, trips home, and mailings did not affect the vote, but that district partisanship and ideology, redistricting, national electoral tides, and occasionally district education levels did. We conclude that, based on existing evidence, the perquisites and casework hypotheses have not been demonstrated and that to explore the theses further panel data are needed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By using the development of the appropriations process in the House between 1865 and 1921 to generate a series of cases, this paper explores one way in which two congressional research paths, rational choice theory, and historical analysis, can be joined. The theory section specifies four types of structural strategies that rational members of Congress might pursue in order to make particular substantive outcomes more likely expansionary fragmentation, retrenching centralization, expansionary centralization, and retrenching fragmentation. The empirical section of the paper examines episodes in the House between 1865 and 1921 when each of the four structural strategies was pursued Expansionary fragmentation is the most common strategy during this period, confirming conventional wisdom concerning congressional budgeting. But the exact opposite strategy--retrenching centralization--had its persistent supporters who were frequently successful at instituting reform. Finally, the other two strategies--expansionary centralization and retrenching fragmentation--were pursued less frequently during this period, but their pursuit still demonstrated a rational response to different decisional contexts. The general findings of the paper suggest that the marriage of rational choice and historical analysis in the study of Congress can be a fruitful one, with each mode of inquiry elucidating and extending the other. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines campaigns in two US social movements, an African American unionization struggle in the 1960s and 1970s, and a recent environmental justice campaign in a Latina/o community. These and the larger movements of which they are a part have been movements of the most economically precarious sectors of the population and have also been historically reliable sources of hope and inclusive regimes of economic and civic value. These regimes manifest in everyday ways that participants in these campaigns construct economic value and in how they link that economic value to their claims for full civic membership. I develop the concept of economic citizenship-namely, that clashes over economic values and social worth are double stranded and mutually constituting. That is, economic regimes of value (capitalist and otherwise) are key to constituting social worth and civic belonging, and notions of civic worthiness in turn constitute economic value. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 2008 presidential election, and briefly following it, researchers and pundits wondered whether the election of America's first African-American President could create a post-racial America. But while political scientists have done much to analyze the election itself, we remain largely uninformed about the potential long-term effects of the Obama presidency on racial attitudes in America. This paper addresses the effects of the Obama presidency using multiple original surveys of the electoral battleground states conducted from 2008 through 2012. Using a measure of racial antagonism, the analysis tests the rally and presidential-popularity cycle theories of public opinion. It demonstrates that racial sentiments rallied positively behind Obama after his 2008 election but then spiked to unprecedentedly antagonistic levels during his first term. At the same time, racial antagonism polarized dramatically by party from 2008 to 2012. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that mainstream approaches to teaching American politics not only fail to give students the intellectual tools they need to become effective citizens, they also help to legitimize the market values that threaten liberal arts curriculums today. The American Political Development (APD) approach to teaching American politics is best suited for teaching a critical civic education and nurturing democratic values, such as civic engagement, public service, and social solidarity, at liberal arts colleges. Moreover, liberal arts colleges provide a particularly effective educational setting for taking an APD approach to American Politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historians of pre-professional anthropology in nineteenth-century U.S. society have generally emphasized the roles of individuals and institutions in the development of the field. Their reliance on particular kinds of archives and sources has led some of them to neglect the work of intellectuals of color, many of whom had important anthropological insights. Thus, the hegemonic genealogies of U.S. anthropology make it difficult to discern alternative understandings of the emerging field before the Civil War by virtually eliminating dissenting voices. This paper calls attention to the anthropological thought of James McCune Smith- intellectual, former slave, and radical abolitionist-and situates his perspective in the sociohistorical context of antebellum America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As genotyping technologies have precipitously decreased in cost since the completion of the Human Genome Project, personal genetic testing has increasingly been marketed to consumers. Genetic testing is now available for an everexpanding list of genetic mutations associated with diseases—including breast cancer, Parkinson's, and Alzheimer's—as well as traits such as ancestry, intelligence, and athleticism. Close examination of the direct-to-consumer personal genomic industry reveals several forms of potentiality at work that are informed by imagined and real power over bodily information. The marketing and consumption of personal genetic information relies on constructions of biological potential that result from struggles over the ability to control and act on individualized genetic information and to translate it into meaning. This paper explores the emerging discourse over personal genetic testing—and the marketing and consumption of the alluring and carefully tailored idea of potentiality that fuels American entrepreneurialism—and concepts of freedom and self-actualization. Policy debates over rights of access to genotyping fail to recognize the shifting landscape of human genomics in the United States. Genes in the marketplace are justified by liberalism, civic republicanism, and multiculturalism propelling a paradigm shift away from traditional models of governance toward open access to genetic testing and minimization of individual harm. The turn to the market emboldens the consumer and creates a new set of social meanings and ethical quandaries over who may harness the potential attributed to genetic information and for what purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1967 Robert Bellah noted that while his definition of American civil religion entailed an abstract and diffuse notion of God, some notion of God remained essential to the concept. Bellah therefore questioned whether non-theists could reside comfortably amid the sacred language and symbolism of American civil religion. This paper examines the difficulties of developing an iteration of American civil religion that represents the varied beliefs and practices of non-theists without betraying its essential function. I will argue that such a project requires a fuller understanding of the 'religious' life of non-theists-as described by George Santayana and John Dewey-as well as a reevaluation of the primary purposes of American civil religion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the use of the set of positional auxiliary verbs SIT, STAND, LIE, and MOVE in Biloxi. It offers a detailed analysis of these positionals and compares their use with other Siouan and some non-Siouan languages. While positional stance verbs also double as positional auxiliaries in many languages of the world, in Biloxi positional auxiliaries are grammaticized variants of what were once physical stance verbs, evidenced by the fact that the positional auxiliaries no longer take pronominal marking and sometimes occur side-by-side with their physical stance counterparts. This is a typologically interesting situation in which positional auxiliary verbs form a discrete series distinct from positional stance verbs. The proper use of positional verbs is a complex aspect of the grammar of Biloxi and other Siouan languages. While the choice of positional verbs is often logically motivated based on an object's salient axial extension or shape, this analysis demonstrates that, particularly in more abstract cases, the proper choice of positional auxiliary is not at all obvious. Discrepancies in choice of positional, even among closely related languages and even in the same language, are highlighted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper makes a typological contribution by describing a stress system that uses syllabic trochees while also displaying characteristics more typically associated with a quantity-sensitive language. The description comes from Tohono O'odham. The rhythm of this language is quantity-insensitive and trochaic, although the language also displays characteristics often associated with quantity-sensitivity (i.e., long vowels, gemination). Examined together, the facts illustrated here demonstrate the prosodic inconsistency of Tohono O'odham: that rhythm and prosodic morphology offer different perspectives on the role played by quantity, and that Tohono O'odham is the first language documented to split its rhythm and prosodic morphology along quantitative lines. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we present an overview of an increasingly global community of physical (biological) anthropologists as it pertains to the study of living human variation (human biology) and as it is represented in the American Journal of Physical Anthropology (AJPA), focusing especially on the period of 2001-2007, when Clark Spencer Larsen served as editor in chief. The journal was founded by Aleš Hrdlička in order to provide professional identity of physical (biological) anthropology as practiced in the United States. By the mid-twentieth century, the journal editorship under T. Dale Stewart called for greater presence of international research collaboration and publication in AJPA. By 1960, international collaboration and non-U.S. authorship began to have significant presence in the journal, a pattern that has continued to the present. As in the pre-2000 period, although non-U.S. contributions cover all major topics in human biology, they tend to focus on population genetics and population history. For the period of 2001-2007, there is an increased presence of multinational collaborative research and non-U.S. authorship, a trend that will likely increase. The recent rise in non-U.S. submissions and authorship is due in large part to increased international collaboration and electronic access to the submission process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores a broad range of ways in which anthropological research was linked to military and intelligence agencies during the Cold War, and it examines evidence and implications of the l976 findings by the US. Senate Select Committee on Intelligence (chaired by Senator Frank Church) that during the 1950s and 1960s "massive ". amounts of international research were covertly funded by the CIA. The reasons anthropologists did not more critically consider why or how their work aligned with the interests of the CIA and Pentagon are considered, and the implications of post--World War II disciplinary decisions to ignore political dimensions of research in favor of ethical considerations are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the effect of race on deliberations inside congressional committees. It investigates whether black representatives are more or less likely to use liberal policy frames and mention marginalized groups during committee debates. The results suggest that black legislators are more likely than whites to present liberal policy frames for black interest bills and they often take a more active role during committee debates. However, black legislators are no more likely than white Democrats to mention blacks and other marginalized groups during committee deliberations. When it comes to mentioning marginalized groups during committee deliberations, party is the most important explanatory factor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a discipline, anthropology has increased its public visibility in recent years with its growing focus on engagement. Although the call for engagement has elicited responses in all subfields and around the world, this special issue focuses on engaged anthropology and the dilemmas it raises in U.S. cultural and practicing anthropology. Within this field, the authors distinguish a number of forms of engagement: (1) sharing and support, (2) teaching and public education, (3) social critique, (4) collaboration, (5) advocacy, and (6) activism. They show that engagement takes place during field- work; through applied practice; in institutions such as Cultural Survival, the Institute for Community Research, and the Hispanic Health Council; and as individual activists work in the context of war, terrorism, environmental injustice, human rights, and violence. A close examination of the history of engaged anthropology in the United States also reveals an enduring set of dilemmas, many of which persist in contemporary anthropological practice. These dilemmas were raised by the anthropologists who attended the Wenner-Gren workshop titled "The Anthropologist as Social Critic: Working toward a More Engaged Anthropology," January 22-25, 2008. Their papers, many of which are included in this collection, highlight both the expansion and growth of engaged anthropology and the problems its practitioners face. To introduce this collection of articles, we discuss forms of engaged anthropology, its history, and its ongoing dilemmas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

John Rawls's Political Liberalism asserts that liberal politics can and should be conducted without engaging debates about the truth of its theoretical foundations. This paper argues that political liberalism is in fact far more concerned with questions of truth than Rawls was willing to admit. Once political liberalism's relation to truth claims is understood more clearly, it becomes evident that political liberalism is closer to its Enlightenment predecessor than Rawls claimed, and that affinity with the Enlightenment enables a reevaluation of political liberalism's position on the place of religious argument in political debate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]