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Objective/context: The paper examines the contribution of think tanks (TTs) to debating ideas and their relationship with the environment. Specifically, it analyzes the variations introduced by the electoral campaign in the political positions of TTs and the role of ideology and party affiliation as possible determinants. Methodology: The content of the web pages of ten TTs is monitored before and during the electoral campaign for the 2021 presidential elections in Chile, where numerous TTs have become protagonists. For each TT, attention to socio-political issues is analyzed, and the trend of their positions is recorded. Conclusions: The analysis shows that TTs adapt their communicative agenda to the electoral campaign and that their ideology is a principal variable in this strategy. Originality: Evidence is provided on the entry of TTs in electoral campaigns with differences between conservatives and progressives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the political paths of congresswomen in Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru and Chile between 2009 and 2016. Their trajectories are classified according to their previous experience and the territorial levels at which they won elections before entering congress, and includes both novices and professionals. The professionals had prior political experience at either national or subnational level, with some having won re-election. Despite the countries' differing institutional structures, the vast majority held their first political position at national level - in congress (novices). Among the professionals, most of them in Chile, Ecuador and Peru began their careers at national level, while in Colombia and Bolivia they began at subnational level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discrimination in the labor market is an important issue in most countries of the world. In such a context, this paper uses nationally representative data from the 1990-2017 National Socio-Economic Characterization Survey to explore the gender wage gap and discrimination in Chile. Different versions of the well-known decomposition of Blinder and Oaxaca are applied to measure the wage gap and to decompose its possible causes and the variables involved. Finally, wage estimates are corrected for selection bias, and decomposition by income quantum is studied. The results of the different methodologies show a decrease in wage discrimination when we look at the full 1990-2017 period, but the decrease was mainly in the 1990-2003 period, and then has remained relatively constant until 2017. Wage discrimination reached 49.7% in 2017, where 45.2% corresponded to women's subpayments and 4.5% to men's overpayments, a structure that is maintained throughout the period studied. On the other hand, it shows that estimating uncorrected wage discrimination due to selection bias underestimates the wage discrimination suffered by women in Chile. Finally, it proves that a large part of wage discrimination occurs mainly in the extremes of lower and higher income distribution. This work also adds evidence to the fact that women who are active in the labor market have more years of education than men, but for reasons that classical theory cannot explain, they obtain a lower wage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study contributes to the debate on Statesociety relations in social development, proposing a theoretical typology of actors involved in the provision of public goods and services that allows to derive policy lessons. The proposed typology is then applied to a sample of non-governmental organizations collaborating in Chile. The results evidence the diversity of non-profit organizations (NPO) as well as relatively autonomous «social enterprises» and show critical issues on financing social services. The paper concludes that in Latin America there is an important margin of state action to create habilitating conditions for social enterprises that emphasize solidarity and relational capital. The results also suggest that the lack of sufficient, stable public financing, can threat the political-social autonomy of NPOs as well as the State's ability to guarantee of social rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines the relationship between the performance of Latin American stock markets with their real economies, applying seven econometric models for the cases of Argentina, Brazil, Chile and Mexico. The relationship between stock market yields in these countries and their respective GDPS is examined and compared, applying to the series for each country unit root tests, cointegration analysis, error correction model analysis, Granger causality modeling, self-regression vector analysis, stimulus and response functions, and variance decomposition analysis. The series comprise the following stock markets: Argentina's MERVAL, Brazil's BOVESPA, Chile's IGPA, and Mexico's IPC, as compiled by Economática. The GDP series were obtained from the Cepalstat data base. The series are monthly and are for the period 1993-2005. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1981 Chile began a wave of privatization and market-friendly reforms of social security systems in Latin America; Argentina did the same in 1993. In 2008, Chile and Argentina reformed their pension systems again. Chile maintains the private capitalization system complemented with a basic pension and solidarity payments while Argentina eliminated the capitalization pillar and replaced it by a single integrated delivery system publicly administered. This paper analyzes the policy reforms of pension systems as a result of the comparison between countries, as well as between market and state led reforms and state led reforms: Chile (1981 and 2008) and Argentina (1993 and 2008). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]