Search

This paper analyzes the different reasons that lead to buy books, emphasizing readers' social relationships, the status achievement through reading, the process of purchasing books or the importance of the publisher for the customer. Furthermore, throughout all the study, the symbolic dimension that surrounds the purchase of books is highlighted, as cultural consumption that it is. The first part of the paper includes a literature review of the topic, and the second part is empirical and contains in-depth interviews that are analyzed through sociological discourse analysis. Outcomes obtained reveal that people buy books not only to enjoy or acquire knowledge, but also to socialize and get social distinction, too. Moreover, each reader's social position has an effect on the way s/he buys and relates with books. In addition, there is a large segment of readers who, on the one hand, like to own books and have their own personal library, and on the other hand, they enjoy the process of face-to-face book purchase. Therefore, book defends itself as an object and, so the development of e-books does not necessarily conflict with paper books. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper addresses the issue, largely unexplored in comparative law, of the enforcement of constitutional court decisions. Through the study of four constitutional justice systems (Austria, Germany, Spain, and Italy), the paper attempts to answer numerous questions that arise when dealing with such an unusual topic in the study of constitutional justice: is there a general demand for the enforcement of the decisions of constitutional courts? If there are rules on the matter, how do they differ? What are the reasons for the differences in the regulations? Does the enforcement in constitutional proceedings differ from the model established by common procedural law? In an attempt to answer to these questions, the article analyzes the bodies involved in constitutional enforcement, the different ways in which enforcement is regulated and, finally, by systematizing the analysis carried out for each legal system, it identifies models of enforcement in the European constitutional procedural law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Should provisional prisoners be allowed to stand for election? In the wake of recent experiences in the Spanish political scene, this paper attempts to answer this question. The answer is organized in three parts: firstly, an approach is made to the conceptual distinction between ownership and exercise of the right to passive suffrage; secondly, an analysis is made of how the restriction of the status libertatis affects political rights; and, thirdly, the paper descends to the casuistry to observe the behavior of the institutions in the face of requests from provisional prisoners to participate in electoral acts as members of an electoral candidacy. The paper concludes by proposing the regulation of a new cause of ineligibility for provisional prisoners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the last ten years, the activity of the Constitutional Court in the field of parliamentary amparos has grown exceptionally. New and highly relevant cases have been addressed, with characteristics that differ from the previous stage. The Constitutional Court has produced a wealth of very interesting jurisprudence in several areas and has adopted highly controversial rulings. This paper aims to offer a hurried chronicle of what this decade of parliamentary jurisprudence has meant, from 2014 to 2023, by reviewing all the judgments that have been handed down in parliamentary amparos. The overview is followed by some reflections on the most relevant aspects. All of this with the conviction that this prodigious decade has meant the passage to maturity of this typically Spanish mechanism of constitutional justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to offer a global overview of the path taken by the Constitutional Court during these more than forty years of appeal for amparo. It also reveals the importance of this resource in the protection of fundamental rights and freedoms. Its trajectory is analyzed over decades, emphasizing what has been proven to be most significant and defining in each of them, including the one we are still immersed in: judgements, milestones, challenges, etc. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the Constitutional Court's Order 177/2022, of December 19, which constitutes an unprecedented resolution by suspending the processing of two legislative amendments and preventing the Senate from fully exercising its legislative power in a legislative reform on the appointment of constitutional judges. The Constitutional Court allowed two judges to intervene in the deliberation and ruling on their own recusal, jeopardizing the right to an impartial court. In admitting the amparo appeal, the Constitutional Court issued a decision on the merits by paralyzing the legislative procedure with a lack of prudence and respect for parliamentary autonomy despite compliance with the Senate's Rules of Procedure and the guarantees of the rights of senators in the legislative procedure. The Constitutional Court has created a new way of prior review of constitutionality not contemplated in either the Constitution or the Constitutional Court Organic Law, authorizing each deputy or senator individually to request the Constitutional Court to suspend a bill parliamentary processing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

National identity, referred to in Article 4(2) TEU, has been interpreted in different ways by the Court of Justice of the European Union and by different constitutional jurisdictions in some member States. This paper examines the evolution of the regulation of constitutional identity in the Union's treaties and in the case law of the Court of Luxembourg and certain constitutional courts, and proposes, in the light of the analysis carried out, some hypotheses as to which bodies should be responsible for invoking national identity, in which cases and with what effects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For some years now, in some European countries the decline in the quality of laws has come to be perceived as a threat to the rule of law. For this reason, some constitutional courts have abandoned their usual self-restraint in the review of defects in legislative technique in order to carry out a more intense control in this regard. Thus, in Germany, France and Italy, on the basis of very general constitutional provisions, the constitutional courts use parameters such as comprehensibility, accessibility and clarity of the laws, and in more recent years declarations of unconstitutionality have become relatively common. This paper focuses on examining the constitutional jurisprudence on the principle of legal certainty explicitly enshrined in the Spanish Constitution, with the main objective of assessing whether our Constitutional Court also joins this tendency to control the lack of quality of laws more strictly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the manufacture of Juan Calos I's charisma as a pilot of change in the transition from late Francoism to the democratic transition through Cuéntame Cómo Pasó. Its objective is to carry out a comparative study of the first fourteen seasons of the series and the reception of the viewers. For this purpose and relying on a work of visualization of the episodes (which includes the transcription of the conversations and highlighted images) and on the focus groups (with viewers who present different ideological sensibilities as well as different places of residence, social classes, age or gender), the ideological structure of the series is revealed ant the type of reception it has had in the viewers is discussed. The article concludes by showing a certain coherence between the ideological interests of the series and the opinions of the members of the focus groups. On the one hand, it served to crystallize the ideological profile of one of the most relevant television series of the 21st century in Spain. On the other hand, it allowed us to give voice to the viewers instead of a strictly erudite analysis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper highlights how the pandemic caused by COVID-19 constitutes one of the many global risks faced by our societies, one of those risks that have arrived to stay. That, therefore, demands a response out of a state of exceptionality. The paper also warns of the risks and insecurity for fundamental rights posed by the delay in the time of exceptional measures, and advocates regulation by organic law of health emergency situations --the current one or those that we may experience in the future--. The question of how we assess the risks and what responses we regulate in advance to face them constitutes today an imperative for the defense of fundamental rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is a growing interest in the field of social sciences in the study of topics related to the so-called gig economy or platform economy and, among them, in the figure of the rider-a term that refers to the home delivery workers employed through digital platforms. In these platforms, the work of the riders is organized from algorithmic management logics, a mediation in which the panoptic quality of their forms of control and governmentality has tended to be emphasized. In contrast to these frameworks, this paper presents a theoretical-methodological approach that emphasizes the co-constitution-in an open agency- of the rider and the application, to ethnographically approach the everyday labor practices of riders. In the interest of exploring how algorithmic mediation functions in the diversity of riders' experiences, we analyze the coordination tasks responsible for producing the shared space-time geography and the flexible control strategies that mediate the application. The text describes how the algorithm generates a kind of scaffolding that defines directive spatiotemporalities in the riders' operations, within which the deliverers extend the landscape of calculability to those elements that the algorithm cannot consider and to those others that the rider must incorporate in order to make his activity compatible with the algorithmic logic. This article presents the initial results of an ethnography carried out in Madrid since September 2021 with riders from several of the main digital home delivery platforms: Glovo, Uber Eats, and Getir . Along with the fieldwork with riders, we interviewed four technologists in urban logistics. The results show that salaried riders have a less intense experience of the directive chronography of the algorithm, showing how autonomy is not necessarily equivalent to the riders' capability to choose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Airbnb is a worldwide tourism phenomenon that affects local commerce. In Peru, this type of service has increased. Its followers value the stay and the benefits of the place and write about it to recommend or advise against it. The aim of this paper is to analyze the discourses through linguistic strategies of guests staying in Lima-Peru. Methodologically, a corpus consisting of 91 textual samples has been collected, which are frequently used and coming from guests in the most touristic districts of Lima. It is concluded that guests generally create discourses about their stay, comfort and safety. In doing so, they put the reputation of the hosts at stake and make the published information useful for potential tourists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the evolution and wear and tear of the General Council of the Judiciary of the Spanish State, especially as a result of the deadlock in its renewal for more than three years. To do so, it is based on the theory of the constitutional body and claims it as an unquestionable standard for the study of our model. It presents the richness and complexity of the «state of the art» of our CGPJ and its many models that have emerged in a hyper-reformist panorama. And from here, especially under the latest reform of 2021 that regulates the «acting council», the work focuses on three of the various problems that the council has been suffering, namely: the development of its competence in discretionary appointments, the misunderstanding of its nature as an accountable body (hence the poverty of such tools designed for accountability) and, finally, it reflects on the blockage of renewal and its «fraudulent» regulation. The paper concludes with a look at Europe and the soft law documents on judicial councils in the 21st century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper formulates a proposal for the construction of two composite indicators of social inequality intended for the comparative analysis of the social stratification between Spain and Argentina as a result of various comparative research advances carried out in different projects over the last few years. A multidimensional theoretical perspective on social stratification is adopted and an analysis model for comparative study between the two countries is implemented, which incorporates the gender dimension, which reduces coverage bias selecting the entire society and which takes into account household as an analysis unit, thus avoiding population dismemberment. We hypothesize that both countries maintain similar general patterns in terms of social stratification that structure the social inequalities of households. Although structuring patterns are common, the levels of inequality they entail are accentuated in the case of Argentina. We also understand that these levels are reproduced both when whole of society is taken into account and when only households with an employed population are considered. To account for the hypothesis, the article presents two strategies that seek to obtain two measures of social stratification as composite indicators. On the one hand, following the typological construction methodology that we call structural and articulated, where we seek to obtain a qualitative measure through a Typology of Social Stratification (TSS). On the other hand, and in the context of this methodology, we propose to generate an alternative composite indicator that measures inequalities with a quantitative variable through a Social Stratification Index (SSI). In both cases, the ultimate objective is to use these measures in the comparative study of social stratification over time and through space. In this paper, Spain and Argentina are compared with 2018 sectional data and the hypothesis is partially corroborated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a conceptual approach to the phenomenon of post-truth and its effects on democracy and human rights. In order to achieve the proposed objectives, we first attempt to construct a concept of post-truth and identify some of the causes that explain it. Subsequently, we analyze the effects of post-truth on democracy and the role played by fake news in this scenario. Finally, we reflect on the impact on human rights that may be produced in the context of post-truth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The last pronouncements of the Tribunal Constitucional related to the institution of the consultative referendum in Article 92 of the constitutional text and its hypothetical transfer to the sphere of the comunidades autónomas, dictated essentially in the context of the Catalan independence conflict, make it necessary to compile and update the doctrine established by the highest interpreter of the Constitution in this matter. For this reason, after a brief introduction to the Spanish democratic model and the proposal of a possible alternative interpretation of Article 92 of the Constitution, different to that established by Tribunal Constitucional, this article reviews its main rulings which have defined the terms “referendum” and “popular consultation” in the sphere of competence of the Estado autonómico. On the other hand, after noting that, in general, constitutional jurisprudence has notably restricted the possibility of a referendum of comunidades autónomas, the paper also proposes different solutions for studying the viability of a consultative referendum in this sphere. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The thesis defended in this paper is that the erosion that the parliamentary institution has been suffering has been increased in recent times by a series of additional elements or circumstances, which has affected its legal-constitutional position and its very nature. Thus, it is intended to conveniently identify these threats to parliamentarism, measure to what extent they have even penetrated the legal system, highlight which of these measures are contrary to the Constitution and the essence of the representative democracy and highlight the need to operate the necessary reforms so that the parliament recovers the central role that it should never have lost. Finally, and given the limitations and length of a work of these characteristics, the analysis and conclusions of this study are especially focused on the so-called consensual models that include parliamentary democracy, a multi-party political system and a proportional electoral one, among other fundamental elements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Homelessness is an extreme form of social exclusion which, although universally present in contemporary societies, has tended to be invisible. This lack of visibility has once again been highlighted by the measures put in place to tackle COVID-19. Although since the onset of the health emergency there have been various research studies that have examined the impact of COVID-19 on the Spanish population, few proposals have been devoted to analysing the specific impact of the pandemic on homeless people. In this sense, the aim of this paper is to analyse the experiences of homeless people during the confinement and pandemic, delving into the specific impact that the COVID-19 crisis has had on the reality of these citizens. The research is based on a mixed methodological design using a questionnaire survey and a semi-structured in-depth interview. On the one hand, the questionnaire was administered to a sample of 641 homeless people. On the other hand, 18 homeless people participated in the interviews. The results confirm that the place where they were confined is fundamental to understanding the experiences of the participants. Furthermore, it is noted that the negative experiences of homeless people were a consequence of the measures put in place to cope with the pandemic and prevent contagion, especially those related to the closure of services where their basic needs were met. This is especially significant considering the transformations that the responses to the health emergency have imposed on some dimensions of their lives. The results also allow us to conclude that pre-existing social inequalities have played a significant role in the impact of the pandemic on citizens, with particularly severe consequences for people affected by extreme social exclusion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes a strategy, named as Model of Social Cognitive Networks, for collecting relational data from key informants. We offer a solution to the double problem of, on the one hand, defining the boundary of a network of interactions, and on the other hand, collecting data from a complete network based on the perception of informants who are privileged observers of the social process under study. The design was implemented as part of a diagnostic on the dynamics of community relations in traditional fishing communities, in the service of a research-action project (PESCARTE), in the field of environmental education, on the coast of the state of Rio de Janeiro (Brazil). The proposal combines techniques for collecting data from personal networks and complete networks. The instruments elaborated for data collection and the procedures used to validate the strategy are detailed. Article financed by the Environmental Education Project (PEA) PESCARTE, a mitigation initiative required by the Federal Environmental License conducted by the Brazilian Institute of Environment and Renewable Natural Resources (IBAMA) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the accommodation of religion --governmental policies with a long-standing practice in United States constitutional law--, as well as the debates generated about the conformity of accommodation of religion with the two clauses on the First Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, the Establishmente Clause and the Free Exercise Clause. The paper analyzes also the main jurisprudence on accommodation of religion and the tests that have been constructed to judge this kind of policies, as the test Lemon and test Cutter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Council for the Judiciary in Spain is currently in a truly complicated situation. Since December 3, 2018, the CGPJ has not been renewed and remains in office, which is deteriorating the institutional functioning of our democratic system and consequently leading to its delegitimization. The situation has come to such an extent that the President of the governing body, made up of judges, has been forced to resign, thereby producing an unprecedented institutional crisis. This paper offers a proposal for the election of the members of the Council that allows reconciling the European demands and those of the main opposition party, PP, in relation to this issue and the position taken by the government party, PSOE. Proposal that tries to combat the interest of political parties to control the Council and, consequently, avoid blocking situations in its renewal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper exposes the framework of international law and comparative law around the recognition of self-determination, with special attention to the criteria established by the jurisprudence of the ECHR, and a critical analysis of the Spanish legal system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a global and critical study of the legal regime of the right to vote of foreigners in Spain. This regime addresses in all its extension and through its different pieces --Constitution, European regulations, legislation, international treaties, regulatory provisions and doctrine of the Central Electoral Board--, in order to know its status, coherence and possibilities of interpretation and even needs for reform. And it is done both taking into account its effects on the legal-political system, and following the usual criteria of constitutional interpretation and fundamental rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes several questions from a legal, political and constitutional perspective produced by Spanish Democratic Memory Law adopted in 2022: 1977 amnesty law; Constitution relevance in face of democratic memory policies; current importance of political transition values; extension of investigations against human rights violation after entering into force the Constitution in 1978; declaration of illegality, illegitimacy and overruling of sanctions and convictions of Francoist military courts; restrictions on the exercise of constitutional rights and freedoms to avoid Francoism apology and its victims dignity humiliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper contemplates objectification of some of the most relevant reflexive processes of a qualitative research. More precisely, it seeks to highlight the centrality of reflexivity in the ethnographic craft when putting into practice one or another epistemic-methodological perspective, which would contribute to outlining an ethnographic investigation that tends to rigour, thereby enabling the public insertion of the generated socio-anthropologic knowledge. In this work, it is shown the set of theoretical-conceptual tools that, to a certain extent, has been useful for the articulation of the aforementioned reflexive dimension, and thanks to which several obstacles and reorientations of a doctoral research are framed. Amongst these tools, the most important are: epistemological distancing, methodological implication, the fluctuation among the research object, the politics of the field, the final product, and its public insertion; the interweaving of the microsocial and structural levels, as well as the time of immersion in the field and the relationship with the defining tempos of the micro-worlds composing everyday life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to reflect on an experience of fictional ethnographic writing that we made while doing collaborative research. Through an exercise of memory, imagination and investigation, we created a radio fiction series together with a social movement that fights for the right to decent housing: Stop Desahucios Granada 15M. Starting from the materiality of one of the scripts that form part of our series, a radio soap opera, we want to show how we jointly wrote the six episodes of the series by constructing first the plots and characters, and after the dialogues. Secondly, we’ll reflect on the performative aspects of the production process, in which we transgressed the scripts. Thirdly, we will address two ‘mutations’ that the collaborative framework of our fiction-based research had generated in our way of doing and communicate ethnography. And finally, we’ll explain the reasons why we consider the writing of the scripts as a central element of our collaborative ethnography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present repertory gathers a selection of various doctrinal contributions (books, chapters and papers) on the Judiciary of Spain published in the last two decades. They are a reflection of some of the challenges that the Judiciary has lately faced, and they tackle issues as the Judiciary and the decentralised territorial model, the independence of the Judiciary as one of the three branches of any State based on the principle of rule of law, the constitutional status of the judges who make up the Judiciary, the General Council of the Judiciary, the governing body of the Judiciary, and the Prosecution Ministry, the latter two bodies which, although not part of the Judiciary, are closely related to it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper studies the Constitutional Court's manifestations of self-restraint, that is, those areas in which, within the margin granted by the Constitution and the law, the Court has shown deference to the actions of the judicial bodies, seeking to draw the perimeter that is proper to its actions. There are some cases in which, if we speak of self-restraint, it would be in an improper sense because deference to the ordinary jurisdiction is a normative requirement of the Constitutional Court Act (LOTC). In other areas, which we could call self-restraint proper, the self-limitation is expressed in constructions of the Constitutional Court itself, without prejudice to the fact that they are ultimately anchored in the position that the Constitution reserves for the Constitutional Court, the ordinary jurisdiction, and the Supreme Court. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the power to make regulations conferred to the Spanish General Council of the Judiciary from the first of its Organic Laws to the present. To do so, we examine the laws that have regulated this issue over the years, since 1980 until the last most important reform, the Organic Law 4/2013, the regulations approved by the General Council of the Judiciary and the judgments handed down by the Constitutional Court and the Supreme Court. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this paper is to identify specific requirements for statement of reasons when ordinary courts receive petitions to review the constitutional or EU Law conformity of legislation. The article first focuses on the fundamental right to obtain a reasoned judicial resolution and how it compels judges to motivate resolutions. Then, the work inquires in the links of such obligation of the judicial power with the Spanish «constitutionality reference», enshrined in article 163 CE, and with the preliminary reference procedure established in article 267 TFEU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Spanish Constitution forbids judges to exercise jurisdictional functions and at the same time holding other public offices. However, the Organic Law of the Judicial Power stipulates that judges can easily return to the judiciary afterwards. This paper reviews pros and cons of that regulation, arguing on the principle of separation of powers, judicial pluralism, and fundamental rights (both of judges and citizens) involved. The conclusion is reached that, in the present context of «politization of Justice», it is advisable to strengthen conditions under which judges could return to be judges after being for some time politicians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I carry out a cuantitative study about the making of the contemporary Spanish philosophical field from sociology of intelectuals. Taking a sample of 81 authors, I relate some sociological traits whith 6 philosophical nets, and I sustain that each one of them socializes its members in a kind of philosophical strategy and liking. The sociological study is put in context, relating the conclusión of the data whith the historical jucture. The objective is to understand haow Spanish philosophy is configured in its origins. I finish showing the dominant traits inherited by the philosophical Generation of'98 and '14. The paper tries to show t show the returns offered by applying social science tools to the history of philosophy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to note the unsatisfactory functioning of political parties in Spain, their increasingly autocratic and oligarchic nature and their lack of compliance with the constitutional mandate regarding their due internal democracy. In the context of the increasingly frequent primary processes for the election of candidates in Spanish political parties, one of the main obstacles faced by those within the party who dispute the power of the governing structures of political parties is related to the access and management of the register of affiliates. Faced with requests from candidates from outside the organization to have access to this essential information in order to make effective their rights to political participation and internal party democracy, party leaders deny access to the census, invoking compliance with regulations on personal data protection. In this regard, it is analyzed how ordinary courts that have had the opportunity to rule on this type of conflict have favored the application of the protection of personal data based on an interpretation considered exorbitant which, ignoring the context of the problem raised and disregarding an adequate analysis in accordance with the principle of proportionality, represents a clear undermining of the other fundamental rights at stake and the constitutional mandate regarding the internal democracy of the parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pandemic has brought with it innumerable conflicts and debates about fundamental rights and public freedoms and their limitation on the occasion of the protection of public health and the life and integrity of the community, a general interest enshrined in articles 15 and 43 of the Constitution. Among those, compulsory vaccination has been gaining a very relevant interest, especially since the arrival of the first vaccines against Covid-19. This paper addresses the debate on compulsory vaccination from a constitutional perspective, distinguishing between two concepts such as compulsory and forced vaccination. The individual rights involved in one and the other are very different. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this paper is to analyze whether the fundamental right to the protection of personal data enshrined in article 18.4 of the Spanish Constitution includes the right to access to algorithms used in decision-making. The article focuses mainly on the information obligations that the General Data Protection Regulation imposes on the data controller, which have raised the much-debated question whether it provides data subjects with the right to explanation in case of automated decision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Like other scientific disciplines, sociology can be observed as a social system made up of researchers, institutions, journals and publishers. These relationships are established via conceptual communications which form networks that establish the way in which disciplined are organized. At present, the big data phenomena offers the capacity to use large data collections to analyse social processes. Big scholarly data sources offer sociology immense quantities of data useful to describe and study the evolution of scientific disciplines in detail. In this article we characterised the last thirty years of sociology through its publications in impact factor journals. To do this, we use data about the sociology journals from Journal Citation reports augmented with article information from Microsoft Academic Graph. The analysis starts by describing the journals, countries of origin, languages, publishers, the decades in which they appeared and their impact factor. After this, we evaluate the evolution of numbers of articles and citations as well as co-authorship and gender proportion. Subsequently, we establish four groups of journal types and study their differences in the previous dimensions using hypothesis tests. Finally, we represent the relationships between authors and journals using an affiliation network that allows us to detect groups of journals that form interesting thematic and geographic communities. The novelty of the work consists in having used a data source of the so called big scholarly data with more than 300 million publications. The paper also provides several strategies to select the data of interest among the millions of publications to reduce their dimensionality in order to represent them in the form of a network. The results show a discipline dominated by Anglo-Saxon countries and large publishing conglomerates. The most prominent journals dominate citations whilst methodological journals have a higher degree of co-authorship and thematic journals have the lowest gender bias. The affiliation network between authors and journals contains two large groups, one formed by the pioneering American journals together with quantitative methodological journals and another one made up of English and qualitative methodological journals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Political Parties in the German Constitution: Norm and Reality" presents the translation of the papers on political parties defended by Konrad Hesse and Michael Stolleis at the Congresses of the Association of German Public Law Professors. These works are considered references in German doctrine for understanding German party law and the state of parties. The first one analyzes the function of political parties as a constitutional element, while the second one reflects on the effects of party activity on the state. Both works contribute to the understanding of the democratic system. [Extracted from the article]