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This paper examines two doxographies present in Ḥunayn's summaries to Galen's treatise On the Elements. We track the origin of these doxographies back, from Greek scolia to Galen's treatise to Simplicius' Commentary on Aristotle's Physics , which we show to be the ultimate source. We also point out that Simplicius' Commentary inspired an interpretation of Parmenides and Melissus that we find in Ḥunayn's texts. This allows us to see remnants of Simplicius' Commentary in the Arabic world and to shed some light on the production of these summaries to Galen's work called Summaria Alexandrinorum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the Yes-No cleavage over Quebec independence is in decline, it would be wrong to assume that this phenomenon is characteristic of Quebec nationalism in general. Quebec nationalism is still a driving aspect of political debates in the National Assembly. For a majority of respondents, the Quebec state continues to play an important role in matters related to identity. Hence, nationalism remains relevant and necessary. It is also closely associated with the francophone character of Quebec. Nevertheless, this nationalism has taken a new form. Mobilizing original polling data, this paper provides a better understanding of the evolution of contemporary Quebec nationalism, as supported by the Coalition avenir Québec and its autonomist political ideology and dynamic. The findings allow us to observe certain divisions on the linguistic and partisan levels. These fault lines may contribute to explain the difficulties the Quebec Liberal Party is now facing in its attempt to reconnect with the francophone electorate without disappointing its anglophone electoral base. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes a well-defined problem: that of relations between the Moors of Western Tripolitania (Tunisian part) and the Vandals. Notwithstanding the lack of textual sources, the subject will be addressed in an area that is both a border territory and pre-Saharan, namely Western Tripolitania. The period chosen is a poorly understood period and still debated by specialists. This work is based on two essential foundations: first, an attempt is made to demonstrate the main features and approximate boundaries of the Vandal State; and secondly the focus will be on the relations between the pre-Saharan Moors of Western Tripolitania and the Vandals. As a preliminary introduction, the nomadic and semi-nomadic peoples of the Tunisian Chotts, Nefzaoua, the hinterland of Jeffara and Jebel will be discussed. The best known of the tribes in these regions are the Arzuges. They would have circulated, according to Orose, along the limes of Africa. As a result, they developed various relationships with the Arians depending on the political situation and its evolution under the Vandals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this paper is to present several avenues of reflection linked first to the onomastics of the African episcopate of the Byzantine period, then to its development. A quick overview of the most typical characteristics of onomastics of this period will be presented, followed by a description of the remarkable development of this African episcopate between the sixth and the beginning of the eighth century. It will conclude with observations on the African onomastic repertoire of the Protobyzantine era, which reflects the evolution of mentalities within the very interior of the African Christian people and the different circles within it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Virtue epistemology is among the dominant influences in mainstream epistemology today. An important commitment of one strand of virtue epistemology – responsibilist virtue epistemology – is that it must provide regulative normative guidance for good thinking. Recently, a number of virtue epistemologists (most notably Baehr) have held that virtue epistemology not only can provide regulative normative guidance, but moreover that we should reconceive the primary epistemic aim of all education as the inculcation of the intellectual virtues. Baehr's picture contrasts with another well-known position – that the primary aim of education is the promotion of critical thinking. In this paper – that we hold makes a contribution to both philosophy of education and epistemology and, a fortiori, epistemology of education – we challenge this picture. We outline three criteria that any putative aim of education must meet and hold that it is the aim of critical thinking, rather than the aim of instilling intellectual virtue, that best meets these criteria. On this basis, we propose a new challenge for intellectual virtue epistemology, next to the well-known empirically driven 'situationist challenge'. What we call the 'pedagogical challenge' maintains that the intellectual virtues approach does not have available a suitably effective pedagogy to qualify the acquisition of intellectual virtue as the primary aim of education. This is because the pedagogic model of the intellectual virtues approach (borrowed largely from exemplarist thinking) is not properly action-guiding. Instead, we hold that, without much further development in virtue-based theory, logic and critical thinking must still play the primary role in the epistemology of education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Building on the works of Richard Bauckham and Tal Ilan, this paper argues that the name Cleophas in Luke 24.18 (Gk Κλεοπᾶς) and Clopas (Gk Κλωπᾶς) in John 19.25 points to the same historical person, the father of a key leader of the Jerusalem church at the end of the first century. By making anew this assumption we have a possible access to Luke's redactional and theological work in the Emmaus narrative. Even if the whole passage is governed by Luke's literary skills and theological interests, it does have traditional support in the legitimation story that Jesus had indeed appeared to Cleophas. Luke's choice of that name is doubly smart: it highlights the respect the Pauline churches have for the Judean churches in the spirit of Rom 9–11 and establishes the legitimacy of his own sophisticated narrative through a known Judean Christian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Language Experience and Proficiency Questionnaire (LEAP-Q) is a validated questionnaire tool for collecting self-reported proficiency and experience data from bilingual and multilingual speakers ages 14 to 80. It is available in over 20 languages, and can be administered in a digital, paper-and-pencil, and oral interview format. The LEAP-Q is used by researchers across various disciplines (Psychology, Neuroscience, Linguistics, Education, Communication Sciences & Disorders, etc.) to provide a comprehensive description of their bilingual participants, to substantiate a division of bilinguals into groups (e.g., early vs. late bilinguals), and to screen participants for adequate or threshold levels of language proficiency. Best practices for using the LEAP-Q include administration of the full questionnaire, consideration of acquisition and history of language use together with self-ratings of proficiency, and supplementation of self-reported data with objective language measures whenever possible. The LEAP-Q can be downloaded at no cost at https://bilingualism.northwestern.edu/leapq/. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the role to be played by the devolved administrations in the negotiation, conclusion and implementation of trade agreements concluded by the UK post-Brexit. By examining, from a comparative perspective, examples of collaborative frameworks between sub-national entities and central governments established in federal jurisdictions, it proposes a significant reform of existing inter-governmental cooperation mechanisms to ensure that the devolved administrations are given a meaningful voice in the shaping of future trade agreements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The logion of Matt 11.27 (// Luke 10.22) - 'All things have been handed over to me by my Father; and no one knows the Son except the Father, and no one knows the Father except the Son and anyone to whom the Son chooses to reveal him' - has long been considered a 'Johannine meteorite in the Synoptic sky' and, after fierce exegetical battles, a sort of 'foreign body' in both Matthean and Lukan theological projects. This paper intends to question this assumption on the basis of recent works both on the historical Jesus and on Synoptic theology. It suggests that this verse not only fits very well with the theological and literary project of the Synoptics' authors but can also shed some light on Jesus' theology of creation. The way Jesus articulates his own special relationship to 'his father' with the human relationship of God's children to 'their father' is coherent with the theology implied by this logion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes the analysis of policies as the result of hegemonic phenomena. This perspective understands the diffusion of frames of reference as a phenomenon that is intrinsically conflictual. In so doing, our aim is to work around one of the main problems in the existing literature focused on the role of ideas and discourses: it tends to neglect the cognitive and symbolic struggles in which agents, who possess unequal resources, are engaged. We suggest analyzing the organization of a hegemonic phenomenon by focusing on the debates related to agri-environmental policies in England, France and Hungary. Generally, this article contributes an original outlook on the production of political order. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines judicial reasoning in the area of Aboriginal title, paying particular attention to the Supreme Court of Canada's Tsilhqot'in Nation (2014) decision. While the decision has been heralded as a ‘game-changer’ within media circles and legal commentaries for its recognition of a claim to title under section 35(1) of the Constitution Act, 1982, the authors argue that the decision does not depart substantially from prior judicial logics predicated upon the production of Crown sovereignty and the denial of Indigenous legal orders. In fact, the authors argue that the decision displays a clear judicial orientation towards the present jurisdictional divisions of Canadian federalism which not only serves to eliminate Indigenous legal orders and territorial responsibilities, but also provides federal and provincial governments with enhanced powers of ‘incursion’ into Aboriginal title lands. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper draws upon data collected from an online voting experiment to test the implications of “going negative” in a multiparty election campaign. Specifically, we investigate two sets of questions: First, does the attention and vote share that candidates receive vary according to the tone (positive/negative) of their election campaign? Second, does the attention and vote share that candidates receive vary according to whether or not all candidates engage in similar (positive/negative) campaigns? While studies of “negative campaigning” have been prominent in the American context, our work builds upon this literature by using an experimental design to test for their effects in a multiparty setting. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Indigenous peoples have, to varying degrees, turned to the courts to litigate their ongoing disputes with Canada's settler colonial governments. Scholars have examined well the ways courts are used for strategic political ends by a variety of Indigenous and non-Indigenous litigants and are laden with settler values and institutional logics that are foreign to Indigenous peoples. However, it is less clear what effect turning to the courts in pursuit of strategic goals has on specific relationships between Indigenous peoples. This gap is more pronounced in Métis scholarship where there have been few final appellate cases. This paper argues the interaction between the Manitoba Métis Federation and Treaty 1 peoples seeking leave to intervene at the Manitoba Court of Appeal in MMF v. Canada illuminates the way litigating Indigenous-settler disputes can advance divisive, exclusionary, zero-sum political relationships between Indigenous peoples. These fractious interactions serve to undermine the construction of a co-ordinated and related inter-Indigenous decolonizing politics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper revisits and rebuts the mainstream view that Brazil and Argentina were led to form the Southern Common Market to end more than a century of rivalry and competition. We find the elements characterizing an interstate rivalry diminishing in the nineteenth century through the promotion of peaceful settlements and strategic alliances while those that could prompt security concerns disappeared years before the Southern Common Market was formed. Except for diplomatic disputes over the distribution of shared water resources, a disagreement settled in 1979, the decades preceding the Treaty of Asuncion were typified by security alliances, co-operation on economic complementarity and the promotion of bilateral institutions. We find little evidence for the implied security motivations being proposed in the literature. Rather, the establishment of the Southern Common Market was driven primarily by Argentina's and Brazil's desire to improve economic performance and advance political leverage through the promotion of a common stance in global affairs. This view challenges a common component in integration theory that, as applied to the European Union and elsewhere, asserts the privileged role of security concerns as prime driver for integration. This matters because there is a misapprehension that affects both the theory about integration as well as the formulation of policy prescriptions for South America. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the wake of wide-ranging municipal amalgamations Ontario, the provincial government promoted the use of community councils, citizen-led boards that would have input in local matters. Community councils were touted as a way of preserving local identity and policy control. However, more than a decade removed from Ontario's restructuring process, few municipalities have community councils in place. Those that have implemented community councils established them with purely advisory functions. This paper asks why community councils were so inconsistently implemented and introduced with such limited powers. Overall, it is found that community councils were victims of restructuring politics. Blocked by city councillors fearing decentralization would dilute their authority and foster political rivals, constrained through a restrictive legislative framework and pushed aside by city officials fearing they would effectively recreate a two-tier system, community councils were either abandoned or installed with a limited mandate. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In December 1977, the Quebec government, formed by the Parti Québécois (PQ), amended the Quebec Charter of Human Rights and Freedoms to include sexual orientation as a prohibited ground for discrimination. Quebec thus became the first jurisdiction in North America to prohibit discrimination on the basis of one's sexual orientation. This paper examines the reasons why the PQ government was ahead of everybody else in this matter. It argues that the Quebec lesbian and gay movement benefited from a coincidence of political and cultural opportunities that played in its favor in order to secure legal protection against discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Abstract. The regionalization of public policy is one of the most remarkable transformations European states have undergone since the 1970s. Through an examination of this particular development, the article explores theories of interregional competition in two very different cases: education policy in France, a decentralized unitary state where regional governments are entrusted with limited policy competences in this field, and Germany, a federal state where regions have exclusive responsibility over secondary education. The paper shows that, in both cases, interregional competition lends itself neither to a race to the bottom nor a race to the top, but rather to a race to the middle. Regional governments aim, in fact, to demonstrate that they adopt similar policies to other regions so as to avoid being blamed by both the electorate and the central state. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The release of a new study guide for immigrants aiming to become Canadian citizens in 2009 was the first major reform of this document since its inception in 1995. This paper examines the coverage of the Anglo-Canadian and Franco-Québécois press surrounding the new citizenship guide. Rather than supporting the widely accepted thesis that Canada is marked by a « collision of identities », our study suggests the emergence of an implicit alliance between the two Canadian “solitudes” with respect to their understanding of citizenship. In particular, the two groups of newspapers agree upon the necessity to protect « acquired gains » of Canadian society against the beliefs and practices of an uncivilized « Other ». Nevertheless, we should not jump to conclusions: does the convergence of media representations of Canadian citizenship really reflect the emergence of a shared collective identity in Quebec and Canada? [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper aims to assess the sociopolitical role of journalists through a conceptual approach linking media and democracy and through an analysis of the data resulting from an investigation of journalists' commitment to democracy that was conducted from the summer of 2008 to the spring of 2010. Our study is founded on the dichotomy between an active role for the media and an instrumental one in the face of the political system, and this dichotomy is applied to journalists. We believe that the media and journalists function as “mediators” in liberal societies, that is, as individual or collective agents through whom explicit or implicit messages pass; these agents add a layer of signification by diverse methods, among which are the selection of news, the categorization of issues or the framing of individuals or events. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper explores the lessons drawn by German constitutional scholars from the breakdown of the Weimar Republic, and how this traumatic experience became a starting point at the end of the 1930s for a new conception of democracy both liberal and robust (or “defensive”). Emigré constitutional scholars devised three distinctive versions of this “democratic robustness”: an “anti-extremist” (which originated in Weimar legal antipositivism); a “militant democracy” (first exposed by Karl Loewenstein); and a “constitutional dictatorship” (Carl J. Friedrich, Frederick W. Watkins). At the heart of each one lies a decisive debate with Carl Schmitt, even if implicit or diffracted. By reconstructing these debates one can appreciate to what extent postwar constitutional democracies have incorporated Schmitt's ideas. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In his encyclopedic book (al-Istikmāl), the mathematician of Saragossa, Ibn Hūd (d. 1085/478 H.), established by an intrinsic demonstration of spherical geometry, a remarkable theorem which generalizes the proposition III.11 from Theodosius's Spherics and integrates the propositions III.23-25 from Menelaus's Spherics. In this paper, we study this theorem and the demonstration of Ibn Hūd. The reader will find also some established and translated texts (Ibn Hūd, Ibn Irāq, al-Ṭūsī) addressing the same theme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper proposes an account of the recent works of Peter Sloterdijk, an author that has developed a phenomenological analysis of human spaces. The aim of my contribution is to put this spatial theorization in relation with political constructions. Sloterdijk's enterprise presents itself as a long history of the cosmological and architectural elements that shape the very spaces of human-production. It is also described as a new path for the understanding of the human topos that has been for too long subsumed by metaphysics of the 'beyond' and liquefied nowadays by contemporary mobilization processes of the capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Forecasting votes understood as citizens revealed preferences in collective choices allow to evaluate electoral success opportunities both for incumbents and opposition and to anticipate future public policies. In this paper, we provide forecasts for the 2007 French presidential election gathering contributions from Public Choice theory and Political science dealing with electoral behaviors. Forecasts generated at a sub-national level exhibit more accuracy at the second round than at the first one. We propose some explanation and improvements for 2012. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In political discourse as well as scholarly research on the European Union, the last decade of the 20th century was the decade of citizenship. But, despite numerous unresolved questions, there has been a virtual silence on the matter since 2001. Does this mean that there have been no major developments in European citizenship over the past few years? The answer is clearly negative. Via a comparison of the White Paper on European Governance (2001) and the draft Constitution (2004), this article documents a certain tension in the institutional discourse about European citizenship. It proposes a new theoretical model to grasp this tension and to understand European citizenship as it is conceived nowadays. This analytic prism is based on the distinction between "government citizenship" and "governance citizenship." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with the use of the concept of freedom of expression by a Quebec City radio station, CHOI-FM, in its dispute with the CRTC and in the court case of Sophie Chiasson before the Quebec Cour supérieure. Although freedom of expression is the main argument used by CHOI-FM in 2004 and 2005, our hypothesis is that this argument is mainly instrumental. Nevertheless, freedom of expression must be analyzed because it is a major symbol of democracy; it is linked with lively public debate and individualism. In this case, freedom of expression is also used in an attempt to lend respectability to populism and illicit discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the difference between the evolution of the protest movement against globalisation in Quebec and in Canada, especially since the end of the eighties. We argue that this difference can be best understood by taking into account the distinctive relationship which prevailed in these two social entities between the national project pursued by social and political actors and the reactions of these actors to the globalisation process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We regret that the originally published paper (Dobrescu 2009) did not contain the author's proof corrections. We apologize for this oversight and reproduce the entire corrected paper here. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]