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This article provides a critical review of new policies in China, the United States, and the European Union that characterize genomic data as a national strategic resource. Specifically, we review policies that regulate human genomic data for economic, national security, or other strategic purposes rather than ethical or individual rights purposes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article delves into the politics of the U.S.-China blame-game regarding COVID-19's origin, particularly Chinese disinformation narratives attributing the virus's root to the United States. The blame-game is symptomatic of contradictory global imaginaries circulated within distinct geopolitical spaces. This article approaches Chinese disinformation narratives as transnational and intertextual constructs, which involve the practices of (mis)translating and referencing foreign source texts to paradoxically delegitimate the foreign, especially Western, Other; they reinforce what I call self-serving cosmopolitanism, a narcissistic and locally conditioned sense of global consciousness that is oriented towards the consolidation of self-identity and pride. It is my contention that, to combat global disinformation about COVID-19, we should foreground the politics of translation, enhance cross-cultural sensibility, and most importantly, mobilize a kind of counter-politics against the xenophobic nationalism that disinformation narratives often parasitize. Cultural scholars with comparative perspectives are well positioned to take the initiative in revealing the structural issues at play within a global context and in promoting genuine cosmopolitan openness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers a psychological profile of the nationalists among Chinese students and the role of the U.S. context in facilitating the students' nationalistic tendency. Topics include the author's emphasis on group diversities, some neglected subcommunities of Chinese students in the U.S. and a background on the upsurge of strong nationalist sentiments among overseas Chinese students in 2008. Also included is the author's argument on the development of Chinese students' pro-China attitude.

The article discusses a debate on American academic freedom and Chinese nationalism that was taken up among scholars on the U.S.-based Asian studies e-mail listserv H-Asia. Topics discussed include teaching and learning in the Internet and multicultural age, the failure of Chinese students to appreciate the nuance of humanities and social sciences and the spirit of academic freedom, and the academic liberty of professors by the virtue of their expertise.

As consumers’ ethnocentric tendencies heighten in intensity when a country is threatened, this cross-cultural comparison study aims to understand how the recent global financial crisis may have influenced the phenomenon of consumer ethnocentrism (CE). This study compares the levels of CE in the U.S. and China and examines patriotism, nationalism, internationalism, and demographic factors as antecedents of CE in order to understand how consumers’ ethnocentric tendencies vary across cultures. Results indicate that American consumers are more ethnocentric than Chinese consumers, while nationalism has the strongest impact on CE in both countries. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses writing by Chinese diaspora students who studied in the U.S. in the context of Chinese American identity. Topics include the periodical "The Chinese Students' Monthly" (formerly "The Chinese Students' Bulletin"), patriotism and imperialist sentiment among the students, and critique of racism and colonialism in the serialized novella "Shadow Shapes." Also noted are the distinct themes of writers from Taiwan and Hong Kong following the Chinese Civil War, the Baodiao nationalist movement related to a dispute regarding the Diaoyutai Islands (Senkaku Islands), and writings about Harvard University by Chinese writers.

The economic successes of the PRC prompted it to claim more actively the formation of the rules of the game in the international arena. China's foreign policy in 2009-2010, especially in Asia, acquired a more vigorous character. This gave the United States that declared about its "return to Asia" a pretext to step up its opposition to the growing influence of China in the region. Such turn of events was fraught with the serious worsening of the outside conditions for the country's development. In view of this, definite corrections have been made to China's foreign policy since the end of 2010, which are supposed to alleviate certain difficulties of mutual adaptation of stronger China and the changing world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Chinese nation building in the post-Cold War era from the perspective of foreign policy. It focuses on the role of Japan and the United States as significant 'Others' in Chinese leaders' construction of three major variants of Chinese national identity: as a victim (past), as a developing country (present) and as a great power (future). The article argues that Japan occupies a primary place in the enactment of the past aspect of Chinese identity, while the US plays a major role in its present and, especially, future aspects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Chinese public's prevailing admiration and respect for the United States was widely observed in the 1980s when reforms first began. However, since the early 1990s significant anti-American sentiments have started to emerge in China. Such a dramatic shift in Chinese people's attitudes toward the U.S. has significant implications for both U.S. domestic politics and foreign policies. Many politicians, journalists, and scholars have identified the increasing reliance of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) on nationalism for mobilizing political support, as well as its still firm control over the domestic mass media for propaganda campaigns, as critical factors driving this dramatic public opinion shift. Nevertheless, without systematic and appropriate empirical evidence, it is extremely difficult to adjudicate the validity of speculations on why such a change occurred. Taking advantage of a 2005 two-city survey in China with pertinent survey instruments, we (a) explored Chinese urban residents' usage of different media sources, (b) examined the dimensionality of their evaluations of the U.S., and (c) scrutinized the impacts of Chinese urbanites' usage of diversified media sources on their perceptions of the U.S. The findings show that people's attitudes toward U.S. foreign policies can be clearly distinguished from their evaluations of American political institutions and socioeconomic achievements. Most importantly, our analyses also reveal that, embedded as they are in China's partially transformed and partially diversified media environment, Chinese urban residents do not become pro-American (or vice versa) from the usage of alternative media sources beyond the CCP's control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how Chinese newspapers respond to opposing demands by audiences and Propaganda Department authorities about news regarding the United States when competition poses pressure on marketized media to make a profit. To examine the tone of news reporting about the U.S., I rely on a computer-aided text analysis of news stories published in the People's Daily and the Beijing Evening News, comparing the years 1999 and 2003 before and after the rise of commercialized newspapers in the Beijing newspaper market. Results show that the emergence of news competitors may exert pressure on less marketized papers to change news content, resulting in an increase of negative news about the United States. Evidence is provided to show that the rise of negative news is unlikely to result from an intended strategy by Propaganda authorities, actions undertaken by the American government, or journalists' own attitudes. [An appendix to this article is featured as an online supplement at the publisher's Web site.] [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article traces the evolution of heightened Chinese expectations and the resultant spike in national identity in 2010, using a six-dimensional framework: 1) ideological, 2) temporal, 3) sectoral, 4) vertical, 5) horizontal, and 6) intensity. A hybrid ideology rose to the forefront. Forceful historical arguments covered three distinct periods. The triad of economic, cultural, and political identity raised sectoral identity to an unprecedented level. The leadership kept pressing the case for vertical identity in contrast to the West. Above all, it put the spotlight on horizontal identity to draw a sharper contrast with the United States and neighboring states as well. If at the time of the Hu-Obama summit the tone softened somewhat, China continued its risky wager on widening the identity gap. Regardless of whether China's foreign policy is currently assertive, its national identity narrative remains a driving force for divisiveness in the regional and international order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In March 2008, Tibet erupted in the biggest challenge to Chinese rule since 1959. While Beijing and Dharamsala engaged in their familiar battle of representations, pundits speculated on the causes of the uprising, ranging from conspiracy theories to informed policy analysis. Applying the framework of the insecurity dilemma, this article argues that Tibetan identity insecurity on account of the post-1989 hard-line Chinese policies was the chief cause of the uprising. Largely peaceful protests and occasionally violent riots in Tibet have been integral to Tibetan efforts to mitigate their societal insecurities provoked by Chinese migration, 'assimilationist' policies and 'cultural imperialism'. However, Tibetan protests and riots heighten Chinese insecurities and harden Beijing's policies both inside Tibet and towards the Dalai Lama. This paper reveals the dynamic cycle of hard-line Chinese policies provoking Tibetan uprisings; the resulting hardening in Chinese policies feeds back into Tibetan insecurities and protests. The 2008 uprising was the most recent cycle in the long-running saga of the Sino-Tibetan insecurity dilemma. The article warns that unless the Tibetans and the Chinese find a way to break out of the insecurity dilemma, Tibet could explode into another frenzy of violence and counter-violence in the near future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article argues that nationalism has become a part of a cosmopolitan Chinese youth identity in overseas locations. The author examines two demonstrations which occurred in March and April of 2008 in which Chinese students and graduates in the U.S. protested against Western media coverage of rioting in Tibet. Chinese nationalism is explored from a generational standpoint. The use of the internet in nationalism is examined. The article also discusses the global surge of Chinese nationalism which occurred in 1999 after the U.S. bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade. Serbia.

The article focuses on the involvement of the American institutional initiative in the establishment of the Harvard-Yenching Institute (HYI) in 1924-28, in response to the nationalism of China. She discusses the bureaucratic trail of memorandums and reports from the archives of HYI, which was founded as an independent educational corporation at Harvard University and an office at Yenching University in Peking, China. It explores the initiatives launched by American progressive educators and philanthropists for the academic study of languages, cultures, history and societies of foreign regions, such as Asia. It demonstrates that Chine was not a passive victim, nor a simple responder in the founding of HYI.

In this article the author examines the state of international relations between the United States and Asia during 2008. It is noted that despite the fact that the Asia Pacific region underwent significant economic damage as a result of the global financial crisis originating in the United State, relations with the U.S. are not strained. The author notes that this lack of tension in the region is widespread despite concerns that North Korea will develop nuclear weapons and the lack of resolution in difficulties between Taiwan and China.

Focusing on the construction and reconstruction process of anti-American icons in contemporary China, this paper compares the patterns of interactions between the Chinese government, intellectuals and general public during four events centering on China-US relations: the 1999 Belgrade embassy bombing, the early 2001 plane collision incident, the September 11 attacks, and the 2003 war in Iraq. The article suggests that the proliferation of anti-American icons in China does not only point towards the existence of anti-foreign ideologies. It is also a channel for different players in China to advance their personal and group interests. As long as tolerance from Beijing is signalled, much nationalist rhetoric is a coded way of directing limited dissent at the Chinese state itself, but how exactly the Chinese public hold the “nationalist flags” — which is allowed by the party–state — against the “red flags” of the same regime remains relatively unexplored. Filling up such an intellectual vacuum is the central focus of this paper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why did the coolie's body speak so forcefully to nineteenth-century America of its future? And how did that body's loquacious, obscene ventriloquism shape the imaginary scaffolding of America's utopias, its science fictions? This essay answers those questions by reading Arthur Vinton's "Looking Further Backward" (1890), one of the first American novels to imagine a Chinese military invasion of the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the motives behind the making of the current status-quo and risk-averse Chinese foreign policy. It identifies a three-P incentive structure that is based on the political preservation of the CCP regime, China's economic prosperity, and Beijing's pursuit of power and prestige. These three motives are stable and overlapping, featuring Taiwan and the relationship with the United States as the key issues. Beijing is expected to be motivated by these peculiar motives over the next two decades; but new internal and external developments may greatly change these motives and generate new impetus for China's foreign policy. Although the official line in Beijing is still the mild ‘peaceful development’, after a fling with the more majestic idea of ‘peaceful rise’, the rise of nationalist emotions and demands in the PRC continues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reexamines American policy toward China, Taiwan, and their ambivalent bilateral relationship, focusing on the period since Washington's shift from strong (but not unconditional) support of Nationalist China to the role of balancer in the early 1970s, particularly on the most recent period under George W. Bush. We analyze the relationship from a strategic triangular perspective. The China-Taiwan-US relationship is triangular in the sense that each actor's relations with the other two depend on its relations with the third. It is strategic in its focus on security. The United States has been the consistent "pivot" of this triangle, having better relations with both "wings" than they have with each other. Washington has retained this structurally advantageous position partly because of its disproportionate strategic weight, and partly because of the inherent difficulties Taipei and Being have had forging a cooperative bilateral relationship. This structure has been quite stable since the Cold War, as Washington has periodically shifted its balance from one wing to the other without altering the triangle's basic configuration. Yet so long as the configuration is maintained, the basic problem on which the triangle is based - the contested independence of Taiwan - cannot be resolved. This creates a sense of national identity frustration that will continue to generate attempts at resolution, either by Taiwan's declaration of independence or China's forced reunification (or both). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on three plays that deal the issue of women in Chinese national identity. The three plays are "The Lady Who Stayed Behind," (1991), "Wife From America," (1993), and "Student Wife," (1995). Centering on female protagonists, these plays comment directly on the experience of contemporary Chinese immigrants in the United States and their spouses and families in China. For instance, "The Lady Who Stayed Behind," set in the late 1980s, captures the emotional adversity faced by Naichuan, a physician who remains in China to tend to her aging father when her husband immigrates to the U.S.

According to self-proclaimed "border artist" Guillermo Gomez-Pena, "in one way or another we are all, or will be immigrants." But what does it mean to cross a border that Gomez-Pena calls a "multiple metaphor of death, encounter, fortune, insanity, and transmutation" and relocate? While some diasporic narratives emphasize the sacrifice embodied in migration, others focus on subjects struggling against adversity and violation by affirming their cultural hybridity and changing social positions. Nevertheless, theorists and writers tend to rely upon bipolar formulations ("us vs. them") that lessen comprehension of the emigrant experience in terms of global relations of power and the world capitalist system. Migrations of Asians as cheap labor, displacement of refugees, and the exile of large groups historically developed different diasporas around the world. Recently, affluent Chinese (principally from Hong Kong and Taiwan) possessing what anthropologist Aihwa Ong calls "flexible citizenship" have been able to shuttle back and forth between "home" and enclave without holding allegiance to or identifying with either. The mobility of this stratum serves to underscore the immobility of the less privileged "stuck" in whatever place they find themselves. Both sets of circumstances, however, exacerbate the general sense of dislocation disrupting affective values such as stability, bonding, and belonging. "Border crosser" films made by Hong Kong directors such as Cheung Yuen-ting ( An Autumn's Tale) , Stanley Kwan ( Full Moon in New York) , Clara Law ( Farewell China) , Peter Chan ( Comrades, Almost a Love Story) and Evan Chan ( Crossings) in the 1980s and 1990s use New York City as a backdrop for telling immigrant/migrant stories. These filmmakers variously present the diasporic experience as surmountable obstacles leading to acclimation; as loneliness and struggle as well as friendship and intimacy; and as difficult adjustments in conflict with tradition. In the process, they either explicitly or implicitly negotiate Hong Kong's pre-1997 predicament and the sense of anxiety created in its wake. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the space program of China and its implications for the U.S. and the international community in general. The space program of China, which began in the 1950s serving to promote its Maoist ideology, has transcended that ideology's decline to become a major political symbol of Chinese nationalism. Even as Beijing publicly declares that space program should be used for peaceful purposes, military considerations play an important role in China's space program. China has stated that economic development is the main goal of its space program, but it is continuously pursuing a significant buildup and modernization of its military forces. Beijing views U.S. military power in the Pacific as an impediment to China's aspiration of becoming the dominant regional power.

Focuses on the complexity of contemporary China's sense of nationhood and the United States' policy toward post-Mao Zedong China. Optimistic and pessimistic views on Chinese nationalism; Emergence of an inhibited center; Systemic tension between the inhibited center and Chinese intellectuals; Caution on imposing European categories of nationalism in China; US response to China's rising power.

The article presents a study which compares the nationalism and ethnic identity among ethnic groups in China. The study explores the degree of sinicizing ethnic minorities. It examines the interethnic marriages among different Chinese ethnic minorities and compares their ethnic identity and national identity to those in the U.S. Results show that ethnic minorities in China has a high level of perceived ethnic identity and national identity compared to those ethnic minorities in the U.S.