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Societal constructivists argue that domestic discourses of identity influence foreign policy. After the 1984 pogroms, Pakistan began its efforts to cultivate support among India’s Sikhs. This was predicated on cultivating a shared ‘monotheistic’ identity, which made Sikhism closer to Islam, as compared to Hinduism/India. The paper analyzes how the Pakistani state crafted this narrative using the popular radio show ‘Talqeen Shah’, and also delve into its wider conceptual implications. Specifically, we illustrate how the Pakistani state, even after undergoing Islamization under the Zia regime, projected an external identity that was at odds with its dominant representation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper employing the critical qualitative approach attempts to analyze diplomatic legacy of Zulifkar Ali Bhutto and profound impact of his charismatic personality on shaping Pakistan's foreign policy. The paper has selected key contributions of Bhutto's regime such as the Islamic Summit Conference 1974, unity of Islamic counties under the umbrella 'Muslim Umaah'; strengthening relations with major powers (USA, Russia, China) and Islamic world; Simla agreement; and stance on Kashimir'. The Charismatic personality of Bhutto played a catalyst role in the formation of Organization Islamic Cooperation (formerly known as Organization of the Islamic Conference) in 1969. Further, he was the crux of the first summit of OIC in Rabat in 1969 and second summit 19754 in Lahore. Moreover, paper analyzing the Bhutto's visionary statesmanship and diplomatic sagacity for strengthening Pakistan's relations with world in general and major power in particular, concludes that Bhutto's personality was only Charismatic but possessed an art of persuasion, which made him successful in strengthening relations with major powers as well unification of Islamic world under the umbrella of OIC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taliban has taken control of Afghanistan; the US-influenced government of Ashraf Ghani has surrendered, a two-decade-long war ended, and the Taliban proclaimed their acting government on 7 September 2021 and resumed the Islamic Emirates of Afghanistan. Pakistan is in support of an inclusive Taliban-led government in Afghanistan and providing Aid to the country for rebuilding and reconstruction of the affected neighbor while hoping for recognition from the international community. Taliban's regime in Afghanistan is a game-changer for South Asian regional politics as now China, Russia, and Iran's interests lie in this area. The Study is an attempt to examine the effects of the Taliban's government on Pakistan's national security, integrity, and economy with special concern for China Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC), and Foreign Relations by taking the Baluchistan insurgency as an example. This research will answer intriguing questions such as how the Taliban's government of Afghanistan affects the Baluch insurgency. The purpose of this research is to determine if the Taliban-led Afghan government deepens Pakistan's woes or serves the country's national interests. This paper argues that Baluch insurgents were previously hiding in Afghanistan and unstable Afghan territory was used against Pakistan by the enemies to exacerbate of Baluch insurgency and escalate terrorism to destabilize Pakistan. This study also argues that the New Taliban Government in Afghanistan has an amalgamation of encouraging and detrimental outcomes for Pakistan as supporting the Afghan Taliban government has visible impacts on regional politics and the dynamics of Pakistan's relations with the United States, Iran, and with regional powers, Russia, and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan's paradigm shift in foreign policy to geo-economics, necessitates that Islamabad look for opportunities within and outside the region to utilise its geographic and economic potential. This new policy shift makes the African region a key area of significance for Pakistan, owing to the huge trade and market potential of the region. The adoption of 'Look Africa Policy' by Pakistan is a key step. This paper aims to explore the options and opportunities for Pakistan in the African region. It analyses these opportunities and associated challenges in the light of economic diplomacy framework. The paper argues that Pakistan requires active diplomatic engagement at public and private levels both, to boost trade and economic relationship with African region for the mutual economic benefit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Each year, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MoFA), Pakistan issues a special 10-day hunting permit to royal family members of Gulf countries for seasonal hunting of Asian Houbara bustard (Chlamydotis macqueen). This paper attempts to systematically present the understandings on seasonal land grabbing and its political economy in Pakistan. The role of local elites and government institutions and the response of local people, as well as their resistance, is discussed in detail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Iran's policy towards its eastern neighbour, Pakistan. It argues that, despite significant differences and geopolitical challenges, cooperation between these two states is inevitable and that it will continue, regardless of international and domestic fluctuations. Iran, both as a monarchy until 1979 and then as an Islamic Republic, has considered Pakistan an important and valuable partner. However, this cooperation is unlikely to transform into a deep, strategic partnership: the national interests and goals of both states are too contradictory. Moreover, other factors – such as international sanctions, poor security, and lack of funds – hinder the development of relations. This paper covers two periods: that of Mohammad Reza Pahlavi before 1979 and of the Islamic Republic of Iran since. Three areas of cooperation have been analysed: political, economic and security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan's defence diplomacy has undergone significant changes in the past decade. With the evolving global and regional security environment, Pakistan has adapted its strategies to protect its national interests and ensure regional stability. This research article aims to provide an analysis of Pakistan's defence diplomacy from 2013 to 2022. The study examines the key factors that have influenced Pakistan's defence diplomacy and how it has evolved over the years. The research article employs a qualitative research approach, utilizing secondary data sources such as academic articles, policy papers, and government reports. The data is analyzed through a thematic approach to identify the key trends and developments in Pakistan's defence diplomacy. The analysis reveals that Pakistan's defence diplomacy has been shaped by a range of factors, including its relationship with key allies like China and the United States as well as its ongoing conflict with India. The study identifies the major shifts in Pakistan's defence diplomacy strategies, including its efforts to diversify its defence partnerships, increase defence diplomacy, and pursue a more proactive role in regional security initiatives. The research article also highlights the key challenges faced by Pakistan's defence diplomacy, including the impact of domestic politics on foreign policy, resource constraints, and the need to balance its relationship with competing powers in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pakistan occupies an elevated role in the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and hosts its so-called flagship project, the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC). Existing literature has often interpreted this project from a geopolitical perspective, as a vehicle through which a rising China projects influence on a peripheral country and advances its own centrality in international affairs. While such motivations certainly played a major role in getting the project off the ground, they are not the sole determinant of its design, or the heated controversies it triggered within Pakistan. This paper seeks to capture both dimensions by analysing the development of CPEC, and the handling of the conflicts it sparked, through a lens of overlapping centre–periphery relations: one between China and Pakistan at the international level, and one between Islamabad and peripheral regions and groups within the country. I argue that this model best captures the pivotal position and resulting agency of national governments in shaping local BRI implementations. It also shows how the BRI is not a straight case of Chinese influence radiating outwards; rather, contestation by local actors in turn forces adaptations in Chinese foreign and security policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

CPEC, a massive economic project under BRI, focuses on the socioeconomic and political dividends in Gilgit Baltistan. It is expected to create more than half a million jobs by creating Special Economic Zones in Gilgit, imparting a boom to the tourism industry and enlarging the scope of e-commerce. Hydropower development, technical expertise, and human resources--resulting from CPEC projects--are also likely to transform the socioeconomic dynamics of the region. This paper argues that the success of CPEC--considering the importance of connectivity for local markets--is likely to transform the region's socio-economic dynamics that will help promote economic and social inclusion of the people, mitigating their sense of deprivation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Infrastructure has played an agential role in the securitisation of everyday life in the Karakoram high mountains of north Pakistan. Geopolitics bear heavily on this region where Pakistan shares borders with China, with whom it has aligned its foreign and security policy, and with India, with whom Pakistan remains embroiled in a long‐standing territorial dispute. Consequently, in the Karakoram, geopolitical anxieties have reflected inwards onto local populations through both security infrastructure and securitised infrastructure. In this postcolony frontier space, statecraft also frequently bypasses normative legal and administrative structures; such exceptions to normative law and administration have antecedents in colonial statecraft on the territorial margins of empire. This paper also argues that long cycles of military rule have allowed the military to acquire and project technocratic expertise, become custodians of state‐led development, and recently, to assume guardianship of, and to enter into joint financing with China on, construction projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Even though, national interest is one of the most developed concepts of IR scholarship, yet it remains under the debate in academic and policy circles. Various scholars and institutions contextualize and categorize national interests varyingly. There are five main issues under deliberation: first, the interplay of power and morality in formulation and pursuit of national interests; second, longevity, durability and permanency of national interests; third, the interaction between national and public interests, and the process of interest adjudication, which is the function of the political system; fourth, Islamic perspective on national interest; and fifth, the future of national interest in the wake of growing power of the non-state actors, which have started challenging the notion of national interest. This paper revisits the concept and context of national interest with strategic arguments on different debates on national interest. Important attributes of the power potential affecting national interests are considered and conceptualized by the author. The research is descriptive, explanatory, analytical and perspective in nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The geopolitical environmentof South Asia has significantlychanged in last two decades. This change essentially poses various challenges and brings opportunities for Pakistan in the region. The prime focus of this paper is to give an insight into challenges faced by Pakistan in a historical narrationand to critically evaluate the implications of emerging geopolitical environment for Pakistan's foreign policy. Therefore, this study, by adopting realist perspective, develops "stress and strain" frameworkto analyses the impacts of regional geopoliticson foreign policy of Pakistan. Thishistorical analysisreveals that the interest of great powers in the region changes with passage of timeand thus changes their allianceswith regional states. This shifting of alliances modifies the way of interaction among regional states. The study concludes with suggestions that the articulation of national interest and foreign policy of Pakistanneeds to be reviewed continuouslyin order to overcome the emerging challenges and to find the best possible way of engagement at regional and international level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper critically inquires into the foreign policy of Pakistan during the period (1947-51). British divided India into two sovereign states in August, 1947. Mainly, Indian National Congress spearheaded the independence movement in the Indian subcontinent on the basis of Indian [Hindu] nationalism. The Indian Muslims contested the Congress claim of One Nation Theory. The Muslims presented their own brand of counter Muslim nationalism called the TwoNations Theory. The basic assumption of Two Nations Theory was that India politically, unlike European nation states, was a heterogeneous society. There were two major nations in the subcontinent--Hindus and Muslims. Resultantly, both Hindus and Muslims had a birthright to selfdetermination and separate states. For about fifty years, the Congress seriously contested, both theoretically as well as politically, the genuineness of the validity of Two Nations Theory. The Congress never accepted the theory. It called the Muslim demand of a separate state "a vivisection" of India and would never agree to it. Fortunately, the British did not accept the Congress argument. The Congress did her best to prevent the creation of Pakistan, however, thanks to British fairness, the Indian subcontinent was divided. Then out of utter frustration and revenge, the Congress resorted to 'Policy of Strangulation' to undo Pakistan. The researcher has come up with a non-traditional concept that Pakistan in the early phase suffered from an economic existential threat rather than military. Understandably, the foreign policymakers of Pakistan overplayed the presumed military threat to its existence. However, for the better and realist foreign policy, Pakistan survived the immediate existential economic threat in the early phase. Pakistan confronted the deadly economic context during her infant years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kashmir issue, a source of tension between Pakistan and India has numerous aspects and is termed by many an international dispute. The conflict not only hampered Indo-Pak relations but also precipitated regional instability. This is the reason that foreign policy of Pakistan since her inception remained India centric. Although both states share borders but never remain on same page when it comes to the viable solution of Kashmir dispute. Interests of Kashmiri population will have to be respected to make any decision long lasting. This paper by adopting narrative approach explains number of conflict management techniques to find any feasible solution but all efforts ended with the beginning of new conflict. With the indigenous freedom movement and India's massive military response, Kashmir dispute has entered a new phase. The paper finds that possible viable solution of Kashmir disputes is impeded by Indian stubborn and uncompromising attitude; therefore, mediation by third party is essential. The paper argues that any approach to settle this multifaceted conflict necessitates different but interconnected trajectories or unending interactions and negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research intends to investigate Iran-Pakistan economic and political links since 1947 and the issues/differences that affected the relations between them. Both Pakistan Iran have a long standing historical, cultural and religious ties. Persian literature and language have had a great impact on Sub-Continent's cultural and educational milieu. During the reign of Mohammad Reza Shah, the relations between Pakistan and Iran were friendly but after the Islamic revolution of 1979 Pakistan tilted towards Saudi Arabia for its own interests. The ideological dimensions of foreign policy of both the countries also marred the friendly relations. Iran has some apprehensions that border violations and subversions carried out inside Iran are with the connivance of US. The paper has mainly adopted qualitative methods. The study recommends that Pakistan can increase trade and diplomatic relations with Iran to take advantage of resource rich country. The minor differences between the two countries can also be tackled through trade and diplomacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]