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The paper employing the critical qualitative approach attempts to analyze diplomatic legacy of Zulifkar Ali Bhutto and profound impact of his charismatic personality on shaping Pakistan's foreign policy. The paper has selected key contributions of Bhutto's regime such as the Islamic Summit Conference 1974, unity of Islamic counties under the umbrella 'Muslim Umaah'; strengthening relations with major powers (USA, Russia, China) and Islamic world; Simla agreement; and stance on Kashimir'. The Charismatic personality of Bhutto played a catalyst role in the formation of Organization Islamic Cooperation (formerly known as Organization of the Islamic Conference) in 1969. Further, he was the crux of the first summit of OIC in Rabat in 1969 and second summit 19754 in Lahore. Moreover, paper analyzing the Bhutto's visionary statesmanship and diplomatic sagacity for strengthening Pakistan's relations with world in general and major power in particular, concludes that Bhutto's personality was only Charismatic but possessed an art of persuasion, which made him successful in strengthening relations with major powers as well unification of Islamic world under the umbrella of OIC. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the rights granted to children in custody matters in Pakistan as per the law. Its aim is to examine the provisions of the Guardian and Wards Act of 1890 (hereinafter referred to as Act 1890) and Islamic law, analyzing judicial precedents to identify any loopholes and deficiencies. Additionally, the research paper focuses on highlighting the gaps and deficiencies present in the provisions concerning child custody in Pakistan. It argues that the Act 1890 grants domestic courts broad discretionary powers when dealing with custody disputes, leading to inconsistent judgments. Given the importance of custody in determining a child's welfare after parental divorce, it is concerning that Pakistan lacks comprehensive laws regarding the rights of children to be heard and give consent in such disputes. The Act of 1890 provides limited guidance on the rights of children to be heard and give consent in custody disputes, leaving it largely up to the court's discretion, which often leads to conflicting rulings. Due to the lack of clear legal provisions in the Act, parties involved in custody issues have to rely on case laws to find guidelines. The paper will propose specific measures to reconcile the existing fragmented practices. It will also suggest laws and remedies implemented by other developed countries worldwide to address the gaps and loopholes in the provisions of the Act of 1890, ultimately aiming to improve the well-being of children involved in custody disputes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The last 75 years have highlighted the extent to which issues regarding resource distribution in Pakistan have been closely related to the country's chequered history of federal-provincial relations. Repeated interventions have marred these relations regarding various dimensions of provincial autonomy as enshrined in the constitutional frameworks that have been operative since 1947. The complexities involved have paved the way for multiple other issues, including ethnic, political and economic disparities. The Pakistan federation has applied a three-pronged strategy--bureaucratization, centralization and homogenization--to cope with federating units' demands for provincial autonomy, economic decentralization and appropriate representation. Yet, despite its criticality, there has been little attempt to understand and analyze the fundamental question of why Pakistan's economic system has been predominantly centralized, and so why the provinces have been made so dependent on federal fiscal shares, grants-in-aid and subversion instead of evolving the capacity to generate their own revenue mechanism? The paper addresses these-long standing political-fiscal challenges with particular focus on the relationship between the Centre and Sindh. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Poverty is a multi-dimensional concept, not just lack of food consumption but also of the lack of opportunities to spend a moderate life including education, and healthy life. Poverty and inequality in Pakistan created many obstacles that hamper the way of good governance. If the economic policies and growth are not pro-poor then poverty would rise in any society including Pakistan, even in the presence of good governance. The rising poverty rates in Pakistan badly affected and declined the value system in society very rapidly which ultimately paved way for manipulation and exploitation. Poverty and hunger lead to crimes, social disorder and intoxication in Pakistan, while good economic condition protects human beings from such evils. In Pakistan, education is the primary source of human capital earning and accumulation that plays a very important role, but unfortunately, the literacy rate is also very low. Education increases the production and proficiency of human resources and thus produces skilled and capable manpower, talented enough of leading the economy in the direction of sustainable development and create competence which is just like a magnetic field contributing to good governance. Likewise, economic development leads to mental satisfaction which also strengthens good governance. This paper is an attempt to explore the relationship between poverty and good governance and analyze the impacts of poverty on good governance in Pakistan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social media has developed a significant means to provide political information among voters of Sindh due to its convenient approach and accessibility at wide-reaching on a global scale Social media will not only provide information on political parties and their candidates, but it will also encourage voters to engage among themselves to discuss their concerns about their individual politicians. From such a systemic standpoint, the study addressed use of such social media platforms to obtain political information during the Pakistan General Elections 2018. This paper has primarily associated with political information obtained through the use and application of social media platforms by main political parties and voters. This study was restricted to the Hyderabad district. The information was compiled in accordance with the general election of 2018, with a focus on registered voters in the district of Hyderabad between the ages of 18 and 35. The data was gathered by employing with the technique of probability sampling. The study indicates that voters belong to Hyderabad district were generally the regular users of SNS, whereas Twitter and Facebook are the most frequently used SNS sites. They have sufficient disclosure to political information by using Facebook and twitter. The analysis and interpretation of collected data shows that the voters of Hyderabad district gain more political knowledge by employing SNS sites and have enough exposure of party manifesto which is disseminated by political campaign being run on social networks. Hence the conclusion of the study is ‘social media provide tremendous information regarding political communication, party’s manifestoes and political campaign, makes effect on voters and let them to change their voting behavior and perception, leading to change their party affiliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]