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What role has labor-saving technological change played in the recent past in charting out the trajectory of employment? Have we already transitioned into a new technological regime where production technologies are more invasive upon labor's terrain? In this study, I provide empirical evidence to answer these questions. Using industry-level data from 12 advanced economies for 1970–2007, I show that capital goods did not become more effective in labor-saving after 1980 or 1990. Similarly, the strength of the relationship between employment and output did not decline after 1980 or 1990. While many recent econometric studies have estimated the number of workers displaced due to industrial robots with which the media and public are highly preoccupied, there is nothing new in the fact that production technologies are labor-saving and displace workers. The importance of demand side factors and structural change (mainly deindustrialization) in determining employment patterns is often neglected, leading to a misleading assessment of the impact of labor-saving technologies on employment. • It is not new that automation is labor-saving or displaces labor. • Deindustrialization is a secular dynamic that depresses manufacturing employment. • No acceleration in within-labor-saving effect of capital goods since around 1980 or 1990. • No weakening in the strength of the relationship between employment and output since around 1980 or 1990. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, industrial metropolises in China have experienced a surge in proactive planning initiatives aimed at developing high-rise industrial structures, commonly known as "Industry's Going Upstairs (IGU)." This study argues that the IGU represents a distinct form of urban verticality that is neither motivated by capitalist speculation nor sustainability prompts but rather by local states' intervention to ensure economic resilience and enhance innovation capabilities. This study presents the case of Shenzhen to demonstrate how the adoption of the IGU initiative is catalyzed by concerns over manufacturing sectors' out-migration and the effects of volatile US-China relations on the city's competitiveness. In light of these circumstances, Shenzhen has embraced the ambitious IGU initiative as a practical approach to reverse the trend of deindustrialization while sidestepping the lengthy process of industrial land redevelopment. The paper concludes by emphasizing the need for a comprehensive understanding of political-economic factors that drive urban vertical expansion and their potential consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1991, Bangalore has seen spectacular redevelopment through the political hegemony of real estate, IT and parastatals in local urban governance. The global city literature has demonstrated how gentrification and real estate redevelopment have been at the heart of such neoliberal urban transformation. Yet, the literature's roots in notions of ‘post‐industrial’ cities obscure a view of how industry remains a key part of contemporary global cities. The persistence of the Peenya Industrial Area, one of South Asia's largest industrial areas today, reflects the negotiated, partial, contested and uneven character of the neoliberal urban project. Peenya demonstrates how obdurate inherited urban industrial geographies continue to shape the dynamics of world city‐making. Established in the heyday of Bangalore's postcolonial public sector industrialization, Peenya employs over 180,000 workers in 8,236 manufacturing firms, even today. How does such vast industrial space persist within the core of a global city? I draw on interviews and qualitative field research to argue that Peenya's resilience is rooted in the complexity of private land aggregation and state‐sponsored industrial relocation within an interwoven geography of tiny, legally fluid land holdings with variegated tenure regimes as well as the challenge of re‐signifying space in a region with obdurate industrial imaginaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A dominant interpretation of the twentieth-century U.S. city is one of declension, wherein cities contracted following a number of profound ruptures. At these moments, neoliberalism began its ascent, disconnecting the historical processes that created the city from the current policies and realities of American urban centers. By documenting the histories of urban agriculture in Milwaukee, Wisconsin, this essay seeks to complicate this declensionist narrative while highlighting the overlooked role that food production played in the growth of a major urban center—all the while providing a usable history for efforts to renew the twenty-first century city. Even during the height of industrial expansion in Milwaukee, urban agriculture played a significant role in the economic, social, and spatial development of the city. Then, as both deindustrialization and responses to such phenomena began to dramatically affect Milwaukee by the 1960s, urban agriculture remained a viable tool for urban redevelopment, one employed by both public- and private-sector actors well into the twenty-first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Great Bengal Famine of 1770 took 10 million lives. The British East India Company's (EIC) extraction of resources and imposition of brutal tax policies in Bengal exacerbated the disaster. By exploring the intersections of corporate interests, colonialism, and biopolitics, this paper provides a new perspective on the Bengal famine of 1770 by introducing and visualizing it through a unique theoretical framework—corporate colonial biopolitics. Adopting Michel Foucault's notion of biopolitics, my focus is primarily on the corporate colonial biopolitical strategies enforced by the Company, which led to dispossession, violence, and resource extraction exploiting Bengal's landscape and impeding the region's progress and development. The essay unveils the racist policies and profit-driven principles of the EIC and how they prioritized generating revenues, financing its military, and exporting food grain even at the peak of the famine. I point out how the EIC systematically dismantled the Indian agricultural system, fueling deindustrialization in India and ultimately making the region vulnerable to famines. The Bengal famine of 1770 remains unexplored by geographers despite being the first colonial famine in India. One of the primary objectives of this paper is to bridge this gap by shedding light on the geographical dimensions of this pivotal historical catastrophe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Job security has always been a paramount concern for the trade union movement. This article explores the ways that unions used collective bargaining to gain a measure of job security for their members in the face of deindustrialization as unionized factories in North America began to close in large numbers after the 1970s. These new measures included advance notice, severance pay, plant closing moratoria, restrictions placed on plant movements, transfer rights, and expanding the scope of collective 'social' bargaining to cover training and adjustment. In some sectors, such as automotive, collective bargaining has also been extended into areas normally left to management. The price was often high. Eventually some unions, notably the Canadian Auto Workers (established 1985; part of Unifor after 2013), prioritized winning new capital investments and product lines for unionized plants in their negotiations, though often at the cost of jobs, wage freezes or reductions, and other concessions. By focusing upon auto sector deindustrialization in Canada since the 1980s, we draw lessons from more recent union bargaining strategies, and how they constitute an important element of worker responses to industrial job loss and manufacturing closure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the divergent trajectories of automotive investment and employment in Detroit, Michigan and Windsor, Ontario. Located on opposite shores of the Detroit River, in the United States and Canada respectively, Detroit and Windsor are the founding cities of the North American auto industry. Long dominated by the Big Three, their factories have produced vehicles for the same continental market since 1965. Each has weathered parallel challenges since then, including spikes in the price of oil, the Big Three's loss of market share, the transition to lean production, and the near-collapses of Chrysler and GM. Yet Detroit began deindustrializing decades earlier and lost much more employment than Windsor. To determine why, we compared their automotive sectors from 1900 to the 2010s. Since the Depression, each city has repeatedly confronted the prospect of deindustrialization, but three factors have made Windsor more resilient: (1) federal and provincial interventions on its behalf, (2) Windsor's greater competitiveness with respect to factor costs, quality, and innovation, and (3) Windsor's annexation of outlying territory to capture new factories. These differences show how national, subnational, and regional/local policies have mediated corporate decision-making to produce a variegated North American Rust Belt, with Canada outperforming the United States. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Far from simply being a 'bookend' of the industrial age, deindustrialization is an integral part of capitalist development and thus has a long history. In the North American context, the early scholarship on deindustrialization emerged from the efforts to resist plant closures as they were happening. More recently, the field of deindustrialization studies has been reinvigorated by authors who have shifted the centre of gravity from the US Rust Belt to Europe and increasingly to other parts of the world. This introduction traces the emergence and recent transformations in the field of deindustrialization studies. It also introduces this themed issue on the politics of deindustrialization, which tells the stories of shuttered mines, mills, and factories within the wider restructuring of the international division of labour in the late twentieth century. The articles, written from a range of disciplinary perspectives, extend outward to how workers, their unions, state actors, and the general public responded to the challenge of deindustrialization. The authors are all affiliated with the 'Deindustrialization and the Politics of Our Time' (DePOT) research project (deindustrialization.org), which brings together many of the world's leading deindustrialization scholars to put the field in transnational perspective. By extending the range of comparisons and scales of analysis, this special-themed issue invites us to broaden our understanding of deindustrialization, both thematically and methodologically. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Through historical and anthropological inquiry, this paper addresses the issue of memory antagonisms involving cultural landscapes in the context of a former mining region: the Belgian Black Country. This region, which became increasingly industrialized in the 19th century through the massive development of coal mining and steel industry, subsequently experienced deindustrialization, and now finds itself mobilized in a process of 'post-industrial' mutation. The paper is divided into two parts. In the first part, it examines how the landscapes inherited from industry, and in particular the slag heaps of the coalfield, have over time become repositories of a working-class memory, through the living and working practices of the communities surrounding the mines. It also documents the various representations attached to these landscape objects, whose contradictions echo the oppositions between capital and labor that have marked the development of industrial capitalism. The second part of the paper, which focuses on the present situation, examines how these representations are remobilized in the valorization processes that are initiated by different actors, in the context of a 'post-industrial' urban transition strategy that seeks to produce a unified and pacified historical narrative. We'll be looking at how historical conflicts still permeate the representations of these landscapes, the question of their conservation, and their possible future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the racialized experiences of industrial closure and economic restructuring of the former Pilpilco coal mine through oral histories and feminist arts-based methods. We argue that Pilpilco's industrial closure illuminates the layers of historical violence exerted on bodies and land as inseparable categories to colonize and extract resources and labour in the Chilean coal basin in Mapuche land. Pilpilco's industrial closure illustrates how coloniality operates in Latin America, perpetuating racial, gender, political and social hierarchical orders and prescribing value to certain peoples and territories while disenfranchising others (Quijano, 2000, Lugones, 2008). The article reflects on the colonial wounds that continue to harm inhabitants and their environments, prolonging their inability to heal intergenerational pain. Finally, we analyse residents' creative strategies to reclaim Pilpilco's land through heritage recognition, women's solidarity, and alliances with indigenous struggles. The study expands the reach and depth of deindustrialization studies, providing insights into how processes of industrialization, deindustrialization, and reindustrialization unfolded through the entanglements of settler colonialism and indigenous dispossessions, authoritarian regime and political repression, and neoliberalism and social demobilization. It also contributes to the field by providing a perspective on industrial closure from women's experience – those unpaid care workers who sustained life in coal mining communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study calls for greater scholarly engagement with the generational experiences of the socialist working class in China. Through an analysis of collective actions in response to the reform of state-owned enterprises at the turn of the century, the paper divides the Chinese socialist working class into the Revolution Generation and the Transition Generation. Amid the restructuring of the state sector, workers from the Revolution Generation exhibited a proclivity for civic activism and petitions, while the Transition Generation, though grappling with unemployment, largely refrained from public dissent, instead expressing sentiments of bewilderment and resignation. The study illustrates how the differing lived experiences of two working-class generations played a pivotal role in shaping their interpretation of grievances and contention repertoire. The article underscores the significance of generational perspectives in gaining insight into the destiny of the Chinese working class, advocating for the integration of such perspectives into the broader fields of deindustrialization and labor studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the last quarter of the 20th century, worker ownership emerged as a popular option for North American workers trying to save their mills or factories from closing. Most of these efforts eventually failed, sometimes at great financial cost to workers who gambled away their savings or pensions. Yet a few worker buyouts succeeded over the long term. This article examines two of these success stories, one on either side of the Canada-United States border, while situating them within the wider history of worker ownership in North America. When the United Steelworkers of America engineered the worker buyout of Algoma Steel in 1992, Canada's third largest integrated steel-maker, it became the largest worker owned industry in North America. Before that, Weirton Steel had been the largest since 1984 when independent steelworkers there bought the mill from National Steel. If worker ownership offered short-termed relief to workers facing plant closings, its longer-term viability is highly suspect. Many worker-owned firms shut during the next down-turn. Both Weirton and Algoma eventually reverted back to corporate ownership, albeit this time inside Indian-based multinationals, but worker ownership saved the two steel mills and helped modernize them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China–Malaysia economic engagement has deepened since the 1990s. The scale and scope of this relationship has also expanded significantly following the 2013 announcement of the Belt and Road Initiative. Offering a context-rich, historically-nuanced perspective, this paper analyses how Malaysian policymakers have engaged with economic opportunities opened up by the burgeoning Chinese market. In particular, it examines how Chinese foreign direct investment has contributed to industrial upgrading trajectories in Malaysia. The paper makes two inter-related arguments. First, it uncovers a correlation between closer Chinese–Malaysian economic integration and services liberalization, which results in Malaysia's lower emphasis on manufacturing and 'proper' industrialization. In other words, structural transformation has occurred, but it is geared towards the services sector. Relatedly, Chinese investment entering Malaysia, notwithstanding its relatively recent status, is composed primarily of service industries. The services-heavy nature of Chinese investment results in a relatively modest economic multiplier effect, potentially exacerbating some societal tensions and inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The anthracite coal mining landscape of northeastern Pennsylvania is in ruin, a by-product of two centuries of unchecked capitalism. Much of the land is stripped of its timber and surface mines lay abandoned. The industry began its decline after WWI and virtually collapsed during the post-WWII era. Waste piles of coal litter the landscape, and the streams and rivers are considered dead because of the minerals and high acid content of water draining from abandoned mines. Many scholars have written about the extreme work conditions the coal workers faced, the demise of the coal industry, and the impact of deindustrialization on the region's people. Often overlooked is how members of the mining communities had a radical hope. Radical hope helps oppressed people to see that another condition and another world is possible, although not guaranteed. Re-examining oral histories from the anthracite region recorded in the 1970s, when the industry was in its great decline, demonstrates how these mining communities anticipated a future good, understanding the struggle to attain it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: The question of a declining non‐Hispanic white (NHW) population has sparked debate in the United States. In examining this question, three bodies of research have emerged. One group reports that the decline is real, a second argues that it is an illusion, and the third provides evidence that the decline is concentrated within socio‐economic segments of the NHW population. We use the third groups' insight as the starting point for our research objective. Methods: In conjunction with data from Census Bureau sources, we use a series of Regression Models in this inquiry. Results: Our results show that the decline of the NHW population is real and related to factors embedded in the institutional anomie theory (IAT) framework. Conclusions: We conclude that the IAT framework is a suitable approach for examining the question of NHW population decline. However, we suggest that future research consider refining our approach by: (1) using sub‐state areas as the units of analyses; (2) examining changes in the NHW population relative to lagged changes in the IAT framework at both the state and sub‐state levels; (3) placing our framework into an "algorithmic modeling approach" that employs machine learning; and (4) developing anomie predictors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite legal protections and growing acceptance in many industrialized countries, LGBTQ + workers continue to face considerable employment disadvantage. We explain this contradiction by detailing labor market processes that limit employment prospects for LGBTQ + workers in Sudbury and Windsor (both small cities with industrial histories). Drawing on 50 semistructured interviews and 662 community survey responses from LGBTQ + workers, we show how LGBTQ + employment opportunities are constrained by a constellation of multiscalar factors. These include the absence of good work opportunities outside of blue-collar work in deindustrializing labor markets, associated persistent cisnormativity and heteronormativity, and inconsistent protection from discrimination and social acceptance at work. As a result, respondents self-selected out of blue-collar workplaces, avoided and left jobs when they experienced or anticipated discrimination, and chose to remain in jobs with supportive employers rather than find a new job in a potentially homophobic or transphobic labor market. This article extends current understandings of labor markets economic geography by connecting production histories to persistent cisnormativity and heteronormitivity, and by showing how the search for emotional safety in cities with inconsistent social acceptance perpetuates economic disadvantage for queer and trans workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the deindustrialization experience in New England, using Fitchburg, Massachusetts, as a case study to explore the dynamics of industrial decline. Topics include the gradual erosion of industrial activity in multiple phases, the competition between municipalities within New England for capital investments and jobs, and the significance of intra-regional movement of businesses, shedding light on the complexities of the deindustrialization process.

Because of the collapse of the Soviet Union and the subsequent deindustrialization, Russian post-industrial neighbourhoods have experienced dramatic changes. During Soviet times, housing was given and owned by the state and the post-Soviet period was the time of 'neighborhood reassembling' when this Soviet housing stock was privatized and habituated by different social groups. Вased on Raymond Williams' (1997) distinction between residual and emergent cultures the gentrification in two post-industrial neighborhoods was shown. The post-Soviet transitions included the emerging culture of the global middle classes replacing or co-existing with the authentic residual culture of the Soviet industrial working class. The analysis of the Soviet housing stock (i.e. structure level) and the meanings of its habituation (i.e. agent level) discovers class differences: workers habituated it as part of their everyday life, while the creative group views it as part of their Soviet heritage. The Soviet housing stock, as a cultural 'residue', constituted the dynamics of class relations while the identities within groups are blurred. This article highlights the theoretical debate that identities and housing are not about structures or agents but are intertwined. Housing as a symbol of a class is produced by policy makers, while housing habituated by residents is re-signified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• The article proposes an empirical analysis of Brazilian deindustrialization from a Marxian perspective. • Inter-regional input-output analysis is the quantitative instrument used to measure deindustrialization indicators. • Two critical situations indicating structural change are proposed. • The results indicate a process of deindustrialization in Brazil between 1995 and 2010. • The results show that the primary sector is gaining ground in the dynamization of Brazilian capitalism. The article brings new indicators that reinforce the thesis that the Brazilian economy went through a process of deindustrialization. Based on the guiding principle of Marx's reproduction schemes, the instrument of inter-regional input-output analysis was used as empirical method. The output multipliers obtained from the Leontief and Ghosh models were used as indicators for measuring structural changes. Critical situations that can show whether there were structural changes in the sectors of the economy, considering both the local economic activity and its relationship with the world economy, are presented. The main results confirm the existence of a deindustrialization of the Brazilian economy. However, it was found that, in absolute and relative terms, the reduction in the capacity of the Brazilian manufacturing to drive the economy oscillated between moments of greater and lesser intensity. Furthermore, strong indications that the Brazilian primary sector is becoming an enclave were found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Manufacturing share in India's GDP has increased by about 16 percentage points between 2003 and 2018. • Dominant contribution to increased manufacturing GDP share is made by petroleum refining. • There has been a tremendous increase in the real value-added share of ICT equipment industry. • For assessing properly the performance of manufacturing, double-deflation of GDP is essential. Contrary to a widely held impression that the share of manufacturing in India's GDP has long stagnated, the paper claims that it has increased significantly. Measured at the prices of different goods and services prevailing in 2004-05, and deflation applied separately with input prices as well as output prices to account for differential input price trends, the GDP share of manufacturing has increased during the post-reform period from about 17 per cent in 1993-94 to about 32 per cent in 2018-19. The paper notes that the concept of real share in GDP relates to the volume effect and represents the change in the share of the volume of manufacturing activity out of the volume of all economic activities in the Indian economy. Some explanation is provided for the apparent stagnancy of the share of manufacturing in India's GDP at current prices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A roundtable with scholars Sheri Berman, Zachariah Mampilly, Andre Pagliarini and Nick Serpe on left politics, held in October 2023, is presented. Topics discussed include the development of the left in the Global North, cross-class coalition on the left in Brazil and deindustrialization as election issue in the country, the rise of identity politics and inequality in the African context, disconnect between protest movements for democracy and inequality and political parties, decline in political party membership in Europe and its effect on the left, fragility of Brazilian democracy, role of political parties in democracies, and potential transformation of electoralism in African democracies.

Two concurrent phenomena emerged in rural America in the 1970s: job losses due to deindustrialization and prison proliferation relating to mass incarceration. While supporters of the prison industrial complex promised an economic lifeline for rural America, opponents questioned the economic benefits of prison openings. Using county fixed-effects models and data covering 1960–2000, this study reveals a null association between prison openings and total rural employment. While prison proliferation marginally increased government employment, it simultaneously had a negative impact on private employment. Specifically, prison openings were associated with decreased employment in manufacturing, finance and recreational services; and had no impact on jobs in construction, wholesale, and local retail sales. Thus, the promises of employment growth relating to prisons were, overall, not kept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What happens to local communities when manufacturing disappears? I examine changes in associational density over nearly two decades as a proxy for social capital in US labor markets. Exploiting plausibly exogenous trade‐induced shocks to local manufacturing activity, I test whether deindustrialization is associated with greater or lower organizational membership. I uncover a robust negative relationship between the two variables, particularly acute in rural and mostly‐White areas. My findings, however, are sensitive to measurement: There are no clearly discernible effects of deindustrialization on social capital when I consider alternative proxies for the outcome. To reconcile these results, I present evidence suggesting that economic adversity may induce a qualitative, rather than quantitative, change in social capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Welsh labour historiography has been dominated by the history of the south Wales miners, with the north Wales quarrymen occupying second place, and other groups of workers having received less attention. This is partly due to the dominant assumptions of labour historians which are tied up with ideas of modernization and universalism, and which have privileged anglophone accounts of the past. The Welsh radical tradition, although well explored and documented within Wales, has not been sufficiently recognized within narratives of British labour history. Rather, the emergence and subsequent dominance of the Labour Party has tended to occlude an earlier, vibrant, and diverse Welsh radical history. Now, half a century after the professional organization of Welsh labour historians, thoroughgoing deindustrialization and political devolution have created a new context for a new generation of labour historians who have no direct memory of a Wales dominated by heavy industry. This provides both challenges and opportunities. Welsh and British labour historians have much to gain by developing a closer relationship, and this will involve striking a careful balance between universalist and particularist interpretations of labour's Welsh history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Examine industrial trends in six Central American economies, and find that the industrial employment share has declined by an average of 2.5 percentage points over the past two decades. • Decline not due to a trade-driven deindustrialization but rather due to an increase in barriers that restrict the efficient flow of labor across sectors. • Policy interventions targeting these barriers could potentially lead to significant industrial expansion, but the economic impact may be marginal, with aggregate output projected to increase by 3.2 percent or less. • Boosting productivity could be a more prudent growth strategy. This paper analyses industrial trends in six Central American economies by assembling and harmonizing sectoral data from multiple sources. Industrial employment share has declined by an average of 2.5 percentage points over the past two decades. Contrary to a trade-driven deindustrialization hypothesis, which suggests that cheaper imports have replaced domestic production of industrial goods, the findings indicate that this decline is primarily driven by an increase in barriers that restrict the efficient flow of labor across sectors. The paper argues that policy interventions that target these barriers could potentially lead to significant industrial expansion. However, the economic impact of such policies may be marginal, with aggregate output projected to increase by 3.2 percent or less upon eliminating these barriers. Moreover, this approach also carries risks, as it may introduce new distortions that could further hinder economic efficiency. Perhaps a more prudent growth strategy will be to concentrate on boosting productivity, which though challenging, directly affects the output. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses ethnographic and qualitative research to explore the health implications and social responses of a low-income neighborhood in Southeast England, to more than a decade of austerity policies and declining institutional and welfare support. Findings examine how cuts to public services and welfare programs alongside changes to the area's social structure shape resident's perceptions of health risks and threats. Residents pointed to poor levels of mental health that were exacerbated by financial insecurity, the closure of community facilities and difficulties accessing support and professional help. An increase in social disorder and sense of danger within the vicinity were attributed to changes in the area's social composition and a reduction of policing in the neighborhood, which were an additional cause of anxiety for residents. Many people felt their neighborhood was treated inequitably with regard to law-and-order, health provision and other services designed to address health problems and risks and dangers in their social environment. This institutional vacuum generates unmet health needs facilitating informal practices and methods for managing health, such as through self-provision or using alternative, and more readily available, sources of medical advice and treatment. The demise of older forms of social control and surveillance that ran parallel with closure of the area's communal spaces had been partly compensated by social media usage, while informal methods of policing were a growing presence in the neighborhood in reaction to rising lawlessness and the ineffectiveness of police and local authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In capitalist Eastern Europe, surplus population is created at the intersection of economic restructuring, leading to the decline of jobs, the absorption of housing in broader circuits of capital accumulation, and the state's disinvestment in social housing. Drawing on the lived experiences of the impoverished Roma from Baia Mare (Maramureș county, Romania), I analyze how racialization produces them as surplus-as-laborer and surplus-as-tenant. The article explores the historically constituted labor-housing nexus. Capitalist enterprises are interested in having permanent access to a cheap and flexible labor force that reproduces in housing conditions that are as low cost as they are inadequate. Private real estate capital excludes those who cannot afford the fast-rising level of the ground rent while the post-socialist state refuses to invest in public housing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies have failed to show a positive effect of unemployment on incarceration despite reasons to expect such a relationship. We note that prior estimates have been muddied by the absence of substate data, a focus on prisons rather than on jails, limited measures of unemployment, and the fact that the health of the labor market is endogenous to incarceration. We instrument for local exposure to the rise of Chinese exports ("the China Shock") to estimate the effect of job loss on American incarceration. Marshaling a new data set of prisoners and jail inmates by race at the commuting zone level, we show that negative shocks to local labor markets led to significant increases in total incarceration rates for both Blacks and Whites. The effect seems to be driven by increased prison rather than jail populations. This estimate is invisible to ordinary least squares, which may help explain null results reported by past work. Counterfactual exercises suggest that the effect of job loss was punitively consequential. Had employment gains from the 1990s been preserved into the 2000s, the U.S. incarceration rate would have grown significantly less than it did. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study takes a closer look at the deindustrialization of the South Indian city of Bangalore with respect to its former cotton mill sector, nearly two decades after the closure of the first three composite cotton mills in the city. The study views deindustrialization from sectoral, city‐ and community‐centric perspectives. As well as identifying Bangalore as a significant site within the 'bygone mills' discourse in India, the article contributes to the less‐researched theme of deindustrialization in the global South. It provides a detailed look into the city's mill‐scapes, from their rise in the late 19th and early 20th centuries to their demise in the early 21st century, through a mix of archival evidence, spatial analysis and an interrogation of the collective memory of millworkers and their families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two unconnected crises in the 1970s, a crisis of profitability of global capitalism and a deep crisis of political legitimacy in China, led to creation of a formidable alliance between corporate/financial-led US capital and the Chinese state that sought to resolve both crises by opening China for corporate exploitation. The solution, however, masked different objectives. Transnational corporations moved to China in search of cheap labour to counter falling profits and Beijing sought to use foreign capital to develop the Chinese economy and gain access to technology. Over time China's interests and those of the USA diverged, as US deindustrialisation became the obverse of China's dynamic industrialisation. Factions within the US elite began to promote a different approach towards China than that of alliance and accommodation and were able to grab the upper hand during Donald Trump's presidency, advocating an aggressive approach towards China. This posture consolidated under the Biden administration. These developments set up a struggle for hegemony to which China and the USA bring differing advantages and disadvantages. While a hegemonic transition is one possible outcome of this conflict, the possibility of a hegemonic stalemate or hegemonic vacuum cannot be discounted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After several decades of deindustrialisation in the so-called advanced economies, we are seeing a renewed enthusiasm for urban manufacturing in cities, and the integration of production into the city fabric. Yet, small-scale industrial accommodation has long been susceptible to displacement by higher-value land uses--particularly residential and prime office--which directly undermines such aspirations. This article focuses on the case of London and, through a review of planning policy and planning documents, market data, and participant observation in both public and private sector networks, provides evidence for and explores the impacts of a hyper-competitive industrial market that has emerged as an outcome of ongoing limited supply and growing demand in the sector. Although it signals a reversal of displacement dynamics between industrial and residential uses, potentially slowing the loss of industrial land supply, it is also leading to a narrowing of demand and competition within the industrial market that leads to intra-industrial gentrification and threatens smaller manufacturers. The article reveals tensions and limitations in planning approaches that seek to manage industrial land supply and create a diversity of workspace accommodation, as well as a gap between popular policy narratives of industrious cities and manufacturing renaissance, and the coherence of policies to support them. The article concludes with a discussion of future research that could advance policy and other interventions to support manufacturing in cities, to further sustainability and social inclusion agendas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article describes the micro-foundations of failed market insertion in Romania's chemical sector. During the EU pre-accession period, transnational integration regimes (TIRs) induced FDI-dependence. In turn, mass-privatization policies in conjunction with weak state capacities—evidenced by domestic development policies with limited operational use—caused failed market insertion. Two former state-owned enterprises (SOEs) are analyzed in this manner, and two pathways to failed integration emerge: via domestic mismanagement and multi-national corporations' (MNCs) rent-seeking practices. The findings extend the diversity of the TIR framework and provide a nuanced account of downturn scenarios during EU integration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article takes a step in identifying a more accurate economic history of deindustrialization. Following the extension of the timeline of deindustrialization and its divorce from the 1970s, this article examines the reasons for production facility relocation our of Detroit, prior to the 1970s. Given that the process of deindustrialization occurred prior to 1970, the reasons must be reevaluated. To this end, this article examines one of the lesser investigated reasons that auto corporations moved their production facilities out of Detroit; organized labor. It shows that organized labor was one of the driving factors of production facility relocation. This article makes use of multiple collections housed in the Reuther Archives at Wayne State University in relation to organized labor, as well as union density data. This article details how and why production facilities were pushed out of Detroit in an effort to evade organized labor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This joint-authored essay concludes the thematic issue 'Marking Race'. Drawing on the authors' individual essays and reviewing the wider literatures in the field of race and immigration, imperialism and decolonization, social democracy and the welfare state, and deindustrialization, the essay makes a series of proposals about what an analytical focus on race adds to our understanding of modern British history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reflects on the role of art in the memory activism surrounding deindustrialization in the Ruhr region of Germany by focusing on an institution promoting contemporary art: Urbane Künste Ruhr (UKR). It will ask how UKR is bringing together the past, present and future of the Ruhr region through its various activities. In particular, it will focus on UKR's 2021 exhibition as an example of how the transformation of the Ruhr is imagined through artistic intervention. Art, in many of the activities of UKR, has made important interventions in debates about how to organize the future of the city in light of its past. UKR, the article argues, has been actively engaged in contributing to the democratization of public debates about how people in the region want to live their lives in light of a problematic industrial past and a more sustainable future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Investments in education and retraining, or research and development have become essential in today's knowledge‐intensive economies. While private actors often underprovided such knowledge‐based capital due to various market failures, there is also considerable variation in the extent to which governments invest in knowledge‐based capital due to cross‐sectional and intertemporal trade‐offs. I argue that in trying to account for this variation, corporatist institutions are a neglected but crucial factor. By necessitating and facilitating cooperation and compensation, corporatism creates a more collaborative style of policy making and a sense of common ownership of policy problems that helps overcome the trade‐offs associated with investments in knowledge‐based capital. Using within‐between mixed‐effects models on a novel time‐series‐cross‐sectional dataset, I find strong support for this argument. Corporatist countries invest a lot more in knowledge‐based capital, and corporatism also affects how countries react to deindustrialization. This is an important finding given the key role of long‐term policy making in areas like climate change politics, pandemic preparedness or responding to the digital transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Keywords: deindustrialization; post-Soviet urban; socialist legacy; socialist modern; Soviet planning; Tolyatti EN deindustrialization post-Soviet urban socialist legacy socialist modern Soviet planning Tolyatti 936 941 6 06/07/23 20230701 NES 230701 Novikov, Sergey Sher, Max (2019). Treating the Soviet Union as exclusively totalitarian and identifying Stalin's rule with the USSR also conflicts with the research of Alexei Yurchak, Jochen Hellbeck, Stephen Kotkin, Sheila Fitzpatrick, and many others who present Soviet experience as multidimensional and chronologically varied. As Sechi and Cera underline, although company towns were a key element of Soviet ideology, this type of urban settlement is not unique to the USSR or state socialist countries. 6 Jeremy Morris, "Notes on the "Worthless Dowry" of Soviet Industrial Modernity: Making Working-Class Russia Habitable", I Laboratorium: Russian Review of Social Research i 3 (2015): 25-48; Alexandrina Vanke, "Masculinities, Bodies and Subjectivities: Working-Class Men Negotiating Russia's Post-Soviet Gender Order", in I Masculinity, Labor and Neoliberalism: Working-Class Men in International Perspective i , ed. [Extracted from the article]

This paper studies the possible role of US trade liberalization in explaining Puerto Rico's deindustrialization. In order to address this issue, time series techniques were used. The results of the Granger Causality Test suggest that the imports made by the US from Mexico, Canada, Ireland, and Costa Rica do not explain Puerto Rico's deindustrialization. Therefore, no causal relationship was found between the imports made by the US from its NAFTA partners and the countries where the corporations that benefited from Section 936 relocated with the deindustrialization of Puerto Rico. Besides, the impulse response exercise suggests that in the first period, deindustrialization explains its variability by 100%, and in the final period, it explains 95.47%. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the Post-industrial Era, there has been an apparent weakening of the relationship between class and voting in the U.S., with lower class voters becoming less likely to support the Democratic Party. We argue that this reflects that lower class status predicts liberal economic attitudes, but conservative views on cultural and racial issues, while the parties are consistently liberal or conservative, creating conflicts for many voters. How do voters settle such internal conflicts? We argue that the salience that voters attach to these different types of issues determines how policy attitudes, and indirectly class, shapes voting. Using ANES and GSS data since the 1970s, we find that class consistently predicts economic and cultural/minority policy attitudes, and that lower class voters who place more salience on economic issues, and upper class voters for whom cultural issues are more salient, are more likely to support the Democratic Party in presidential elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During significant social transformations, the government and society are closely interconnected with each other, mediated by the family. A special group of the state‐owned enterprises in China prepared for national security and infrastructure constructions. The Third Front (TF), such as the Anding Computer Factory, were typical small societies that confronted the decline of the work unit system and the socioeconomic transformation from a planned economy to a socialist market system. This study attempts to understand the lives of employee residents in the Anding factory community by applying long‐term participant observation and in‐depth interviews. Overall, both the Anding community and its employees can be considered to have experienced three historical stages—the productive youth, the confused midlife, and the unsettled twilight years. The material culture, organization, and spirit were all profoundly impacted in each of the three periods. After realizing the unstoppable deindustrializing trend and the rising social disparity brought along by the free market, employees gradually transferred their considerations from the factory society to the future of their families as a cultural adaptaion. Driven by the priority rule of profits, the employees' lives are full of contradictions and are poorly suited to the economically competitive society. This study opens a novel dialog between ethnography, industrial relations, labor history, elderly affairs, and social dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Justice was sorely experienced by Scottish miners in the strike against pit closures and redundancies in 1984–85. In Scotland strikers were arrested by police officers at twice the rate of those in England and Wales and were three times more likely to be dismissed from employment by the National Coal Board. Analysis uses Gramsci as guide: Margaret Thatcher's Conservative government was engaged in an anti-trade union war of position as well as a war of manoeuvre. In Scotland, despite the strike's legality, police officers and NCB officials outmanoeuvred the strikers by criminalising and victimising their local leaders. Arrests and relatively innocuous public-order convictions were followed by punitive sackings which reinforced the government's positional untruths about the strike. This targeted action was strategic: to defeat the strike; and weaken opposition to the closure of some collieries while intensifying production at others. The subsequent acceleration of deindustrialisation was a further injustice. In contributing to further political divergence within the UK, however, it provided a route to restorative justice for former strikers and their supporters in Scotland. In 2022 the Scottish Parliament provided a collective and posthumous pardon for more than 500 people with strike-related convictions in Scottish courts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Exports of knowledge-intensive business services (KIBS) depend on industrialization. • Premature deindustrialization harms capacity building at KIBS. • A KIBS export-led development strategy is not an alternative to industrialization. • Productive specialization in the service economy is path-dependent. • National Innovation Systems (NIS) need to be shaped by industrialization to foster KIBS. The transformation of the services sector and the deindustrialization of most economies have increased support for a KIBS export-led growth strategy for premature countries. However, the literature on deindustrialization argues that premature countries develop non-dynamic services mostly, which casts doubt on the viability of that strategy. This article theoretically and empirically analyzes this hypothesis. Using evolutionary and neo-Schumpeterian arguments, we point out the relevance of the path dependency of the productive structure throughout the complex transition from an industrial economy to a service economy. The empirical section analyzes the importance of the previous industrialization of a country to be a successful KIBS exporter. It finds that countries that achieved a high level of industrialization before deindustrializing are more likely to export KIBS than those countries that did not achieve advanced industrialization. Science-based and specialized suppliers manufacturing are of key importance for the development of KIBS capabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This shareholder activism was a significant departure from the traditional tools that unions used to represent workers, particularly collective bargaining, and legislative and political action. The number of workers covered by union-negotiated pensions is a fraction of what it once was; indeed, many plans are barely staying afloat as their populations age and they are not replenished by contributions from younger workers. For instance, a union seeking wage increases for workers at a large hospital might court public support by arguing that such improvements will benefit all workers in that community. [Extracted from the article]

This article compares two recent expositions held in Nagasaki, Japan, in 1990 and 2006. Both expositions responded to structural economic changes related to deindustrialization that prompted reidentifications with the city's history as a maritime trade hub in early modern Japan. To compare two temporally laced identities that emerged from this turning point, I distinguish each exposition's dominant chronotope. The 1990 Journey Exposition is characterized by Tabi (Journey)-time, which departs from a distant past to transit through a disappearing present towards a utopian future where Nagasaki has once again become an international port. The 2006 Saruku Expo is characterized by Saruku (Strolling)-time, which introspectively rediscovers Nagasaki's local heritage within the present while imagining a changeless future, erasing the temporal divisions formative of Tabi-time. If Tabi-time is national time derived from national expositions, Saruku-time is local time derived from heritage and memory. These chronotopes are characterized by different arrangements of exposition grounds and different mobilities that visitors were expected to perform on their fairgrounds. The Journey Exposition spatially delineated Nagasaki into future and past zones, whereas the Saruku Expo featured a series of wandering strolls that drew no clear temporal boundaries. Visitors in Tabi-time engaged in epic, romantic voyages across national borders, whereas visitors in Saruku-time displaced themselves locally in an inquisitive, slow-paced manner. The article draws from exposition documents like guides and official records as well as a local town magazine to argue that the formal organization of time can be practically utilized for economic and identity-building purposes as well as politically contested between different parties. It also develops recent scholarship in Theory of History such as Hayden White's concept of the 'practical past' and recent theorizations on the disorder of postmodern time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the Cumbrian poet Norman Nicholson (1914–1987) is an exemplary writer about rural modernity, whose work also enables us to conceptualise a rural modernism. Nicholson lived all his life in his home town of Millom, an industrial town excluded from the Lake District National Park at its creation. The sharp contrast between the idealised beauty of the Lakes and the labour and grime of the town brings into focus the relationships which characterise rural modernity. While Nicholson's poetry is, for the most part, highly specific in its writing of place, and has been disparaged for provincialism, the interpersonal relationships, and the relationships between humans and work, are highly typical. From his earliest publications he is conscious of the impact of deindustrialisation, and this essay brings together for the first time discourses of rural modernity and deindustrialisation, concluding with readings of Nicholson's two poems on the closing and dismantling of Millom's ironworks. Reading Nicholson and Millom as exemplifying rural modernity enables us to discern aspects of form and content which define rural modernism and develop the field. I conclude by reflecting on the enduring impact of rural deindustrialisation in the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Brazil and elsewhere in the world, diagnoses of deindustrialization are concentrated in aggregate manufacturing, so policies can be ineffective if deindustrialization has a sector-specific component. This study quantifies and analyses deindustrialization for the individualised manufacturing sub-sectors. To do this, unpublished series of the manufacturing sub-sectors' share in the Brazilian GDP from 1970 to 2016 were created, based on official IBGE data. The results show that the manufacturing sub-sectors have deindustrialised at different intensities and periods of aggregate manufacturing, and a subsectoral approach reveals traces ignored by the literature on the quality of deindustrialization. We conclude that the Brazilian deindustrialization is normal (and expected) for the labourintensive manufacturing sub-sectors, but premature (and undesirable) for the technologyintensive sub-sectors. Therefore, Brazilian deindustrialization has negative consequences for the country's future scientific and technological development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that in order to engage sociologically with the future the discipline needs to rediscover its historical imagination. It makes three main points. First is the idea that sociology needs to be more historical and to illustrate how this has been done well before. Second, it explores ideas, concepts and theories used in thinking about the past, which are in turn useful in organising how we imagine the future – in particular nostalgia, and especially that surrounding industry. Finally, it offers ways of thinking about the sociologically mediated relationship between past, present and future through the burgeoning field of deindustrialisation studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper deviates from the general trend to focus on big cities as research sites. It explores the impacts of deindustrialization on urban livelihoods in Norton – a small town west of Harare using the Sustainable Livelihoods Approach (SLA) to unpack how deindustrialization compromised livelihood assets and outcomes in Norton. Data were collected using triangulation of methods, which comprised interviews and field observations. Findings showed that key industries collapsed, leading to massive job losses, and job-related benefits. Findings further point to reduced service delivery capacity, resulting in poor sanitation, water, and electricity supply in the town, and how these relate to sustainable livelihoods. Deindustrialization also triggered a surge in urban poverty, food insecurity, poor housing, and the rise of the informal economy in Norton. The study concludes that despite its rural origins, the SLA is an effective tool to analyse urban livelihoods. It suggests that deindustrialization tends to be rampant in small towns vis-à-vis big cities. The study further highlights that financial assets tend to be more important in building urban livelihoods than the other forms of assets constitutive of the SLA. It concludes by reflecting on how human skills easily become redundant and stranded assets where industry is dysfunctional. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]