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To meet the growing global demand for minerals and new energy sources, governments in the Global South advance policy interventions to improve the unequal distribution of the cost and benefits of resource extraction. This paper explains the politics behind the implementation of the Closing Development Gaps (CDG) Plan, a new redistributive plan on behalf of Amazonian Indigenous peoples near the oil circuit in the Loreto region of Peru. It emphasizes the long-lasting impact of mobilizing strategies of indigenous organizations, which relayed critical information to policymakers about the claims both old and new of Indigenous peoples neighboring the oil circuit. It also draws attention to the permeability of state institutions, which allowed newer state agencies with distinct policy streams to advance new solutions to old problems. While the CDG Plan seeks to improve resource governance by focusing on infrastructure gaps (e.g., water and sanitation, electrification), it excludes the "political gaps" and the most contentious claims related to the environment that have moved Amazonian Indigenous peoples into struggle in recent years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explains how a comparatively weak Indigenous movement succeeded in establishing a precedent of Indigenous prior consultation reform in a national context adverse to Indigenous rights. The in-depth study of Peru shows that alliances between civil society actors and people inside certain state institutions who supported Indigenous claims can explain this outcome. The paper focuses on the collaboration of many human rights lawyers who became part of the Peruvian state. Still, the analysis also shows the limits and challenges of these alliances, particularly in the regulation phase. The paper shows that progressive state activists without strong ties to social movements, and the barriers they face inside institutional settings, can also contribute to the reproduction of weak institutions, particularly during the regulation phase of approved norms. The paper is based on long-term qualitative research in Peru. Data is culled from various source documents and semi-structured interviews with key actors, bureaucrats, Indigenous leaders and human rights professionals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is dedicated to study the forest and the impact of its use in the native community of Chamiriari in the province of Satipo, Peru. The adequate forestry use of the forests in the area would allow the efficiency in the timber industry and therefore mean an economic improvement, in addition to reducing ecological damages and preserving the cultural wealth of the native Chamiriari people who inhabit the area. That is why the statistical study of how timber resources are exploited in this area of Peru was necessary. For this, plots that serve as a sample were randomly selected to study the trees distribution in Satipo. One drawback found is that due to the number of plots studied and the extension of them it is difficult to count exactly how many trees exist, even on how much land is not planted, that is why the technicians who carried out the data collection were asked to express the data in the form of intervals, where imprecision is included, but the accuracy is preserved. This way of representing the data needs to be processed with the use of Neutrosophic Statistics, which is the extension of the theory of classical statistics to cases where data or parameters are available in interval forms. The results obtained will make it possible to increase the efficiency of timber industry with a minimum of ecological damage and respecting the way of life of the Chamiriari community. It is the first time to the authors’ knowledge that a study of this kind has been carried out in the province of Satipo. We concluded that the studied plots which are “non-intervened” or with few of cut out trees, have more variety in tree quality and economical interest in comparison with the “intervened” plots. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing number of claims filed by Indigenous peoples against pollution caused by extractive industries makes the challenge of factualizing and measuring the damage caused in their territories necessary. In Peru, the Kukama Kukamiria people are among the most affected by the various spills from the North Peruvian Pipeline since its construction, one of the most well-known occurred in the lower Marañón River in 2014. This paper is about the efforts and limitations involved in aligning the Kukama Kukamiria's experiences with the criteria and frameworks for measuring damage and compensation amid the toxic environment and the complicated time and space of late capitalism. Based on ethnographic research and considering the judicial processes, the analysis found that compensation became a tool of dispute in which incommensurable Indigenous worlds emerged to claim for their incommensurability to exist. But in the Peruvian neoliberal and extractive context, compensation also became a technique for governing Indigenous lives and natures in a way that excludes those worlds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The growing value of forest resources has produced an increasing regulation of the use of forest resources in the national states of the Amazonian region. The new generation of forest norms have established a standardised system for the utilisation of forest resources based on two main aspects: the elaboration of forest management plans, and the granting of forest licences by the State's authorities. However, this system has also increased the barriers for applying TFRK in indigenous lands because the current forest norms do not always consider their knowledge, their customary law, and their values. In view of this problem, this paper identifies the gaps and opportunities of the ICH Convention for protecting the TFRK of Amazonian indigenous peoples, considering the national legal frameworks of Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador and Peru. For doing this, firstly the connection between TFRK and intangible cultural heritage is shown. Secondly, the duties of the national States in relation to TFRK established by the ICH Convention are identified. Thirdly, it is discussed the form TFRK of Amazonian indigenous peoples is regulated in the national legal systems. Finally, it is analysed how the national norms that regulate TFRK of Amazonian indigenous peoples accommodate the ICH Convention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ayahuasca is a hallucinogenic plant mixture used in a ceremonial context throughout western Amazonia, and its use has expanded globally in recent decades. As part of this expansion, ayahuasca has become popular among westerners who travel to the Peruvian Amazon in increasing numbers to experience its reportedly healing and transformative effects. Drawing from ethnographic fieldwork in and around the area of Iquitos, Peru, the epicenter of ayahuasca tourism, this paper focuses on some of the problematic aspects of western engagement with indigenous spiritual traditions. This engagement is usually based on idealized and romanticized notions of indigenous shamanism and an inability to digest its less palatable aspects, such as sorcery. Through ethnographic examples and ethnohistorical evidence, I show that the romanticization indigenous peoples is not benign. In fact, this one-sided romantic image hides the complexity of indigenous peoples' situations by erasing the injustices that they have experienced and continue to experience. I propose a more holistic approach to ayahuasca shamanism that views indigenous peoples not living in a fictitious harmony with nature but as people embedded in larger struggles and facing important challenges not the least of which is the recent commercialization of indigenous spirituality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper focusses on the negotiations in which many subaltern peoples engage within contexts of unequal power relations in colonial settings like eighteenth-century Peru. The trial and 'confession' of Micaela Bastidas, an indigenous mestiza and wife of the Inca rebel Túpac Amaru II, allows for an analysis of the complexity of her subjectivity and agency, both as products of colonial impositions and Andean notions of gender complementarity and power. As a woman, wife of a noble curaca and member of a conquered indigenous population, she defied rigidly bipolar colonial ethnic and gender norms. Skilfully engaging in 'rituals of subordination' through the manipulation of discriminatory colonial expectations, Micaela refused to share what was expected of her, subverting colonial gender and power hierarchies, albeit momentarily. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aim of the Study and Ethnopharmacological relevance This paper presents the first ethnobotanical survey conducted among the Achuar (Jivaro), indigenous people living in Amazonian Ecuador and Peru. The aims of this study are: (a) to present and discuss Achuar medicinal plant knowledge in the context of the epidemiology of this population (b) to compare the use of Achuar medicinal plants with the uses reported among the Shuar Jivaro and other Amazonian peoples. Materials and methods The author conducted field research in 9 indigenous villages in the region of Morona Santiago and Pastaza in Ecuador. Semi-structured interviews on local illnesses and herbal remedies were carried out with 82 informants and plant specimens were collected and later identified in Quito. A literature research was conducted on the medicinal species reported by Achuar people during this study. Results The most reported medicinal plants are species used by the Achuar to treat diarrhoea, parasites infection, fractures, wounds, and snakebites. Informants reported the use of 134 medicinal species for a total of 733 recorded use-reports. Of these 134 species, 44 are reported at least 3 times for one or more specific disease condition for a total of 56 uses. These species are considered a core kit of medicinal plants of the Achuar of Ecuador. Most of these medicinal species are widely used in the Amazon rainforest and in many other parts of Latin America. Conclusion The author documented a core kit of 44 medicinal plants used among the Achuar of Ecuador and found that this core set of medicinal plants reflects local epidemiological concerns and the pharmacopoeias of the Shuar and other Amazonian groups. These findings suggest that inter-group diffusion of medicinal plant knowledge had a prominent role in the acquisition of current Achuar knowledge of medicinal plants. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]