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This study takes a closer look at the deindustrialization of the South Indian city of Bangalore with respect to its former cotton mill sector, nearly two decades after the closure of the first three composite cotton mills in the city. The study views deindustrialization from sectoral, city‐ and community‐centric perspectives. As well as identifying Bangalore as a significant site within the 'bygone mills' discourse in India, the article contributes to the less‐researched theme of deindustrialization in the global South. It provides a detailed look into the city's mill‐scapes, from their rise in the late 19th and early 20th centuries to their demise in the early 21st century, through a mix of archival evidence, spatial analysis and an interrogation of the collective memory of millworkers and their families. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• Deindustrialization may emerge in both developed and developing countries. One dimension of the industrialization trend is regional deindustrialization in a country. • Analyzes inter-state deindustrialization trends in the U.S. by dividing states into three income level groups (high, middle, and low). • Determines the turning points of inter-state deindustrialization in the U.S. and the difference in the rate of deindustrialization. • Conducts both time-series and panel data methodology. • Results show that the phenomenon of premature deindustrialization, which is historically observed in developing countries at a very lower GDP per capita income levels than developed countries, might exist at the regional level even in a developed country. The phenomenon of deindustrialization may emerge in both developed and developing countries. Besides deindustrialization is observable in different regions of a country. This study analyzes inter-state deindustrialization trends in the United States (the U.S.) from 1977 to 2017 by dividing states into three income level groups (high, middle, and low). Instead of specifying the factors, we determine the turning points of inter-state deindustrialization and the difference in the rate of deindustrialization by applying both time-series and panel data methodology. The results suggest that the deindustrialization hypothesis is valid in 38 out of 50 states, DC, and the U.S. at the country level. Furthermore, our results show that deindustrialization curves in lower-income states reach a turning point at lower per capita income levels and at an earlier time-span compared to higher-income state groups. Our findings indicate that premature/early deindustrialization, which is commonly stated for developing countries in the literature is also valid for different regions in a developed country, the U.S. in our case. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent research by economists has shown that deindustrialization is more severe in Sub-Saharan Africa and Latin America than it ever was in the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD). Nevertheless, most research on deindustrialization is focused on the former centres of Fordist manufacturing in the industrial heartlands of the North Atlantic. In short, there is a mismatch between where deindustrialization is researched and where it is occurring, and the objective of this paper is to shift the geographical focus of research on deindustrialization to the Global South. Case studies from Argentina, India, Tanzania and Turkey demonstrate the variegated nature of deindustrialization beyond the North Atlantic. In the process, it is demonstrated that cities in the Global South can inform wider theoretical discussions on the impacts of deindustrialization at the urban scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract Third World "development" often is characterized by rapid growth in trade and service jobs, not in manufacturing employment. Prior explanations emphasize materialist conceptions: a widening division of (white-collar) labor is required to match technological complexity. Or the central state pushes investment of capital-intensive industry, and resulting urban immigration outpaces growth in labor demand. This article focuses on how the central state's penetration into rural hinterlands sparks growth in trade and service jobs. The Mexican state not only employed rising numbers of service workers; it also legitimated socially constructed forms of work, urbanlike knowledge and forms of status. We find that variation in state penetration across 299 rural and urban counties, especially the sanctioning of written literacy and mass schooling, is related to growth in white-collar and informal-sector jobs (1900-1940), net the influence of counties' wealth and demographic features. All societies at early stages of their development have viewed industrialization as the main vehicle for improving living standards.., therefore, governments have played an active role in promoting industrialization (World Bank 1987). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The implications of climate change for economic development strategies in developing countries are explored, in particular whether industrialization still represents a viable development strategy in the context of climate change. Synthesizing the relevant literature and drawing insights from a comparison of Chinese and Indian experiences, it is argued that industrialization still represents an effective and, to some extent, indispensable development strategy, especially for those low- and low-middle- income countries that are affected by deindustrialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contrary to predominant neoliberal ideology that argued higher economic growth rates would eventually lead to better results in terms of income distribution, the last three decades witnessed high economic growth rates accompanied by rising income inequalities in most countries worldwide. Abundance of natural resources in several developing countries had significant implications for their economic growth and subsequent income inequality levels. Further, neoliberal globalization manifested itself in increased foreign direct investment and trade openness impacted world economies significantly. This research examines the effects of natural resource dependency, neoliberal globalization, and state-institutional factors alongside the internal development model on income inequality in a set of 96 developing countries for the period 1980–2010. Models for Prais–Winsten regressions with panel corrected standard errors show that within the internal development model, population growth rates are the most significant factor in influencing income inequality levels. Natural resource dependency is equally important and is positively associated with increasing inequalities. More detailed analyses of different types of energy-rich countries reveal varying results exemplifying the importance of exploring how different types of natural resources might affect income inequality levels rather than their sheer magnitude. Consistent with previous research, foreign direct investment indicates a robust positive association with increasing income inequalities whereas trade openness exhibits a negative association signifying the positive effect deindustrialization that took place in advanced countries might have had on developing countries. Finally and counterintuitively, democracy is associated with higher income inequalities whereas institutional quality is negatively associated with income inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new commercial globalization changed the map of the global industry. Today's world is different from yesterday. North does not dominate South in the same way. In the South there are large heterogeneities between developing countries, the emerging Asian and Latin American countries, etc. Some countries in the South have come to impose their own rules. However, not all emerging economies in the South have the same capacity prevail, as Latin America. Some Asian countries benefit temporarily from high growth, but experience a process of deindustrialization that weakens them. Some theories and analytical tools have become outdated or inaccurate, such as the center-periphery approach. Countries that yesterday belonged to the periphery have acquired characteristics of the old center and even exercise control over developed countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]