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Deindustrialization became a pressing political issue and an object of research almost simultaneously in North America. This article inquires into the intellectual origins and radical roots of the deindustrialization thesis in Canada and the United States. Though the two countries share much in common, their distinctive formulations of the deindustrial problem in the 1970s and 1980s reflected key economic and political differences between them. Radical political economists in Canada and the United States turned to dependency theory and capital flight, respectively, in their theorization of deindustrialization. Barry Bluestone and Bennett Harrison's 1982 book, The Deindustrialization of America , in particular, is a founding text for the burgeoning field of deindustrialization studies. We can learn much from re-engaging with this early scholarship. In doing so, however, we need to bridge the continuing analytical divide between micro-level labour histories of working-class communities and macro-level studies of political economy and the international division of labour. La désindustrialisation est devenue un enjeu politique pressant et un objet de recherche presque simultanément en Amérique du Nord. Cet article interroge les origines intellectuelles et les racines radicales de la thèse de la désindustrialisation au Canada et aux États-Unis. Bien que les deux pays partagent beaucoup de points communs, leurs formulations distinctes du problème désindustriel dans les années 1970 et 1980 reflétaient des différences économiques et politiques essentielles entre eux. Les économistes politiques radicaux du Canada et des États-Unis se sont tournés vers la théorie de la dépendance et la fuite des capitaux, respectivement, dans leur théorisation de la désindustrialisation. Le livre de Barry Bluestone et Bennett Harrison de 1982, The Deindustrialization of America , en particulier, est un texte fondateur pour le domaine en plein essor des études sur la désindustrialisation. Nous pouvons apprendre beaucoup en renouant avec cette première bourse. Ce faisant, cependant, nous devons combler le fossé analytique persistant entre les histoires de travail au niveau micro des communautés ouvrières et les études au niveau macro de l'économie politique et de la division internationale du travail. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the industrial crisis of the 1920s and the Great Depression in the 1930s, consecutive provincial governments in Nova Scotia turned their efforts toward state-led economic development. After the election of Robert Stanfield and the Tories in 1956, a wholesale industrial planning model was unveiled. Indeed, Stanfieldian economic policy in Nova Scotia was predicated upon the belief that direct state-led interventionism was necessary to offset regional inequity. State corporate entities, such as Industrial Estates Limited, and renewed interest in a state-driven industrial relations paradigm were central in the province's efforts to revitalize its flagging economy and offset predicted decline in the Cape Breton coal and steel industries. This article examines the fate of the Clairtone Sound Corporation, one of Nova Scotia's "new industries" that emerged out of these state-led development efforts. A case study of this Stellarton-based firm reveals how structural processes of deindustrialization produced crisis even within sectors that were completely distinct from the province's cornerstone industries of coal and steel. This case includes a reflection on the class composition of the modernist state in Nova Scotia and represents a convergence of the historiographical focus on state-led industrial development in the Maritimes and recent literature found within deindustrialization studies. À la suite de la crise industrielle des années 1920 et de la Grande Dépression des années 1930, les gouvernements provinciaux successifs de la Nouvelle-Écosse ont orienté leurs efforts vers un développement économique dirigé par l›État. Après l›élection de Robert Stanfield et des conservateurs en 1956, un modèle de planification industrielle en gros a été dévoilé. En effet, la politique économique « stanfieldienne » en Nouvelle-Écosse reposait sur la conviction que l›interventionnisme direct dirigé par l›État était nécessaire pour compenser les inégalités régionales. Les sociétés d›État, comme Industrial Estates Limited, et le regain d›intérêt pour un paradigme de relations industrielles dirigé par l›État ont joué un rôle central dans les efforts de la province pour revitaliser son économie chancelante et compenser le déclin prévu des industries du charbon et de l›acier du Cap-Breton. Cet article examine le sort de la Clairtone Sound Corporation, l›une des « nouvelles industries » de la Nouvelle-Écosse qui a émergé de ces efforts de développement menés par l›État. Une étude de cas de cette entreprise basée à Stellarton révèle comment les processus structurels de désindustrialisation ont produit une crise même dans des secteurs complètement distincts des industries phares du charbon et de l›acier de la province. Ce cas comprend une réflexion sur la composition de classe de l›État moderniste en Nouvelle-Écosse et représente une convergence de l›accent historiographique sur le développement industriel dirigé par l›État dans les Maritimes et de la documentation récente trouvée dans les études sur la désindustrialisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article compares two recent expositions held in Nagasaki, Japan, in 1990 and 2006. Both expositions responded to structural economic changes related to deindustrialization that prompted reidentifications with the city's history as a maritime trade hub in early modern Japan. To compare two temporally laced identities that emerged from this turning point, I distinguish each exposition's dominant chronotope. The 1990 Journey Exposition is characterized by Tabi (Journey)-time, which departs from a distant past to transit through a disappearing present towards a utopian future where Nagasaki has once again become an international port. The 2006 Saruku Expo is characterized by Saruku (Strolling)-time, which introspectively rediscovers Nagasaki's local heritage within the present while imagining a changeless future, erasing the temporal divisions formative of Tabi-time. If Tabi-time is national time derived from national expositions, Saruku-time is local time derived from heritage and memory. These chronotopes are characterized by different arrangements of exposition grounds and different mobilities that visitors were expected to perform on their fairgrounds. The Journey Exposition spatially delineated Nagasaki into future and past zones, whereas the Saruku Expo featured a series of wandering strolls that drew no clear temporal boundaries. Visitors in Tabi-time engaged in epic, romantic voyages across national borders, whereas visitors in Saruku-time displaced themselves locally in an inquisitive, slow-paced manner. The article draws from exposition documents like guides and official records as well as a local town magazine to argue that the formal organization of time can be practically utilized for economic and identity-building purposes as well as politically contested between different parties. It also develops recent scholarship in Theory of History such as Hayden White's concept of the 'practical past' and recent theorizations on the disorder of postmodern time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores migrant Black African youths' experiences of looking for and finding work in Newcastle, a deindustrializing Australian city. Data for this paper were drawn from interviews conducted with young people who migrated to Australia as temporary and permanent residents. Drawing on concepts of coloniality, racialization, bodywork, and hidden labor, this paper demonstrates how, when looking for work, participants' names get attached to their racialized bodies—a situation which deems them as suitable or not for specific kinds of work. Their strategies of finding work differ according to their migration status; that is, temporary residents draw on their personal networks, whereas some permanent residents with full citizenship rights rely on social welfare support services to find work. However, irrespective of the different strategies used to find work, they all end up doing jobs that they described as "work which others do not wish to do." I argue that these experiences re‐articulate the coloniality of labor because, as workers in these jobs, they play a crucial role in the economic transformation taking place in the city due to deindustrialization. This is not merely because they form part of the workforce responsible for working in unwanted jobs, but because they are also consumers of Newcastle's emerging welfare support and educational services sectors. The paper contributes to an understanding of how race shapes the labor market experiences of racialized youth in deindustrializing labor markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nova Scotians understand economic hardships at both the personal and community levels. This is especially true for the residents of Pictou County. With the eclipse of coal, steel, and heavy manufacturing, successive governments looked to tourism to augment an eroding economic base and to commemorate the working lives of Nova Scotians. This article offers an analysis of the initial decision to construct and maintain the Museum of Industry in a region of the province subjected to sequential phases of deindustrialization. The venture, officially opened to regular attendance in 1995, is the largest facility in the province's impressive system of 28 regional museums. The creation of the museum, however, was fraught with uncertainty and narrowly avoided financial collapse and plans to disperse the collection of artifacts. The project was subsequently left straddling an uneasy divide between celebrating industrial heritage and tempering controversies of economic and environmental development. Despite Nova Scotia's proud heritage of worker resistance and union activism, visitors may exit the museum with the ambiguous message that while working lives are often harsh and riven with uncertainty, optimism for the future must prevail. The implication is that the appropriate response is selective anodyne forms of nostalgia, even resignation, but not resentment of the human and environmental costs of deindustrialization. Les Néo-Écossais comprennent les difficultés économiques tant au niveau personnel que communautaire. Cela est particulièrement vrai pour les résidents du comté de Pictou. Avec l'éclipse du charbon, de l'acier et de la fabrication lourde, les gouvernements successifs se sont tournés vers le tourisme pour augmenter une base économique en érosion et pour commémorer la vie active des Néo-Écossais. Cet article propose une analyse de la décision initiale de construire et d'entretenir le Musée de l'Industrie dans une région de la province soumise à des phases successives de désindustrialisation. L'entreprise, officiellement ouverte à la fréquentation régulière en 1995, est la plus grande installation de l'impressionnant réseau de 28 musées régionaux de la province. La création du musée, cependant, était semée d'incertitudes et a évité de justesse l'effondrement financier et les plans de dispersion de la collection d'artefacts. Le projet a ensuite été laissé à cheval sur un fossé difficile entre la célébration du patrimoine industriel et la modération des controverses sur le développement économique et environnemental. Malgré le fier héritage de la Nouvelle-Écosse en matière de résistance des travailleurs et d'activisme syndical, les visiteurs peuvent quitter le musée avec le message ambigu que même si les vies professionnelles sont souvent dures et déchirées par l'incertitude, l'optimisme pour l'avenir doit prévaloir. L'implication est que la réponse appropriée est des formes anodines sélectives de nostalgie, voire de résignation, mais pas le ressentiment des coûts humains et environnementaux de la désindustrialisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]