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This paper will focus on the policy processes and inter-allied negotiations that led to the Treaty of Versailles limitations on German armaments. It will compare British and French approaches to the issue, and consider both naval and land disarmament, including fortifications as well as mobile forces. It will provide a longer-term context for the later papers by referring to pre-1914 precedents for the inter-war disarmament debate. It will relate policy differences towards Germany to concerns about the future balance of strength between the victors themselves. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite various attempts by their respective governments elements of Corsican and Basque society have continued to employ militant strategies in their attempts for greater autonomy and rights. Some have even used violence to call on complete independence from Spain and France. Corsica and the Basque country are isolated from the rest of the population, both have a history of fierce independence and a desire to protect their language and culture not only within Spain and France, but within the rest of the new highly integrated Europe. This paper will explore potential explanations for the continued violence in Corsica and the Basque country in the face of negotiations and concessions by the state. Issues such as history, culture and the role of the international community will be examined. The paper relies heavily on field research conducted in the region and with European policy makers. Through a greater understanding of the factors that have led to continual violence despite efforts by the state to negotiate in these cases, a clearer understanding of the majority/minority group relationship as a whole can be gained. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that divergent discourses about immigration during the 1970s and early 1980s in France and the United States played a significant role in shaping immigration jurisprudence in these countries and that liberal legal professional networks were central to this process. During a formative period for the rights of non-citizens, Mitterrandist discourse about immigration avoided ethnic and racial categories, while Great Society immigration discourse treated ethnicity as a legitimate category within a broader framework of pluralist politics. Court decisions translated these discursive framings into principles that structured legislative debates on immigration, further institutionalizing these nationally-distinct conceptualizations of immigrant rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the politics of youth unemployment in France, Germany, and the United Kingdom. For decades following World War II, joblessness among young people was consistently lower than the adult rate; today, however, Europeans between the ages of 18 and 25 are experiencing significantly higher levels of unemployment and underemployment in comparison to older workers, despite being better educated and a smaller total percentage of the population than previous generations. While traditional explanations of youth joblessness emphasize the transitory nature of the youth job market, maintaining that high levels of youth unemployment are, in a sense, “natural,” this paper argues that in France and the UK, young people have served as a “test” group for labor market liberalization for successive governments since the early 1980s. In France, this has led to a massive increase in unemployment rates for young people, while in the UK the effect has been a decline in the relative wages and employment rates for youth and a huge spike in the number of Britons under 25 involved in government education, training, and work schemes. In both countries, liberalizing the youth labor market has created an “insider/outsider” system for older and younger workers, with potential long-term political, economic, and social implications. While rigidities are still prevalent in the German youth job markets, the strength of the German apprenticeship system and the more deeply rooted system of legislative protections for youth have generally served to cushion young people from the negative side of labor market liberalization. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the diplomatic engagement of the EU3 (Germany, France and the UK) with Iran, in the context of growing regional and international concerns about the Iranian uranium enrichment programme and Tehran's perceived regional hegemonic ambitions. Drawing on the academic literature on coercive diplomacy/strategic coercion, this paper examines EU3 negotiating strategy and that of Tehran, focusing on three key elements: demands, threats and time frame. The central argument is that the Iran case is a unique, if not anomalous example of coalitional coercive diplomacy, in which the states engaging in diplomatic negotiations lack either the military capabilities or political will to threaten coercion, and the states making threats are not engaged in diplomacy. Nonetheless, the Iran issue provides an interesting case-study which highlights the possibilities and limitations of coalitional coercive diplomacy. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The “theory” of preventive war predicts that states are most likely to undertake military action in response to a rising challenger if they expect that the adversary will surpass them in military strength and then engage in hostile behavior, so that a future war with the challenger is likely. The biggest apparent anomaly for this theory is the Western rejection of a strategy of prevention based on better-now-than-later logic in favor of the strategy of appeasement in the 1930s. In our previous work on the Rhineland Crisis of 1936 and the Czechoslovak Crisis of 1938, we demonstrated that the British and French non-response is not at odds with preventive war theory because British leaders believed that the transition had already occurred prior to 1936, leaving France and Britain with few options, and because French leaders would not take a firm stand against Germany without British support. This interpretation begs the question of why Britain and France did not respond more firmly to the rise of Hitler and to German rearmament before 1936, either through military buildups of their own, a containment strategy based on alliances, or perhaps through coercive threats or preventive military action. In this paper, we address this important question with an analysis of British and French government documents and private papers. We conclude with a discussion of the limits of preventive war theory. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The failed referenda in France and the Netherlands on the EU constitution in May 2005 as well as Eurobarometer data reveal a lack of popular support for the EU as a political actor and the integration process. Theorists hold that this phenomenon can be attributed to (1) a lack of an EU-wide public sphere that would facilitate deliberative processes, (2) a distinctly “European”, as opposed to “national”, identity, and (3) a legitimacy deficit arising from the fact that EU institutions predominantly deal with issues that citizens consider non-salient.This paper seeks to qualify arguments (1) and (2). It holds that basic structures of a shared public sphere do indeed exist albeit being distinct from national ones. Further more, a shared identity can be traced in so-called “sites of memory”. Concerning argument (3), the paper holds that despite its limited capacity for policy-making, the EU is a potent political actor in terms of agenda setting as can be extracted from public political statements and election campaigns. The paper suggests that the lack of support is â€" at least partially â€" due to an insufficient communication strategy which fails to mediate political processes originating from the EU. Without such a strategy, however, potential benefits of EU policies will remain obscure to the citizenry. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 29 May 2005, French voters rejected the European Constitutional Treaty (ECT) by a decisive 54.7 percent. Among many contributions to the literature on the French referendum, the broader historical and theoretical perspectives on European referenda are generally omitted. This paper analyzes the causes of the ‘no’ vote in France, and discusses its implications for the future of the ECT based on two sets of theories on European referenda, namely the ‘second-order’ and the ‘attitude’ schools. The second-order model argues that in referenda on European integration, short term domestic concerns outweigh long term European perspectives in shaping voter behavior. On the other hand, the attitude school argues that citizens have educated ideas, beliefs, and attitudes on salient European matters. These two perspectives are often presented as contradictory; however as the French voting reveals the reasons for the ‘no’ votes in referenda are manifold, arising from both domestic and European concerns of the voters. Based on case studies of the previous European referenda in Denmark and Ireland, this paper shows that second-order and attitude schools can be used as complementary approaches to explain why French have voted against the ECT. In the case of France, national and European dimensions of the constitutional debate form a whole to explain the emerging disharmony between perceptions of the political elite and the public regarding the course of European integration. It is argued that to reverse this trend and to save the constitution, revisions and reforms at both national and European levels might be necessary. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European integration has been deepened and expanded several times toward the Eastern enlargement whose start was to realize the renunciation of war between Germany and France. Although variety of issues arguing self interest occurred, shared interest coming from European common values has seemed to exceed self interest, which has led to the EU eastern enlargement. Compared with European Union which has its institutional way of integration, East Asia is called as functional way of integration led by enterprises not by nation states, which has led to the de facto integration. We examine in this paper the origin and the characteristics of the introversion of East Asian region with public goods approach. Also we investigate the way in which East Asian internationalism will appear and East Asian international order with independency will also be born, whose tendency is investigated in this paper by function provided by reiterated communication (typically insisted by Axelrod) and by beneficial viewpoints of creating FTA and customs union (typically asserted by Kemp and Wan). Those viewpoints emphasize importance of free mobility of goods, labor and capital, communication and reiteration towards Pareto optimal situation, towards more integration. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper begins in Paris, moves to postcolonial India, and then returns to the Western metropolis through the figure of the migrant. At each stop, I will be trying to unpack how the modern nation works. As will soon become clear the task of unfurling the politics of the nation also involves unravelling some of the basic narratives of modernity. This paper about national politics is therefore, somewhat unwittingly, also a paper about politics under modernity. The paper travels through a discussion of three texts. The first is Walter Benjamin's Arcades Project, a study of Nineteenth Century Paris and, as I will argue, a lucid exposition of how the nation works. The two others are postcolonial theories of nationalism, one by Partha Chatterjee and the other by Homi Bhabha. In each understanding of the nation, there is already implicated an image of the international. In the paper, I discuss how different understandings of time shape how we imagine political possibilities. I compare the idea of time that underpins the modern nation, with different understandings of time which might be explored through the site of the city. Each of the three texts criticises the failure of modern political imagination, while attempting to develop some alternatives. I argue that although Benjamin, Chatterjee and Bhabha go some way towards proposing a reimagined nation, we are still left at the end with an unimaginative, exclusive and narrow understanding of the international. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will consider the evolution of attitudes towards disarmament within the French military establishment through the interwar period. The central argument will be that the military response to the disarmament question was more sophisticated than has hitherto been assumed. The key French military official charged with dealing with this question throughout most of the period in question was Lt Col. Eduard Requin. I will argue that Requin had an impressive understanding of the political complexities of the disarmament issue and proved very effective at establishing the conceptual and procedural framework in which it was debated through most of the 1920s. Contrary to common wisdom, disarmament policy was an important component in both diplomatic and military thinking about national security. This changed with the rise of Hitler and subsequent intelligence on German rearmament convinced the French military very early on that France’s security could not be achieved by diplomacy alone. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The examination of the mean and standard deviation of levels of EU member state commitments to development assistance from 1990 to 2001 indicates that there was little change in the level of cross-national variation in aid outlays during this period. Yet this overall image of EU member state foreign aid performance obscures important differences in the direction state development commitments have taken. This paper focuses on the changes in levels of aid allocations in just two countries: Ireland and France. Ireland reliably increased its development assistance throughout the decade, doubling the percentage of its GNP allocated to overseas aid between 1990 and 2001, whereas France nearly halved its aid outlays in the same period. Explanations of donor generosity focusing on material self-interest, humanitarian values, and the efforts of domestic political actors largely fail to account for the timing and nature of changes to the Irish and French aid programs during the 1990s. Instead, this analysis draws attention to state identity as a determinant of aid outcomes. In both states, changes in development commitments reflected an adaptation of how state identity could be expressed within a changed international context. For Ireland, increasing political integration in Europe exposed the declining relevance of the neutrality doctrine that had served as the primary symbol of an independent and moral Irish foreign policy, and the pursuit of a progressive development cooperation policy offered an alternative means of expressing a unique Irish contribution to world politics. Events in Central Africa in the mid-1990s undermined the ability of France to claim an international leadership role on the basis of its involvement on that continent. As a consequence, French development assistance declined and France turned increasingly to reassert its leadership role within the European Union as a means of safeguarding its international diplomatic preeminence. Although this study suggests that the EU has had little influence on the development cooperation policies of its member states through the promotion of common standards, the EU has shaped member state foreign policy choices by defining the range of available opportunities for state identity expression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While France vehemently denounced the attacks of 9/11 on the United States, with French papers (such as Le Monde) taking the lead in expressing solidarity with the American people and government, relations between the two countries suffered due to French ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What is the colonial legacy of peace(building) and what can it tell us about the practice and discourse of peacebuilding? This paper examines peacebuilding's colonial legacy, the politics of its theorization or non-theorization, and its effects on the prospect for building peace in so-called post-conflict African settings. It inquires into the relevance of colonial legacies and anti-colonial strategies to the contemporary discourse and practice of peacebuilding. The main objective is to problematize this legacy because in the contemporary peacebuilding scholarship the colonial legacy is often rejected a priori as totally irrelevant or it is simply assumed, thus leading to questionable comparisons between colonial violence and current peace operations. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper will borrow from the social theory of Pierre Bourdieu to analyse the social dynamics of the French foreign ministry during a period of dramatic change. The period from 1914 through 1928 witnessed important transformations. The international s ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to provide a comparative analysis of state-Muslim relations in Britain, France and Russia by focusing on state-sponsored efforts to engage with and institutionalise moderate forms of Islam, compatible with the secular agenda of inter-conf ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the impact that status (or rang) occupies in the bilateral relationship between France and the United States. The title is an allusion to André Tardieu’s 1927 book Devant nous, l’obstacle, which remains one of the classic works on a r ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the ways in which colonialist thinking became embedded in the international practice of French political elites between the Wars. It takes as its starting point the proposition that some of the most fascinating issues in colonial history lie at the interface between Europeans and indigenous populations, at the point where expressed policy intention met indigenous efforts to challenge it, to amend it, or otherwise to assuage its impact. These sites of contestation are often the most analytically rewarding, revealing the limitations of colonial power and the extent to which colonized people retained significant capacity to reconcile colonial intrusion with their enduring societal practices. French colonizers were no less influenced by these points of contact, deriving from them their normative standards, their modes of behaviour, and their administrative procedures.Here we confront another analytical question. How did these norms of behaviour and practice within the Empire feed back to imperial policy processes in France? Put differently, were the changing normative standards of practical and permissible colonial rule driven from the periphery or from the centre? Perhaps this binary opposition is too rigid. If so, how are we to reach a workable, multi-causal explanation for changes in the way the Empire's place in French international politics was understood? The answer may lie in closer examination of the ways in which knowledge of colonial activity became embedded in the international thinking - the global view - of French political elites.Two discrete colonial policy debates, both variously concerned with issues of political economy and each of them intimately linked with the projection of French international power illustrate what these elite normative standards amounted to during the inter-war years. The first of these concerns the most ambitious French colonial infrastructural scheme of the early twentieth century: Albert Sarraut's eponymously-named development plan, proposed and ultimately rejected in the 1920s. The second hinges on the battle between the French state and the colonial banking sector over which bore more responsibility for the devastating impact of the Depression conditions of the early 1930s on colonial economies and populations. The point is not to overthrow conventional wisdom about these issues. Rather, it is to highlight the extent to which Empire was - or was not - part of the way in which senior political figures viewed the world. What emerges is a paradox. Alongside an ebullient belief in the virtuous singularity of French imperialism sat the long-term refusal to confront the costs - human, economic, and political - of governing Empire. Gary Wilder captures the contradiction nicely in his analysis of inter-war conceptions of Greater France, which 'reflected the confidence of an organized empire at the height of its power and revealed the anxiety of a colonial project facing an imminent crisis of colonial authority.' ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I will examine the thesis that policies on integration are converging in contradictory ways: civic integration and anti-discrimination. If the first implies a greater emphasis on unified civic values, the second implies support and legitima ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within debates on Global Governance corporate participation in various forms of self-regulation is increasingly being studied. Yet, a variable formerly considered to be important, the home state, has not drawn much attention recently. However, first research results indicate that in explaining the differences in corporate behaviour in self-regulatory initiatives the home state still matters.Two different patterns of corporate engagement can be distinguished: Corporations can either accept and implement existing norms of an initiative which would qualify them as norm-consumers. This rather passive absorption of norms can be contrasted with a second pattern of corporate behaviour, the active engagement in norm formation and norm development within CSR-initiatives. Thereby corporations are taking on the role of norm-entrepreneurs.The paper aims to investigate the conditions for these variations in corporate behaviour, either acting as norm-consumers or norm-entrepreneurs. In contrast to theories of transnational corporations that describe corporations as de-nationalized entities, we argue that the political environment of a corporation’s homestate determines in how far a corporation is willing to take on the role of a political actor. Following the Varieties of Capitalism approach, it will be shown that characteristics of coordinated and liberal market economies are decisive not only for explaining business strategies but also whether corporations take on the role of norm-consumer or norm-entrepreneurs.This argument will be illustrated by empirical findings from case studies of eight companies from four countries (France, Great Britain, Germany, South Africa), representing different types of economies. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents research findings on the British Army case study from a two year ESRC funded project on land forces transformation in the US, Britain and France. In the post-Cold War period all three armies have been confronted with a number of challenges as they have sought to adapt and innovate in the face of the alteration of the political, social. strategic and military environment, as well of the increasingly introduction of new technologies, particularly information technologies, and societal changes. The British Army’s innovation efforts have been shaped by a perceived operational need to be more expeditionary in character and to develop new concepts consistent with the concepts of Network Enabled Operations and Effects Based Approach to Operations that have their origins with, respectively, US Navy and the US Air Force. A critical aspect of the British Army’s effort to respond to these issues is the Future Rapid Effects System, a radical rethinking of the organization of Army units designed to make one third of its combat capability more expeditionary while still sustaining combat lethality and survivability. This analysis examines for what has driven the British Army to rethink the character of its combat platforms and organizational structure, the factors which conditioned the alternative choices it perceived it had and the choices it ultimately took, and the relevant factors, such as organizational culture that have facilitated or inhibited innovation or change. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper present research findings from the French Army case study from a two year ESRC funded project on land forces transformation in the US, Britain and France. In the post-Cold War period all three armies have been confronted with a number of challenges as they have sought to adapt and innovate in the face of the alteration of the political, social. strategic and military environment, as well of the increasingly introduction of new technologies, particularly information technologies, and societal changes. The French Army’s innovation efforts have been shaped by a perceived operational need to be more expeditionary in character and a political imperative to develop new concepts in line with the US military’s transformation programme. A critical aspect of the French Army’s effort to respond to these issues is the Scorpion ground combat system (which is analogous to the US FCS and UK FRES) and related re-organization of Army units designed to make one third of its combat capability more expeditionary while still sustaining combat lethality and survivability. This analysis examines for what has driven the French Army to rethink the character of its combat platforms and organizational structure, the factors which conditioned the alternative choices it perceived it had and the choices it ultimately took, and the relevant factors, such as organizational culture that have facilitated or inhibited innovation or change. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Post-Cold War military reforms in Britain, France and Germany have been characterized by patterns of convergence in the objectives, instruments and institutional forums of defense policy, but by divergence in temporality. These patterns of convergence and divergence cannot be fully explained by cultural approaches. Neither can they be explained solely by a focus on the role of 'international structure', as neo-realism posits, although the post-Cold War distribution of capabilities is driving Britain, France and Germany towards policy convergence. Instead the analysis builds upon the insights of neo-classical realism and its emphasis upon 'state power' by demonstrating the important intervening role played by domestic material power relationships in incentivizing figures within the core executive to respond to systemic power shifts. The paper argues that in Britain and France 'executive autonomy' in defense policy, resulting from the unitary state, weak linkages between defense and social policy subsystems and formal powers of the core executive in defense has allowed policy leaders to focus on the 'national interest' and convergence with 'systemic imperatives'. In Germany the federal system and linkages between social and defense policy circumscribed 'executive autonomy' in defense policy and incentivized an acute concern within the core executive about the domestic political ramifications of convergence with systemic imperatives, leading to the temporal management of reform, producing short-medium term policy stasis. Culture emerges not so much as a cause of action as instrumental and a resource for policy leaders in the domestic political and temporal management of reform. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One often reads that popular written medias bare a special responsibility in the linkage between migration and security. The argument is that medias often (if not always) portray the movement of people as negative; thus, fostering a sense of threat and insecurity. As well, scholars have argued that medias have created a "migration crisis" inducing the securitization of migration in Western countries. In addition, several senior analysts/bureaucrats interviewees for this study have ranked media as a highly significant actor in the process of securitizing migration. In fact, the argument is often presented with such a level of ubiquitousness that it is rarely unpacked. Yet, I demonstrate in this paper that such a conclusion is grossly incomplete. Proceeding within a sociological constructivist perspective, I have investigated editorials of two major newspapers in Canada and France between 1989 and 2005 to show that the role of media varies considerably within and across cases. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many states in Africa have recently increased their use of African languages as media of instruction in their education systems. Contrary to rationalist expectations, this similarity is not the result of domestic pressures brought on government by language groups. Nor is it the straightforward result of international human rights advocacy networks. Instead, the policy outcome sits at the intersection of ideational pressures that have changed policy-maker preferences at several levels. First, at the international level, a group of strategic academics worked to alter the preferences of French ministers charged with foreign policy in Africa. These ministers communicated new policy preferences to African governments regarding language use in education. Simultaneously, as international language NGOs collaborated with local linguists to transcribe African languages, these actors worked diligently to transform the opinion of African parents, politicians and bureaucrats regarding the use of local languages in education. All of these pressures converged in the early 1990s to propel a pattern of changed policy in Francophone African states. This paper focuses on the first step in the causal chain: the changed preferences among government actors in France who are charged with policy formulation in aid to African education. These findings reveal the continued ideational links between France and its former colonies and contrast them with a lack of such connections in Anglophone Africa. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I analyzed he im/material salience of women within polemical nodes of French immigration politics. Such salience points to the peculiar role that women, gender, and sexuality play in the construction of racist and nationalist discourses. It also alerts us to the fact that a sans-papière subject position is impossible to imagine within the Republic. While the figure of the "immigrant Woman" stand metonymically for the various ills of immigration, immigrant women are literally erased from the picture. I use the concept of "impossibility" to highlight the very unthinkability of certain subjectivities within France. I also use the notion of impossibility to highlight various material and discursive processes that create social spaces of impossibility that the sans-papiers and sans-papières are forced to occupy. Finally, I suggest that the various technologies of power that produce impossible subjects generate, in return, impossible politics. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

France was among the early developers in modern state-building, establishing standardising procedures and regulations under the leadership of Richelieu, Mazarin and Colbert. These developments also shaped the state monopoly on the use of violence, with one important exception â€" seaborne violence. Largely in lieu of a true navy, France relied on privateers in their wars with the dominant sea-powers (the Netherlands and England) throughout the 17th and 18th centuries, particularly so after the losses at the Battles of Barfleur and La Hogue in 1692.Even when the formal war-making capacity was delegated to private entrepreneurs, the French state tried to retain a modicum of control. In this paper we explore this interaction between the French state and sea-borne private military entrepreneurs, through two sets of sources. First we look at the practical attempts at controlling privateering through the increasing deployment of consuls to ports were prizes were brought. This is followed by an analysis of state laws and regulations, the ones concerning consuls as well as the ones relating directly to privateering. We find one set of intended consequences â€" state regulations and practices gradually brought privateering under closer state control. However, we also find two sets of unintended consequences. Firstly, the deployment of consuls (French and others) abroad led to the development of stronger control apparatuses and regulations in receiving countries, thus spawning state-building efforts there as well. Secondly, the spread of consuls and the diffusion of accepted regulations of their behaviour also helped institutionalise consular affairs as an undergirding of the emerging international society. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many statistical models of democratization in Africa include a dichotomous variable to account for colonial history. Some studies have shown that former British colonies enjoy a higher degree of democracy than non-British ones while other studies have found no signficant differences between the two groups. I argue in this paper that contradictory findings are the result of improper model specification. Specifically, theory dictates that former British colonies should enjoy a higher degree of democracy at the time of independence, but this level of democracy should deteriorate over time. Conversely, former French (Belgium, Portugese) colonies should start with a low level of democracy but increase it over time. The inclusion of a dummy variable only captures differences in the intercept. By interacting the dummy variable with economic growth (and time), I show that my model better captures the theorized relationship between colonial history and democratization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents the conference paper titled "Mickey Mouse and the French Identity" prepared for the "46th Annual ISA Convention" held in Honolulu, Hawaii. It examines how the French discursive resistance against the American pop culture provided France with an opportunity to reinforce its own cultural identity and reclaim a coherent political role. It discusses the penetration of American pop culture in France including the introduction of the Buffalo Bill Wild West Show in Paris in 1889.

Explores the credibility of G8 based on its ability to reliably implement the commitments it reaches within a number of core issue areas. Global issues tackled at G7/8 summits; Explanation on Summit compliance; Highlights of the annual meeting of G8 in June 1-3, 2003 in Evian, France.

Presents a case study focusing on French diplomacy on HIV/AIDS. Coordination of numerous diplomatic actors; Construction of a consensus on French position; Dangers of an ambiguitous foreign policy.

Hiscox (2002) argues that the types of coalitions that form in a democracy over trade depend on the level of inter-industry factor mobility within an economy. When factors are mobile across industries, broad class-based coalitions develop. When factors are specific to particular industries, narrow, industry-based coalitions result. Using this theory, one can develop a partial explanation of why different advanced industrial states have different models of capitalism and different policymaking processes concerning trade...ASA-I turn attention to the role political institutions play in forming coalitions. In a democracy, the degree to which the executive or the legislature controls trade and industrial policy does much to determine the size of winning coalitions and the extent to which benefits are distributed in trade policy. I argue that legislatures tend toward minimum winning coalitions in trade policy, while the executive branch favors maximal coalitions. Legislatures tend to exclude more societal actors, while executive-dominated systems emphasize consensual policies, and include more societal actors in the policymaking process. Depending on whether the executive or legislature is dominant, and whether a state has class-based or sectoral-based coalitions, a state will have a partisan, pluralist, corporatist, or interventionist approach to trade policy. To illustrate this theory, I briefly examine how trade policy in France and Sweden has changed over time. In France, factor-mobility has been low for most of its history. As the executive became more dominant in the Fifth Republic, the government emphasized a comprehensive industrial policy. In Sweden, factor mobility has been mobile for most of its history. But as decision-making over trade has shifted from the legislature to the executive, Swedish policy focused on peak-association negotiations after WWII. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigration policies serve a number of functions for states. Governments may use policies as instruments of foreign policy, economic growth, population growth, and/or national security. In this post-September 11, 2001 global environment, integration policies have become more assimilationist and immigration restrictions toward nationals from Muslim countries of origin have increased in the name of national security. While this trend is common among many Western states, Britain's immigration stance toward Muslim migrants remains unchanged. What explains the radical reforms in the Netherlands, Germany, and France while British immigration policy remained unchanged? This study examines change in immigration policies in Netherlands, Germany, France, and the absence of this change in the UK, towards migrants from predominantly Muslim countries of origin. Based on a comparative case study analysis using process tracing, findings indicate that Dutch immigration/integration policy choices influence government policy changes in other West European countries. Governments experiencing similar sociopolitical 'problems' and observe overlapping societal responses to them, optimize in creating policy alternatives by using short-cuts and adopting policies implemented in comparable states and situations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We can make reference to two different main projections of future for the EU: (a) the position defended by France and Germany, which presupposes that there should be ‘not a geographically very big but politically and economically strong social European ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkish and French efforts to restrain their U.S. ally in 2003 demonstrate the regularity of alliance restraint in international affairs and the importance of the more powerful state in the dispute mobilizing its power resources. The French effort failed to stop or substantially delay the U.S.-led invasion of Iraq. Turkey prevented U.S. forces from invading Iraq in the north but did not stop the overall U.S. war plan. The United States mobilized its resources to overcome French non-participation, entice Turkey with aid and political guarantees, and, when that failed, fight the Iraq war without a major ground invasion from the north. U.S. officials were unified and seeking to attain high nationals security objectives, both factors that make a restrainee hard to stop. These results are generally consistent with my previous work on alliance restraint, Warring Friends. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay assesses levels of anti-Muslim prejudice in two important European countriesâ??Britain and Franceâ??to begin a process of systematically evaluating the status of Muslims on national ethno-racial hierarchies. It reviews major scholarly and institutional public opinion polls from 1988 through 2008 to discern attitudes toward Muslims over time and in comparison to other religious and ethnic groups. The findings support the following three conclusions: (1) negative attitudes toward Muslims have risen over the past twenty years in Britain and France; (2) when compared to other religious groups, Muslims are viewed with tremendous suspicion by British and French respondents; and (3) in spite of the events of recent years, Muslims have not yet sunk to the bottom of the ethno-racial hierarchy; most measures suggest that other groups remain more distant ethno-racial outsiders than Muslims in both Britain and France. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent and well-documented rise in inequality within most industrialized democracies challenges our received, post-Kuznets view about how inequality changes over time and what changes it. Other recent research calls equally into question well-establi ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The period before the First World War is often considered not to have been particularly significant for thinking about constructing, or even more (re)constructing, the world or parts of it. But there was a great deal of thinking going on in Britain, Franc ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU's new Lisbon Treaty has replaced the Constitutional Treaty that was rejected in referenda in France and the Netherlands in 2005. How different is the new treaty and why did the member states go ahead with a new treaty without the symbols of constit ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Competition State in the late 20th century went through two developmental stages. The first was the “strategic state” or “developmental state,” combining elements of the Japanese and French models with some aspects of European neocorporatism. The seco ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early 1960s, the French Committee for Amnesty in Portugal was founded in the northern suburbs of Paris, which were home to growing numbers of Portuguese workers and their families. This association demanded the restoration of civil liberties under ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the field of international relations, scholars have generally minimized the importance of leaders, attributing political outcomes to structures and situational factors. In recent years, however, a growing number of scholars have called on political sci ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, irregular migrants have mobilised, marched, occupied buildings, rioted, gone on strike, petitioned, blogged, written manifestos and generally brought attention to their long-term presence in states where they live with the constant threat of deportation. What do these diverse mobilizations reveal about the dynamics of citizenship as a metric of sovereignty? In this article, I reflect upon these theoretically neglected sites of growing political activism. I consider the forms of contestation employed by irregular migrants in the US, France and Australia and how these may imply new modes of political belonging that move beyond a citizen/non-citizen divide. I also consider what strategic possibilities are emerging between irregular migrants' struggles for recognition and citizens' attempts to secure their futures in the context of neoliberal globalization. To this end, I critically engage with Jennifer Gordon's innovative proposal for Transnational Labor Citizenship - an alternative mode of belonging built upon a burgeoning alliance between irregular migrants and traditional labor movements. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the decades long conflict between Spain and the Basque secessionist organization ETA, this study explores the determinants of state reaction to secessionist violence. Among the factors analyzed is the intensity and location of violence, the ideological disposition on a left-right dimension of the party heading the target state, popular support for the secessionist group, and economic vitality. The analysis reveals that while secessionist violence generates both repressive and conciliatory reactions on the part of the state, it is more likely to be met with conciliation. Furthermore, rightist and leftist governments are equally likely to employ repressive measures, especially when popular support for a secessionist organization is shown to have decreased, whereas leftist governments are more prone toward conciliation. Finally, this study develops the idea of symbolic reassurancesâ??or state rhetoric intended to assuage a particular constituencyâ??in the context of secessionist conflict and violence. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Opposite to Anglo-Saxon (and Scandinavian) traditions, France's academia has mostly ignored the growing trend of Conflict Resolution studies. Whereas Montville and MacDonald designed the Multiple Tracks theories and put those into practice more than 20 years ago, such theories are only slowly penetrating French International Affairs studies and practice. From such an intriguing divide arises a range of questions that need to find answers. Key factors - historical, political, cultural - are investigated to explain how Conflict Resolution studies are perceived and taught there. It is then analyzed how France's political and academic landscape could progressively be more receptive to the use of conflict resolution methods and actors. The example of the Institute for Research and Education on Negotiation in Europe is analyzed. There are indeed multiple opportunities to build bridges between such different academic and diplomatic traditions, providing perspectives for a renewed transatlantic cooperation and mutual enrichment. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

European integration raises fundamental questions for international studies. It is not surprising, then, that there are competing explanations that follow the major theoretical fault-lines in the field. The three most prominent explanations have focused on the competition for power, on economic efficiency, and on an evolving European identity. These explanations correspond to realist, liberal-institutionalist, and constructivist approaches to international relations. Understanding the relative strength of these explanations has been limited by the lack of a systematic approach to the empirical evidence. In the spirit of this year’s overarching ISA themeâ€"building bridges across disciplines in international studiesâ€"I argue that a literature developed in psychology for understanding and measuring human motivations offers a promising and heretofore untapped way to break out of this empirical impasse. This approach has articulated a methodology for the measurement and analysis of human action based on three underlying motivations: the need for power, the need for achievement, and the need for affiliation. Conveniently, these motivations map nearly perfectly onto our three explanations for integration: power, economic efficiency, and identity. This methodology has been successfully applied in other social settings and rigorous rules have been worked out for textual analysis that can ensure consistent and systematic coding. I apply these tools to the analysis of major speeches from political leaders in France, Germany, and the United Kingdom surrounding consideration of the Maastricht Treaty to show how the different underlying motives vary across the different countries and vary between internal and external audiences. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A foreign policy directed toward noble and inspiriting ends will evoke the loyalty of the domestic populace and bring it to sacrifice for the domestic regime that conceives of its international role in high-minded ways. A foreign policy aiming at glory will not only disturb international tranquillity, but will also arouse passions at home harmful to domestic stability. In these two statements one sees contradictory understandings of the links between domestic society and international society--between what is necessary to secure popular backing for a new regime at home, on the one hand, and what is conducive to amicable relations in the ongoing international system on the other. The question was discussed not simply in theoretical terms but on a very practical level in the case of the Orleanist Monarchy in France in the 1830s and 1840s, with two acute minds, Alexis de Tocqueville and Francois Guizot, leading the debate. Tocqueville believed that presenting the people with a foreign policy that promoted liberal principles would give them a reason to become active supporters of the government that supported it; Guizot, that stirring up international discord through an ideologically charged foreign policy would inevitably provoke domestic revolutionary sentiment as well. Their exchanges bear continuing relevance in an era of regime change, humanitarian intervention, and ideological/cultural divides. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on a study about the French policy towards the U.S. It seeks to offer a more comprehensive understanding of the French positions by studying the arguments used by the French political leadership and the implications of the Iraq conflict for bilateral cooperation at lower levels. It argues that the French foreign policy has been modified in the post Cold War period as a result of the Europeanization process.

The author examines the influence of institutional arrangements in the metropolitan reaction to challenges to the existing territorial sovereignty. The Algerian and Portuguese military, settlers and business elites with economic stakes in the subject areas are the groups that oppose colonial disengagement. He also discusses the theoretical logic in a case of decolonization involving France and Algeria. A comparison of the Arab-Israeli conflict and the French-Algerian war is presented.