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This paper will make the case that by examining the historical record, the theories associated with a state emerging from extreme ethnic violence, in particular the comparative symbolic politics theories of Stuart Kaufmann and the author's direct experience in a NATO peacekeeping unit, that this model best describes the environment and peacekeeping challenges facing SFOR and NATO in the late 1990s. This paper offers a unique perspective from both the lens of the theorist and practitioner that can capture peacekeeping tools to monitor the complex problem sets of extreme ethnic violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Filling the Gap via �Loose Institutions�: A Case Study from the Acid Deposition Monitoring Network in East Asia (EANET). This paper aims to discuss whether �loose institutions� via networks, which variety of actors tie complexly, could have any significance for the creation of regional environmental governance. Using a case study from the Acid Deposition Monitoring Network in East Asia (EANET), the paper especially focuses on why East Asian states have chosen the acid rain issue, to explain how the formation of regional institutions weaves regional norms with networking. In order to explain these focal issues from analytical approaches, 'network analysis' as the theoretical framework is firstly introduced and applied to the three periods of the case: formation, maintenance, and development of the network of EANET. The idea of effectiveness on international/regional institution is secondly used for its evaluation. As a conclusion, this case study implies that environmental governance in East Asia could entail three processes along with the whole dynamic of network advancement: international/ regional networking, the promotion of good governance, and concrete measures for the implementation of the issue. It also suggests the possibility to mix the different modes of governance to make �patchwork quilt� towards the promotion of further environmental cooperation in East Asia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

'There was a time when metaphysics was called the queen of all the sciences ? In the beginning, under the administration of the dogmatists, her rule was despotic. Yet because her legislation still retained traces of ancient barbarism, this rule gradually degenerated through internal wars into complete anarchy; and the sceptics, a kind of nomads who abhor all permanent cultivation of the soil, shattered civil unity from time to time. But since there were fortunately only a few of them, they could not prevent the dogmatists from continually attempting to rebuild.' Imannuel Kant, The Critique of Pure Reason, Preface to the First Edition. Free-ranging spirits. - Which of us would dare to call himself a free spirit if he would not wish to pay homage in his own way to those men to whom this name has been applied as an insult by taking on to his own shoulders some of this burden of public disapprobation and revilement? What, however, we may call ourselves in all seriousness (and without being in any way defiant) is 'free-ranging spirits', because we feel the tug towards freedom as the strongest drive of our spirit and, in antithesis to the fettered and firm-rooted intellects, see our ideal almost in a spiritual nomadism - to employ a modest and almost contemptuous expression. Friedrich Nietzsche, Human, All Too Human. 'It is not at all surprising that the philosopher has become a public professor or State functionary. It was all over the moment the State-form inspired an image of thought.' Deleuze and Guattari, A Thousand Plateaus. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In a world of rapid global changes and challenges, nation-states are no longer the sole important international actors; international security institutions are of growing importance. Yet, the interaction of these institutions is far from easy. Only specific aspects of policy problems are ascribed to different actors resulting in an overlap of issue areas. The successive cooperation to tackle security problems causes interlocking institutions. As a consequence, functional divisions of labor seem to be developing in the field of conflict management, one example being the EU and NATO which will be in the focus of this analysis. This paper looks at the relationship of the EU and NATO in conflict management. According to rational institutionalism, institutional functions are the outcome of member state positions and their ascription of specific functions and tasks. But the institutions and institutional actors themselves also have an influence on their agenda and performance. The paper examines the relationship between EU and NATO in conflict management, including which tasks and functions they perform. Then it analyzes whether cooperation and a possible functional division of labor is based on this functional ascription by member states or more on the activities of the institutions themselves. This comparative study will thereby contribute to a theory based analysis of the relationship of these major two international security institutions and it will show that principals (member states) and agents (international security institutions) are of importance in shaping these institutions and their agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Paper Proposal for the 45th Annual ISA Convention, Montreal, Quebec, Canada, March 17-20, 2004: European Security after September 11 and the Wars in Afghanistan and Iraq Heinz Gärtner Traditional security thinking dominated the Cold War. Reliance on military capabilities was the primary strategy adopted to achieve greater security. In the new post-1989 world, and in particular post- 9/11, a broader and more complex concept of security has emerged. With the end of the Cold War, attention was thus given to building more sophisticated and integrated security concepts and developing frameworks designed to embrace a more comprehensive construct for security. The dramatic shift in threat perceptions brought about by the fall of communism have been confirmed by a wide variety of post-September 11 development: Wars between competing political ideologies and inter-state conflicts are no longer seen as the prime dangers to international security. The real security risks in the near future seem to come not from strong and stable governments but from failed and collapsed states. This paper examines both the impact of the developments before and after September 11 on both NATO and European Security, in particular on the concept of collective and territorial defense. By far the greatest proportions of the operational efforts of NATO and the European Union (EU) have already shifted away from collective defense. Crisis management is the paradigm that forms the cornerstone of the post-Cold War security system. Since the end of the East-West conflict NATO underwent a significant transformation process that has been speeded up by the terror attacks of September 11. Founded as a collective defense organization at the onset of the Cold War, NATO has revised its strategic concept to respond to the broader spectrum of the threats. The invocation of its Art. 5 security commitments for a war that took place not on NATO-territory changed the meaning of this article together with Art. 6 that prescribes this area. With NATO enlargement, a greater role for Moscow, NATO’s small military role in Afghanistan and Iraq, NATO seemed likely to lose military significance in international significance. NATO was at risk of becoming totally irrelevant in a world in which terrorism has become the principal strategic threat. So it had to give up more and more the old NATO, a collective security organization designed to protect Western Europe against Soviet invasion. At the Prague summit the heads of governments approved the formation of a Rapid-Response force of around 20,000 troops that would be deployable within 30 days wherever they are needed. In the framework of the Prague Capabilities Commitment individual countries will also have to commit themselves to provide specific equipment and expertise within set deadlines. In the case of Iraq Germany, France and Belgium blocked the start of NATO military planning to protect Turkey against the threat of an Iraqi missile attack. Subsequently, Turkey has requested consultations under Article 4 of the North Atlantic Treaty, that states that NATO’s members will consult together whenever, in the opinion of any of them, the territorial integrity, political independence or security of any NATO country is threatened. With the post-cold war era NATO’s traditional role as a collective defense organization was coming to a close. NATO together with its PfP could become a military toolbox of allied forces. The European Union launched a 60,000-strong Rapid Reaction Force in 2001, is supposed to be up and running by 2003, but is struggling amid budget restrictions and affected by post-September 11 events, the war in Afghanistan and the pending war against Iraq. After the end of the East-West Conflict European deficiencies of military capabilities became more and more visible, however. One important reason lies in the legacy of the Cold War. During this period the European armies prepared for a confrontation with the major threat from the East in a collective effort to defend their territories. The conflicts and challenges after the end of the military bipolarity do not require massive, heavy-metal European armies, not suited for transport and projections to distant places, but rapid reaction forces with flexible structure and light weapons, deployable over great distances, equipped with modern communication assets to coordinate their actions, surveillance and reconnaissance facilities. A draft report of the Presidium the European Convention provided recommendations and the wording of new articles for the Treaty of The Convention. The report recognizes that the concept of security is very broad, by nature indivisible, and one that goes beyond the purely military aspects covering not only the security of States but also the security of citizens. On the basis of this broad concept of security, the common foreign and security policy and the European Security and Defense Policy. It allows the Union military options over and above the civil instruments of crisis prevention and management. Within this broad concept of security, disarmament occupies an essential place. In the area of crisis management there is the danger of duplication of NATO and EU capabilities and missions. Division of labor and role specialization could avoid it on the one hand, and cooperation in certain areas such as common command structure for crisis management on the other. There must be appropriate division of labour. The wars in Kazoo, Afghanistan and Iraq showed that the overwhelming U.S. contribution is war-fighting capability - what is by comparison a limited European contribution. In this the gap between the military capabilities of the U.S. and the rest of the world is huge and is growing. However, a capability to act does not only imply war fighting. Europeans are more designed for peacekeeping, humanitarian action, disaster relief and post-conflict reconstruction rather than the rapid deployment of larger forces over long distances. The United States will need to continue to project forces in high-intensity conflict. There should be some risk- and responsibility sharing, however. European states should keep a minimum level of participation in all phases of an operation. As Europeans should keep and develop some war fighting capability U.S.-troops also should participate at least at a minimal level in lower end peace support operations. They should not be reduced to war fighting alone but demonstrate that they are able to do humanitarian and rescue and peacekeeping operations. Hence, despite the transatlantic differences, there is clearly consensus among some of the EU Member States and the United States on the need to develop force planning and strategies for ‘ad-hoc’ coalitions of the willing that can have access to NATO and EU economic, military and human assets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The G7/8 have consistently supported the role of the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT), and since 1995 its successor, the WTO, in monitoring trade agreements, ensuring the openness of the trading system and as a forum for negotiations. With respect to multilateral trade negotiations, summits serve to: 1) call for new rounds; 2) shape the negotiating agenda; 3) break impasses through increasing pressure on individual member governments to offer concessions; and 4) serve as useful deadlines for negotiators. Their impact on multilateral negotiations has been the source of special negotiating terminology including the ‘Rambouillet effect’ that describes the G7/8’s ability to bring about incremental progress during negotiations by having the leaders make the critical political decisions (Bayne; 2000: 21). However, this effect has not been visible at every summit. The G7/8 have rightly received much criticism due to their lack of positive impact on the negotiations. This is particularly due to the apparent inability or unwillingness of the leaders to fully implement their communiqué pledges once they have returned home. However, this paper argues that the G8 should not be faulted for their lack of success but rather commended for their continued determination in bringing about an eventual agreement. Bayne has observed that: The summits do not achieve results by flashes of prescient, inspirational decision-making, sparked by the personal chemistry between leaders. There are a few examples of this, but they are very rare. Nor do they often achieve, at the first attempt, a definitive settlement of issues which can then be handed on to other institutions. Nearly always their achievement comes from dogged persistence, a sort of worrying away at the issues until they have reached a solution (1999: 25). This paper examines the history of G7/8 summits regarding effectiveness in providing leadership in the area of multilateral trade liberalization with a focus on the current Doha Round. Preliminary conclusions are that effective summits for the promotion of trade liberalization, specifically the support of multilateral trade negotiations, have been characterized primarily by: 1) an agreed agenda prior to the start of the summit. This often requires the issue having been discussed at a previous summit or at the earlier OECD Ministerial or Quad Ministerial. 2) the existence of a viable negotiating framework; 3) personal commitment of the leaders; and 4) public political pressure. The paper also examines the challenges and opportunities of the 2004 G8 that will take place in the US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The risk of state failure and the multiple sources of instability associated with it - including the availability of 'ungoverned' space for criminal and terrorist networks - have come to be perceived as major security threats in the globalised world of the 21st century. The multifaceted nature of recent interventions has raised high expectations with regard to the coordination of defence, diplomacy, and development within Western government architectures. The paper draws upon empirical research conducted among government agencies in the United States and the United Kingdom to evaluate the templates that have guided the coordination of civilian and military efforts in stability operations in Iraq and Afghanistan. As these operations are slowly drawing to an end, questions are raised over the lessons that can and should be learned from a decade of stabilizing remote places. The paper concludes that greater attention must be paid to the underlying assumptions that have informed models for civilianmilitary coordination in Iraq and Afghanistan before extrapolating lessons for the future design of institutional architectures to deal with conflict and crisis in the twenty-first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

HIV poses a major challenge for global governance. The pandemic has a particular gender dimension and in mature epidemics in Sub-Saharan Africa 60 percent of infected adults are women. Over the last decade International Relations scholars have debated the impact in security terms, but the research on gender is limited. This paper explores the limitations of the securitization of HIV for accounting for the situation of women. Although the pandemic is in its third decade, within the security discourse it is perceived as a crisis requiring an emergency response. Until science finds a solution, the focus is mitigating the impact, rather than engaging with the context of risk. The analysis draws upon 44 key-informant interviews conducted in Malawi in July 2007, to enable a more balanced and appropriate understanding of the particular risk to women of infection and what is meant by their empowerment. It is argued that the gender context of why women are at particular risk cannot be fixed by securing women's lives, imposing 'moral' behaviour, and giving women rights; instead the more fundamental task is for the politicisation and empowerment of women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Climate Change which is a major challenge for humanity, has emerged as an area of critical concern in the globalised world today. This problem is not amenable to national solutions and hence regional collaborative efforts to mitigate adverse impact of climate change are inevitable. The regional organization in South Asia, i.e., South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) has taken several initiatives in this direction. Climate Change was the main theme of the sixteenth SAARC summit held in Thimpu, Bhutan in April, 2010. The Summit declaration of this silver jubilee meeting of the Heads of States of SAARC was subtitled 'Towards a Green and Happy South Asia' to emphasise the focus on Climate Change. Climate Change has emerged as an important issue for SAARC as the entire region is threatened by its adverse impact. This issue has been in focus in SAARC forum ever since the Third Summit held in 1987. Thereafter, a number of projects were identified, various committees and working groups on issues related to Climate Change were set up. However, not much tangible has been achieved so far. This paper attempts to examine and analyze various initiatives taken by SAARC on Climate Change in the context global negotiations on this subject. Its focus is on the efficacy of SAARC as a regional organization to deal with these initiatives. Further, various problems facing SAARC while pursuing these initiatives have also been highlighted. Virtual failure of global and regional efforts due to prolonged, action-less deliberations, lack of political will to accept the inevitable and change course for the survival of humankind has been underlined. In conclusion, it has been emphasized that search for an alternative(to fossil fuels) source of renewable energy is the only hope for the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The policy of gender-mainstreaming, incorporating gender sensitive aspects into external and internal policies and practices has been widely adopted throughout the international development community since the World Conference on Women in Beijing in 1995. This paper examines three major international development organizations, the World Bank, USAID and CARE, their gender-mainstreaming policies, how men are treated by these organizations in policy and practice and what the treatment of men says about how masculinity is viewed in these international development organizations. This paper argues that the policy of gender-mainstreaming as adopted by the international development community is fatally flawed given that it only seeks to understand women's relationship to men, failing to allow for the multiple identities that exist for both men and women. It examines these organizations' policies, their organizational structure and performs a website content analysis. It finds that the gender mainstreaming occurring is not gender nor is it truly mainstreamed. Men are only included as relational objects to women. This failure inhibits the success of programs and reinforces the power dynamics that exist throughout the developing (and developed) world. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of security in the Asia-Pacific region has changed since the end of the Cold War. Not only is the nature of threats much more multi-faceted (terrorism, spread of weapons of mass destruction, territorial disputes, energy security, etc.), but there have been shifts in the balance of power, and one sees a clear increase in nationalism in the region. Scrutinizing the ASEAN Regional Forum, this paper assesses the effectiveness of this multilateral organization as a security actor by employing the conceptual framework of security governance discussed by Kirchner and Sperling in EU Security Governance. More specifically, the paper investigates four security functions--prevention, assurance, protection and compellence--and indicates where security developments in the region are likely to be headed. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Conflict, particularly, violent conflict, is both a security issue and a phenomenon whose deep complexity deserves to be analysed in itself. Conflict Studies and Security Studies are, in this sense, fields of research with very close topics of enquiry. Nevertheless, contacts between the two fields have been more sporadic than consistent. How and why this has been the case and where we currently stand in this relationship are the main questions this paper will try to answer. In order to do so, it is necessary to see, first, how both fields evolved within their own problematic spheres: Conflict Studies embedded in a complex dialogue with both Conflict Resolution and Peace Studies; Security Studies in a difficult relationship with Strategic Studies. Then, it is important to analyse the move from Strategic Studies to the affirmation of Security Studies and how Conflict Studies coped with this. Finally, the last part of this paper will argue that a rapprochement between the two fields could be beneficial for the understanding of contemporary conflicts. Namely, on how Conflict Studies could attempt to replicate the 'critical move' in Security Studies and thus develop a sounder theoretical basis for its research. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the Bali conference in 2007, governments of some 190 countries agreed to launch international negotiations that should eventually lead to a new international convention on climate change for the post-Kyoto era after 2012. However, experiences from the Kyoto process indicate that this goal is very ambitious. The negotiations will pose serious cooperation problems since international politics on climate change over the last decades was characterized by deep political disagreementâ??both among industrial nations as well as between the developed and the developing world. This paper analyzes international climate negotiations over the period 1992-2008 and focuses thereby on conflict and cooperation structures between involved international actors (national governments, international organizations, NGOs). The main goal is to use such a structural analysis of interactions between different groups of actors (Kyoto advocates and critics; developed and developing countries; rich, middle-income and poor countries) to assess the prospects of new climate negotiations as initiated with the 'Bali road map'. The paper draws on a dynamic social network analysis of climate change related interactions between international actors as reported by international newswires, using the KEDS/Tabari event data machine coding system. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper speaks directly to the conference theme ‘bridging multiple divides’. It does so by addressing issues that are salient in current debates on governance among scholars in international relations while exploring those ideas with the help of transdisciplinary research on sustainable transport and mobility. It also speaks to environmental and sustainability scholars who stress that in order to mitigate climate change, entire sectors of society have to be radically transformed. The transport sector is highly implicated in the climate change problem and the key concern is to govern transport and mobility toward something more sustainable. In democracies it means that all social actors need to be part of that transformation. How to mobilize societal actors to take steps that oftentimes run against their short term interest, is something which both transport researchers and governance scholars are grappling with. This paper makes a contribution to this debate by looking for examples of new governance in the sustainable transport and mobility research (in the TransportMistra project). Interesting examples tried in the European context are strategies like; congestion charging, mobility management and sustainable transport planning. Themes salient in the new governance debate like: transparency, participation, stakeholder involvement and deliberation, are crucial in the sustainable transport and mobility debate. Questions addressed in the paper are: How are ambitions like increased transparency and participation by stakeholders mirrored in practice? Are there examples of new forms of engagement and deliberation in this research and which forms do they take? ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the nature and character of international economic institutions by focusing on the World Trade Organization (WTO) within the context of the proposal for a multilateral competition policy at the WTO. Given the fact that the European Union and, to a lesser extent, the United States, are the principal supporters of this proposal and that the developing countries have displayed a near-unanimous opposition to it, the paper asks whether the WTO (a) displays the status of an autonomous entity, (b) merely reflects the interests of a hegemon, or (c) follows a logic of collective action among the member-states for providing a public good. To answer these questions, the paper combines theoretical insights from neoliberal institutionalism, public goods theory, international trade theory, and competition theory. After examining these three questions separately, the paper employs a combined multidisciplinary approach that produces an integrated understanding of international economic institutions and cooperation. The paper argues that a combination of historical factors, policy imperatives, interest-group politics, and economic policy linkages explains the developments surrounding the proposed multilateral competition policy at the WTO. Methodologically, the research combines historical analysis with a utility-maximizing model based on the assumption of rational agents. In adopting a multidisciplinary theoretical approach, this paper attempts to bridge existing divides in the international political economy literature relating to international economic institutions and their operations. The findings of this paper aim to advance existing institutionalist theories in the field of international relations while informing us of the political economy of international cooperation at international economic institutions. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper begins from reflection upon a very real fence and the imagined bridges constructing the theme of this year’s ISA conference. In preparation for the G8 summit in Heiligendamm, Germany, taking place on June 6th to 8th 2007, an enormous fence has been built around the little Baltic Sea resort. The fence is some 12 kilometers (7.5 miles) long, 2.4 meters (7.9 feet) tall, stabilized by 4,800 concrete slabs and crowned by four rows of barbed wire, which are, in turn, covered in thick rolls of razor-wire. 18,000 police officers and at least 1,100 military personnel will be deployed to safeguard the G8 proceedings. Authorities are preparing for mass arrests of protestors, and harassment of organizations supporting protest mobilization is already in full swing. In this paper this fence is viewed to symbolize the division of critique from power. The argument will be made, in line with the panel theme, that those academic approaches that are employed to buttress the defenses of power against critique should be contested. What is in order here is not bridge-building but the tearing down of fences for the sake of both exposure and access. The bulk of the paper will consist in a discussion of how and which academic approaches in our field contribute to the protective self-enclosure of politically dominant institutions and practices. The aim is to identify lingering epistemological and institutional obstacles to critically engaged IR scholarship. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The international pursuit of human rights has held to a proliferation of institutions, laws mechanisms ideas and practitioners. Decades of conferences and conventions, rulings and scholarship have left a robust legacy of rights discourse and competing conceptions of justice. Interestingly enough, though transitional justice (the practice of accounting for violations of human rights by prior regimes) has “cascaded” into international human rights discourse as post-conflict practice in the last decade there has been little to no discussion of the puzzling divergences between its values and those of the international human rights regime. This paper seeks to outline what is justice in transitional justice. Using content and discourse analysis approach the project looks at the language of peace agreements and launching documents/mandates in three cases: the ICTY of the former Yugoslavia; South Africa’s TRC and the Timorese hybrid courts; the paper asks is there is a distinct justice discourse emerging in transitional justice? It then discusses some of the ways in which this discourse reflects and differs from that of global human rights. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores an on-going attempt to teach the interdisciplinary concepts of global governance for information and communications technologies through an active learning, geographically distributed approach. Using web-based collaboration tools and a distance-independent collaborative learning pedagogical model, graduate students from South Africa and the United States work in global virtual teams along with civil society activists involved in the United Nations-sponsored World Summit on the Information Society (WSIS). The paper provides an overview of the concepts taught in the seminar (including cyberinfrastructure, international regime theory, global governance, transnational advocacy networks, global information and communication policy issues), the pedagogical model used, the socio-technical infrastructure developed for the seminar. Further, the paper explains the pedagogy of the seminar, were we highlight how we use synchronous and asynchronous collaboration technologies to change how we approach the course, including: online office hours, collaborative work amongst groups, and actively planning and administering class. The paper presents an overview of the structure of the seminar, which includes: (1) welcome and introduction; (2) theory; (3) information policy issues; (3) simulation and role playing; (4) global virtual teams; (5) involvement of distributed experts; (6) revision and public presentation; and (7) includes screenshots of the technologies used in the seminar. Finally, the paper ends with comments conclusions about teaching international communication in a geographically distributed manner. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

First, what is the significanse of these conferences - from Stocholm in 1972 via Rio in 1992 to Johanensburg in 2002? Secondly, how do we explain their success or failure? These questions have primarily been analyzed by scholars with strong belief in the significance of international institutions. Therefore, their conclusions may have been somewhat biased in a positive drection. Neo-realists, holding the view that these institutions are little more than a reflex of underlying power structures, would probably have reached different conlusions. In this paper we will contarst and compare these views in light of the development in this arena function of these conferences. There is no doubt that the Stockholm Conference was a watershed in agenda setting and domestic and international institution builing in this area. Evaluations of the Rio Summit are more mixed, but it was a high level even with broad participation and some significant results were achieved - or so itwas believed. Lacking implementation, less interest for environmental questions internationally and oher issues on the international agenda made expectations modets for the most recent Johannesburg Summit. Although any final evaluation is premature, overall its signifcanse along most dimensins was probably modest. In short, there may be limits to learning and institution building if action contines to be modest. Was this summit the last one, should alternatives be considered, or can they still be ‘repaired’? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analyzes the micro motivations of civil conflict paper for ISA Conference 2004 in Montreal, Quebec. Macro indicators of civil conflict; Details of a heuristic approach to preventing civil conflict; Policy recommendations and application.

Bangladesh is a Less Developed Country (LDC) that has been buffeted by environmental problems. In recent years the number and intensity of these problems have increased substantially. In the beginning there were problems with ‘floods’ and then violent cyclones and hurricanes from the Indian Ocean and the Bay of Bengal. In the last 50 years the population explosion has added further pressure. The problem of deforestation in the Himalayan Mountain slopes in Nepal, and the building of many dams in India have added to the flood situation in Bangladesh. The worldwide problems of ‘Climate Change’ and ‘Global Warming’ and the ‘Rise in Sea level’ have increased the danger of about one-third of Bangladesh going under water. A more recent threat is ‘Arsenic Contamination in Ground-water’ which is said to be threatening about 80 million people in Bangladesh alone. This paper will attempt to assess the environmental dangers from the perspective of Bangladesh and analyze alternative views and solutions on the issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prepared for presentation at the annual conference of the International Studies Association, Montreal, Canada, 16-19 March 2011. An earlier version of this paper was presented at the workshop on "The 2007-09 Financial Crisis and World Political Order", Cornell University, November 18-19, 2010. I would like to thank workshop participants and especially Gustavo Flores-Macias for helpful comments on the earlier version. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper addresses the question how different norm meanings can lead to implementation problems in the context of a multilateral treaty. Following a reflexive approach to international norms, in which norms are not immutable, but subject to change over ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper is a theoretical discussion regarding the latest trend within security studies and discourses to ‘securitize’ all realms of societal life in order to face the challenges of the 21st Century. Nevertheless, reflecting on this trend from a gender p ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Negotiated "policy arrangements" are at the heart of global governance. This paper investigates a widespread yet under-explored stage in negotiating similar arrangements: the informal preparation of political choice by experts and technocrats. Combining t ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that principles proclaimed by the General Assembly of the United Nations in its 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights are the best political, social and economic framework for U.S. foreign policy. Since the end of World War II, international organizations accept human rights as the minimum standards for conduct for individuals and societies within states, and between countries. The U.S., however, having abstained in the UN vote, only endorses civic liberties through its foundational documentsâ€"the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution and the Bill of Rights--does not recognize the authority of foreign institutions and legal experts to define appropriate conduct at home and abroad. From self-interest, the American establishment does not abide by the demands for justice, equality and empowerment of the needy enshrined in social, economic and cultural rights respected by the rest of the world. The agenda of human rights defenders in the U.S. should be to familiarize Americans with these concerns through legitimizing international conventions on issues such as labor rights, protection of children and the treatment of immigrants, in view to a foreign policy that espouses such goals. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Has the rise of political religion on the Indian Sub continent had positive or negative effects on international relations within the region? This paper will report on the provisional findings of two wide ranging seminars held in Delhi and Lahore in February and March this year as part of an on-going investigation into the politicisation of religion in India and Pakistan ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a paper on the role U.S. provincial reconstruction teams (PRTs) in promoting stability, reconstruction and extending central government control prepared for the 46th Annual Conference of the International Studies Association in Honolulu, Hawaii in March 2005. It traces the evolution of the PRT concept and describes their basic structures, functions, goals and locations. It reviews the benefits of the PRTs offered up by their supporters and criticism levied by their detractors. It evaluates the effectiveness of PRTs in Afghanistan.

The article presents a conference paper titled "The United States and Economic and Social Rights: Past, Present...and Future?" presented at the "2005 International Studies Association Convention" in Honolulu, Hawaii. It explores how the U.S. has dealt with economic and social rights as human rights when they were first proposed by former U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt during World War II until their rejection by the middle of 1950s.

The article presents a draft of the conference paper titled "Outside of History? An African Interrogation of the New World Order" prepared for presentation at the "46th Annual Convention of the International Studies Association (ISA)" in Honolulu, Hawaii. It seeks to show how Africa absorbs a disproportionate burden of its unilateralist power and offers an interrogation of the failure of the New World Order.

The article presents a conference paper titled "Dilemmas and Overlaps in the Ethics of Humanitarian Intervention: The Case of Kosovo" prepared for the "International Studies Association Annual Convention" in Honolulu, Hawaii. It offers a review of the NATO engagement in a 1999 bombing campaign in Yugoslavia, the advantages and disadvantages of its justifiability, and its ethical aspect.

The article presents a conference paper titled "The Case for a Responsibility to Protect" prepared for the "International Studies Association Conference" in Honolulu, Hawaii. It focuses on the R2P report of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty which asserts that the responsibility to protect offers moral and political basis for military intervention for human protection purposes.

The article presents a conference paper titled "The responsibility to protect militarily and moral escape hatches: alternative intervention modes" prepared for presentation at the "46th Annual Convention of the International Studies Association" in Honolulu, Hawaii. It offers a review of the perspectives in international ethics on the responsibility to protect and assesses the moral escape hatches within the perspectives.

The article presents a conference paper titled "Seeking Justice and Accountability: The Dilemmas of Humanitarian Law and Human Rights NGOs" prepared for presentation at the International Studies Association convention in Honolulu, Hawaii. It discusses the dilemmas of securing justice and accountability as well as protecting victims of armed conflicts both within and between states. It also turns to a forward-looking approach to prevent conflicts and human rights violations.

The article presents a conference paper titled "Fighting the War on Terrorism with More Sustainable Development" prepared for presentation at an International Studies Association convention in Honolulu, Hawaii. It discusses the concept of sustainable development, its deriving indicators as well as the long-term solutions for terrorism.

The article presents a conference paper titled "Presidential Domain: A Prospect Theory Analysis of U.S. Climate Policies Under Presidents Clinton and G.W. Bush" prepared for presentation at the "2005 Annual Conference of the International Studies Association" in Honolulu, Hawaii. It looks at the history of the decision of U.S. President George W. Bush to abandon the Kyoto Protocol and the policy change between the two administrations.

The article presents a conference paper titled "Vertical and Horizontal Interplay in Governance of Energy for Sustainable Development--Challenges along the global policy path and the Mekong river" presented at the "46th ISA Convention" in Honolulu, Hawaii. It discusses the concept of integration as well as various institutional theories developed under new institutionalism.

The article presents a conference paper titled "Global Democratic Governance: Learning from the Forest Stewardship Council" presented to the "46th Annual ISA Convention" in Honolulu, Hawaii. It discusses the concept of democratic global governance and takes a look at the present efforts such as the Forest Stewardship Council to introduce worldwide regulatory mechanisms in the form of certification and labelling to the forest sector.

The article presents the conference paper entitled "The Sorrows of Consumption" to be presented at the "International Studies Association (ISA) Convention." It examines the economic and ecological effect of global consumptive prosperity. It provides a brief examination of the history of the global political economy of traffic incidents.

The article presents the paper "Sovereignty, Human Rights, and the International Refugee Regime: A Broken Relief Valve?" to be presented at the 2005 Conference of the International Studies Association. It presents the theory and preliminary results of the author's PhD thesis which provides suggestions as to what appears to underlie the current refugee regime. The article also examines the state-citizen relationship and the interlinkages between this relationship and the international system and society of states.

The article presents a conference paper titled "Ethnic Composition Change in Russia 1994-2003: Implications for Xenophobic Voting" prepared for the "2005 Annual Convention of the International Studies Associations" in Hawaii. It aims to find a more sophisticated interpretation of the immigration-ethnic change-voting hypothesis. It also examines the relationship between changes in ethnic composition across Russia from 1994 to 2002 and electoral support for the Zhirinovsky party in 2003.

The article presents a paper presented at the 46th Annual Convention of the International Studies Association in Honolulu, Hawaii from March 1 to 5, 2005, which discusses an overlooked state expansion strategy which is achieved through population movements from one country to an adjacent territory. The argument has been demonstrated by looking at the Israeli expansion to the West Bank and Gaza following the 1967 War, as well as the American expansion to Texas in the first part of the 19th century.

The article presents a conference paper titled "Through the Looking Glass: Refugee Women and the Negotiation of Identity" prepared for the International Studies Association convention in Honolulu, Hawaii. It attempts to understand the paradox of the human condition during war, followed by renegotiation of identities as refugees. An interview with three informants, within the context of post-9/11 heightened xenophobia was the basis of the said analysis.

The article presents a conference paper titled "Who We Are: An Answer to Huntington's Question on National Identity" prepared for the "2005 International Studies Association Conference" in Honolulu, Hawaii. It discusses the erosion of identity in the U.S. due to pluralist concepts of multiculturalism, bilingualism, religious diversity and continual immigration flows.

The article presents a conference paper titled "Conflict Prevention in Ethnic Conflicts, 1990-1998" prepared for the "Annual Convention of International Studies Association (ISA)" in Honolulu, Hawaii. A typology of conflict prevention measures is presented as well as its application to a dataset of ethnic conflicts in the period. It evaluates the efficacy of these measures and discusses the complexities of successful direct conflict prevention.

The article presents a draft conference paper titled "The Trek of Foreign Workers to Be Others in South Korea" for the "2005 ISA Annual Convention" in Honolulu, Hawaii. It discusses the reasons behind an increase in the number of foreign workers in South Korea and how are their labor conditions. It shows a comparison of the average wages and working hours of foreign trainees and workers in the country for 2001.

The article presents a conference paper titled "Korean Chinese migrant workers and the politics of Korean nationalism" prepared for the "2005 ISA Annual Convention" in Honolulu, Hawaii. It discusses the nature of the Korean nationalism that has played as the sole legitimacy of the Korean state. It argues that the dominating perspective viewing Korean Chinese as migration workers has underestimated the nationalistic discourses as a real political force in the political landscape.

The article presents a conference paper titled "Characteristics of International Studies Programs at Midwestern Liberal Arts Colleges and Universities," prepared for presentation at the annual meeting of the International Studies Association in Honolulu, Hawaii. Accordingly, the authors' objective is not to propose a one size fits all international studies curriculum, but to put the conversation on the mission of the international studies major about more experiential foundation.

The article presents a conference paper titled "Dueling labels: Alternative Models of Coalitions of the Willing," prepared for a panel at the 46th Annual Meeting of the International Studies Association in Hawaii. It traces the dual- and dueling- dynamic connecting to the different meanings accorded coalitions of the willing. It says that a platform should be set to show that this duality is based on distinct interpretations on how, why, with whom and under what conditions they have performed in practice.