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The so-called Bulldozer, Rose, Orange, and Tulip Revolutions have reminded us that as repressive as a regime may be, the real power ultimately belongs to the masses, especially when its forces are supported and channelled into non-violent action in pursuit of clear and concrete objectives. This article shows how the first of these events, the "Bulldozer Revolution," unfolded in Serbia resulting in the ouster of the dictator Milošević. The lessons were then absorbed by Georgian activists who were similarly successful in replacing Shevardnadze with Saakashvili. In Ukraine, the election of Kuchma's protégé, Yanukovych, was foiled when the "Orange Revolution" installed Yushchenko instead. The author also chronicles the "Tulip Revolution" of Kyrgyzstan. A notable feature of this paper is that, in addition to analyzing these "successful" revolutions, it also looks at some clearly unsuccessful ones, namely those attempted in Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, and Belarus. But the current global economic crisis could lead to more political changes in the former Soviet Union, whether in Belarus, the Caucasus, Central Asia, or even Russia itself. The article argues that the "colour revolutions" of 2000-2005 present a real danger to the authoritarian regime of Medvedev-Putin in Russia, and that their fear of them is hence thoroughly justified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kosovo's education system is divided along a Serb-Albanian line, with consequences for the non-Serb minorities. While Serb-Albanian relations have been researched and analyzed extensively, relations among non-Serb minority communities have typically been neglected. Although there are some studies addressing the treatment and rights of individual minority groups in Kosovo, there is very little written on the dynamics and relations those groups establish among themselves. This article uses education as the backdrop for analyzing the emerging inter-minority relations in Kosovo. The paper provides some background about minority education rights and the consequences of their partial implementation for those minority groups—i.e., the Kosovo Bosniaks and Turks—whose members opt to follow the Albanian (Kosovo) educational system. In addition, it offers insights into some of the economic and political considerations behind the decision of the Gorani community to endorse the Serbian educational system. Finally, I analyze the relations between the Goranis and Bosniaks that have been developing around education and language rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes nostalgic narratives of railway workers in a provincial town in Serbia. It grounds its analysis in a particular theoretical understanding of neoliberalization, focusing on dispossession and its consequences in post-socialism. It provides an account of the specific historical context of socialist Yugoslavia and Serbia after the breakup of Yugoslavia within the wider capitalist system. It views this context as a field of force in which the hegemonic process takes place, and which circumscribes the possibilities for contestation and consent. Finally, it develops a conceptual distinction between the nostalgia of the aspiring middle class on the one hand, and working-class nostalgia on the other, and presents the interlocutors’ narratives as part of the latter. The author argues that nostalgia should be seen as a protean form that should always be studied in connection with the material and social location from which it is uttered. He aims to show that nostalgic narratives in present-day Serbia function as a technique of the self, understood as a practice through which specific kinds and capacities of thought are cultivated, forming a type of adaptable subjectivity against the backdrop of post-socialist neoliberalization. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

On the basis of largely neglected Hungarian sources and Austrian archival material, this article argues that, with the emergence of a "Hungarian factor" in Habsburg foreign policy after 1867, policy towards Serbia increasingly relied on the Monarchy's personal hold over Prince Milan Obrenovi?. This strategy in turn can be seen as part of a Hungarian surrogate "imperialism," through which the Habsburg Monarchy would enhance Hungary's security through hegemony in the Danubian basin. The policy was eventually consolidated in 1880-1881 by a series of treaties which made Serbia an economic and political satellite of the Monarchy, but the linch-pin of the structure remained Milan Obrenovi?. Milan, however, proved an imperfect instrument since he loathed Serbia, was unpopular because of his obvious subservience to Austro-Hungarian interests, and longed for the fleshpots of Western Europe. The article suggests that such a "personal policy" was increasingly unlikely to succeed after the granting of a more liberal constitution to Serbia in 1869, and as the country became politically a more complex society. The article thus demonstrates the essentially futile nature of this exercise in personal diplomacy, and the inherent impossibility of controlling an entire society through the person of its ruler. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An interview with Serbian author David Albahari is presented. When asked on how he feels after more than a decade of living in Canada, as compared to the protagonists in his books who are very uncomfortable to the environment where they migrated, Albahari said that he is completely different from the characters in his books. He also relates his experience as an exiled author in Canada who never stops from being part of Serbian literature.