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This article explores how Argentine intellectuals incorporated the natural environment into their accounts of the racial, cultural and political features of the nation. In the late nineteenth century environmental determinism, based on the assumption of a cause–effect relationship between geographical and racial factors, entered Argentina through three main routes: Lamarckism, Darwinism and Spencerianism. By the mid twentieth century, however, anti‐positivist philosophies had been fully incorporated into a body of work that analysed Argentina's socio‐historical foundations. This article examines the shift that occurred during the first half of the twentieth century in how those seeking to define race incorporated the environment into their arguments. The raza was commonly taken to be synonymous with nation. Selected works by sociologist and legal scholar Carlos Octavio Bunge (1875‐1918) and by writer and ensayista Bernardo Canal Feijóo (1897‐1982) will be analysed as influential yet overlooked examples of how 'the problem of Argentine culture' could not be separated from the question of nature understood in terms of both physical and human geography. The goal will be to reveal, firstly, the extent to which the notion of the interior as geographical and anthropological desert deeply informed the political vision of the early national period in relation to race and nation and, secondly, how later interpretations of the nation recast American nature as a foundational element of cultural authenticity based on a sentiment of geographical belonging. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aims of this article are to explore the diversity of Catholic reactions facing state terror in Córdoba, Argentina, during the 1970s and to analyse how different Catholic groups redefined their relations with the State in the public sphere. To do that, I will use case study methodology applied to the kidnapping of an American priest and five seminarians. I will show how religious beliefs shape to some extent how Catholic social actors respond to political events. Different understandings of Catholicism produced different responses to state terror. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to debates about fascist influences among Argentina’s guerrilla groups of the 1970s. From the overall perspective of developments in Argentine nationalism, it traces back the history of the far-right Alianza Libertadora Nacionalista and Tacuara and assesses their significance as the nuclei from which later guerrillas came. Based on police reports and periodical publications from the period in question (c.1937–c.1973), it makes some generalisations about the collective biographies of militants. While not contradicting the widely held view that originally fascist groupings played a role in the emergence of Argentine guerrillas, the article introduces some nuances into this argument. Particular emphasis is given to the role of Peronism and the Cuban Revolution as facilitators of changes in Argentine nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the different effects the formation of national identity had on the development of political democracy in Uruguay and Argentina. Information on the different models of collective identity that developed after independence; Roles of the two hegemonic parties in each nation; Discussion on the authoritarian periods both countries experienced in the 1930s.