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In the East Timorese lingua franca, Tetun, the word lulik is often simply translated as 'sacred' or 'forbidden'. But the concept has much wider application as a set of fundamental, philosophical and moral orientations in Timorese social life. In this paper we present six historical and contemporary encounters with lulik, by a range of outsiders from beyond the Timorese tradition. Placed in the context of Sahlin's notion of 'the structure of the conjuncture', they illustrate the way lulik agency adapts to novel or contingent events in culturally inflected ways, and how ideas of lulik may be configured as agents of resistance as well as enabling strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anthropology is now developing and using ethnography to research uses and experiences of digital communication technology (including mobile phones, the internet and software), in and across many different cultures and societies. Ethnography enables a focus on the complex intertwining of society, culture and technology allowing us to see how technologies are being transformed by existing modes of life, while simultaneously having a 'messy' influence over those lives, resulting in what are often unexpected consequences. This special issue discusses the use of mobile phones in Papua New Guinea and along the borders of Haiti and the Dominican Republic; the mixture of phone and internet usage in Central Australia and among the Tongan diaspora in Melbourne; the use of internet based video translation practices focused on West Papuan politics; and the disorder produced by software in work environments in Australia. Collectively, these papers help us to reimagine ethnography and challenge conventional theorising of technology by allowing us to discuss the relationships between communication and power in diverse contexts, opening up opportunities for us to engage with and explore the significance of both order and disorder in technologically mediated social processes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 'women's business' on Hindmarsh Island has had spectacular success although vital evidence had been kept secret 'in a sealed envelope'. This paper, drawing primarily on the author's own encounter with the native title claims procedure, discusses various formative processes involved in the contemporary construction of Aboriginal indigeneity in which religious belief is heavily valorised. Subjected to a process of rationalisation for a long time, religious traditions are now being used as a strategic resource in native title claims. In the endeavour to make best possible use of the jurisprudential opportunity offered, the maintenance of secrecy and cloaking of information emerges as an important strategy. Secrecy clearly is an integral part of traditional Aboriginal culture. However, cloaking in fact may not only privilege esoteric contents, but merge with attempts of deliberate deception. Yet, in itself this too might be considered an Aboriginal cultural tradition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Official government census takers tick the religion box titled 'none' when they fill out the forms for most Orang Asli. Yet at weddings and other festivities, the Hma' Btsisi', an indigenous Mon-Khmer speaking people of Peninsular Malaysia, perform a religious dance and song cycle called the main jo'oh. Today, in Malaysia, the main jo'oh is a government centrepiece for Oreng Asli culture. Btsisi' are frequently asked to perform the main jo'oh for the Malaysian public and for tourists. The main jo'oh is displayed as a curious, albeit beautiful and exotic performance by a heathen people who have 'no' religion. But this paper points out that the dance is far from being solely an exotic relic. I argue that the meanings embodied in the dance performance form the foundation of Btsisi' beliefs; in other words, their religion. I conclude by discussing the main jo'oh in the modern Btsisi' and national context In particular, I demonstrate that the main jo'oh is a way for the Btsisi' to identify and distinguish themselves from other Orang Asli communities as well as from the majority Malay population. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Kia Orana day is an annual event on the island of Aitutaki. It consists of performances from a number of government departments to an audience of locals and the occasional tourist. The Kia Orana day described here featured a drag show by the Ministry of Outer Islands Development. Drag shows are prevalent in the Cook Islands and they are performed by both 'heterosexual' and 'homosexual' men. This paper explores some of the reasons for their popularity through an examination of gendered ideologies that structure Cook Islands social life--in particular the ways in which gender is embodied in everyday movement and dance. The examination of forms of sexuality and gender presented in public life are used to explain the comic currency of drag. I present a number of different interpretations of the Kia Orana performance and suggest that although it may have a similar appearance to Western drag, it has different meanings in the Cook Islands. These meanings suggest drag revolves around notions of gender which are not necessarily defined by sexuality. Cook Islands drag, I propose, must be contextualised in terms of Cook Islands notions of personhood. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes the players and the play in a weekly stockmarket in Tana Toraja, South Sulawesi, where up to 600 buffalo bulls are bought and sold for exorbitant prices by any standards. These prices are partly determined by external, global economic forces. The buffaloes are all intended for sacrifice in elaborate funerals. Although contributed by individuals or families they are conceived as part of mana', the common wealth of tongkonan, the origin houses of the Toraja. Live bulls cannot be given away but are able to be lent in ceremonial exchanges at funerals. After sacrifice, their raw meat is distributed to participants in the funeral in a version of potlatch. Bulls mediate all exchange, apart from mundane commodity exchange, and are liquid assets. A mature black bull is an object of general equivalence able to be exchanged as payment for certain symbolic objects. In the past the production, distribution and circulation of buffaloes, both on the hoof and as meat, were controlled by the nobility. Buffaloes were said to be in finite supply. They derived from the Upperworld and accompanied the ancestors of the Toraja nobility to this world and were replenished through the ritual of the ways of the ancestors. Now the advent of the market has democratised buffaloes. There has been a dispersion of wealth and the power that the bulls embody. Any man--noble, commoner or former slave--who has sufficient cash is able to buy and sell buffaloes: to have a share in the stockmarket. The marketplace has become a new field of power play, one where innovative methods are being found for increasing the supply of buffaloes by importing hundreds of inferior quality buffaloes and by a program of artificial insemination which has been instigated by the local government. In the parlance of Wall Street this is a bull market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]