Search

This handbook assesses the phenomenon of populism—a concept frequently belabored, but often misunderstood in politics. Rising populism presents one of the great challenges for liberal democracies, but despite the large body of research, the larger picture remains elusive. This volume seeks to understand the causes and workings of modern-day populism, and plumb the depths of the fears and frustrations of people who have forsaken established parties. Although the main focus of this volume is political science, there are more disciplines represented in order to get a whole picture of the debate. It is comprised of strong empirical and theoretical papers that also bear social relevance.

Weimar casts a long shadow over post-war political thought. The Weimar Republic is used to understand contemporary threats to democracy and to critique or defend modernity. It has generated a series of political lessons that are invoked whenever democracies are challenged. This book questions the historical validity of most of these lessons and their applicability to contemporary political orders. It shows how Weimar lessons are often influenced by partial and superficial readings of events, often intended to advance particular political projects. The chapters give detailed accounts of how so-called Weimar lessons have influenced, if not shaped, political debates in Germany, elsewhere in Europe, and the United States.

Dem offenen Bekenntnis der allermeisten Bürgerinnen und Bürger in liberalen Demokratien zur Demokratieidee stehen irritierende Befunde entgegen, die die Resilienz der individuellen prodemokratischen Überzeugungen in Zweifel ziehen. In diesem Buch wird ein neues Konzept einer Democratic Literacy eingeführt, das zur Erklärung der individuell unterschiedlich ausgeprägten Resilienz der Demokratieunterstützung beitragen soll. Democratic Literacy beinhaltet dabei solche Merkmale von Bürgerinnen und Bürgern, die sie dazu befähigen, sowohl die Chancen der bürgerlichen Einflussnahme in liberalen Demokratien zu ergreifen, als auch die Zumutungen dieses politischen Herrschaftssystems zu ertragen. Dieses Konzept unterscheidet sich hierbei von bestehenden Konzepten der Bürgerkompetenz zum einen dadurch, dass ihm – dem Literacy-Begriff entsprechend – ein funktionales Kompetenzverständnis innewohnt. Zum anderen ist Democratic Literacy ein domänenspezifisches Konzept der politischen Kompetenz, dessen Attribute sich von den systemischen Ansprüchen liberaler Demokratien ableiten lassen. Democratic Literacy umfasst schließlich solche Fähigkeiten im Sinne von politischen Kulturmerkmalen, die kongruent sind zu den strukturellen Anforderungen liberal-demokratischer politischer Systeme – nämlich: Entscheidungs- und Handlungsfähigkeit, Kooperations- und Konfliktfähigkeit, Monitoring-Fähigkeit, Frustrationstoleranz, Ambiguitätstoleranz, Unsicherheitstoleranz sowie Urteilsfähigkeit.

This book critiques the traditional practice of community organization, change and development, and concludes that the present practice of Community Development (CD) and Social Policy and Planning (SP&P) is no longer capable of meeting the current challenges at the local or national level. The aim of this book is to identify the underlying motivations for the individual aggressive and collective antisocial behaviour that we witness in democratic society today and offer changes to the orientation of the current community change practice in order to build a system that can better address the present needs of society.This work identifies the factors that are moving society toward extremism and authoritarianism focusing particularly on the community level. Given the turmoil in communities that is degrading democracy and leading to authoritarianism today, the issues of Community Solidarity and Pluralism (CS&P) must be attended to before the traditional political, economic, and material issues that are regularly addressed by CD and SP&P practice can become the focus for change and development once again. This book will have widespread appeal to academics, researchers, and postgraduate students throughout the social sciences including sociology, social work, political science, economics, philosophy, environmental studies, and international and community development studies. It is also intended for the general reader who is interested in understanding the authoritarian forces that are attempting to infiltrate the democratic process.

The book provides a comprehensive and updated introduction to concept of territory in the study of democratic politics. Territory plays a rather marginal role in the traditional conceptions of democracy that in many ways still prevail today. Democratic politics is often analysed from the point of view of its institutions, citizens and voters, while little is said about the territory through which it is expressed – at most it provides a broader perimeter or context of political and institutional action. The book offers, instead, an introductory theoretically-oriented discussion of crucial issues such as the genesis of state-nation, the transformation of democratic citizenship, the current borders'policies, the rising of territorial populism and the experience of 19-covid pandemic.This is an open access book.

How do young people participate in democratic societies? This book introduces the concept of ‘doing society'as a new theory of political action. Focused on Finnish youth, it innovatively blends cutting-edge empirical research with agenda-setting theoretical development. Redefining political action, the authors expand beyond traditional public-sphere, scaling from formal to informal and unconventional modes of engaging. The book captures diverse engagement from memes to social movements, from participatory budgeting to street parties and from sleek politicians to detached people in the margins. In doing so, it provides a holistic view of the ways in which young people participate (or do not participate) in society, and their role in cultural change.

Friend, enemy; loyalist, traitor: politics today seems caught in the grip of a binary reduction machine. Bidding us either with or against our neighbors as though we were already combined in, and owed allegiance to, mutually external, nameable collective entities - ‘communities', ‘nations', ‘races'– denominations in general. Beginning with an examination of processes (‘routines') of denomination in Northern Ireland, Maurice Macartney examines the era of Empire and enslavement to show that similar processes were at work then in ‘viceregally'arranged structures for the authorization and organization of the violence of hostility and of indifference to the suffering of others.Macartney then brings the analysis up to date, arguing that the hostility of populism and the indifference of the global market overlap to intensify the violence unfolding today. Finally, taking seriously the Copernican revolution of nonviolence, for which the enemy is not ‘the enemy', but violence itself, the book calls for a different kind of combination, for the coming together of a ‘community of others', commoners on the one common, working, for all our differences, toward the democratic empowerment of everyone in the neighborhood, in an equitable, sustainable, ‘neighborhood democracy'that would open beyond hostility, beyond denomination, beyond all boundaries.

This book addressees a timely and fundamental problematic: the gap between the aims that people attempt to realize democratically and the law and administrative practices that actually result. The chapters explain the realities that administration poses for democratic theory. Topics include the political value of accountability, the antinomic character of political values, the relation between ultimate ends and the intermediate ends that are sought by constitutions, and a reconsideration of the meaning of the rule of law itself. The essays are inspired by the demystifying realism of Max Weber and Hans Kelsen, including explications of their views on law, constitutions, and the rule of law.The book will be of interest to social and political theorists, philosophers of law, and legal theorists, and for discussions of democratic theory, the administrative state, constitutionalism, and justice, as well as to readers of Weber and Kelsen.

Democracy's Achilles Heel argues that the structure of democracy is a combination of two incompatible worldviews: one relativist and liberal, the other absolutist and conservative. This combination of opposites is essential for its survival, yet places democracy at risk since each worldview is prone to trying to engulf the other, creating threats from both the right and the left. This is democracy's Achilles heel: it never goes away and can only be avoided. The nature of open societies means that absolutisms, for example of a religious kind, can exist quite comfortably within democracy, yet for democracy to succeed, they must permit other belief systems and worldviews, absolute or otherwise, to exist alongside them. Likewise, relativism can undermine the liberal nature of democracy itself in seeking to reduce the existence of absolutisms to nothing, thus threatening freedom and destabilizing democracy. Reacting to the recent clashes in Western democracies between left and right, and drawing on the theories of such now-classic thinkers as Fromm, Berlin, and Hoffer, as well as more recent sources such as Levitsky and Ziblatt's How Democracies Die, the author moves beyond the usual defenses of democracy, accepting the fact that democracy, because of its combination of opposites, is always unstable and always at risk, while urging those who live within democratic polities to strengthen its chances of survival by remembering its fundamental value and purpose. An impassioned defense of the democratic way of life even given (and indeed because of) its eternally threatened nature, Democracy's Achilles Heel will appeal to scholars, students, and readers with interests in political sociology, philosophy, and political theory.

Few terms elicit such strong and varied feelings and yet have so little clarity as'democracy.'Leaders of large states use'democracy'to designate their nations'public character even as critics and rivals use the term to validate their own political perspectives. In Envisioning Democracy, the editors and contributors address the following questions: What does democracy mean today? What could it mean tomorrow? What is the dynamic of democracy in an increasingly interdependent world? Envisioning Democracy explores these questions amid the dynamic of democracy as a political phenomenon interacting with forms of economic, ethical, ethnic, and intellectual life. The book draws on the work of Sheldon S. Wolin (1922–2015), one of the most influential American theorists of the last fifty years. Here, scholars consider the historical conditions, theoretical elements, and practical impediments to democracy, using Wolin's insights as touchstones in thinking through the possibilities and obstacles facing democracy now and in the future.

In the coming decade, we may see the advent of multinational federalism on an international scale. As great powers and international organizations become increasingly uncomfortable with the creation of new states, multinational federalism is now an important avenue to explore, and in recent decades, the experiences of Canada and Quebec have had a key influence on the approaches taken to manage national and community diversity around the world. Drawing on comparative scholarship and several key case studies (including Scotland and the United Kingdom, Catalonia and Spain, and the Quebec-Canada dynamic, along with relations between Indigenous peoples and various levels of government), The Legitimacy Clash takes a fresh look at the relationship between majorities and minorities while exploring theoretical advances in both federal studies and contemporary nationalisms. Alain-G. Gagnon critically examines the prospects and potential for a multinational federal state, specifically for nations seeking affirmation in a hostile context. The Legitimacy Clash reflects on the importance of legitimacy over legality in assessing the conflicts of claims.

Is it possible, in the complex modern world, to have a government ‘by the people'? Does, for example, digital technology help us to bring the reality closer to the ideal? Or does it actually make the ideal unattainable?The volume brings together conceptual historians, philosophers, political theorists and sociologists to discuss the criticisms and crises of democracy with fresh approaches to the idea of democracy, democratic theory, democratic institutions, trust and distrust, populism, and advancement of technologies in Western societies.

«Wenn man sich in den Kampf begibt für die Demokratie, so ist man nicht mehr Rebell, als der Logos gebietet, daß man es sei« - unter diesem von Ferdinand Tönnies stammenden Motto steht das vorliegende Buch. Es zählt zu jenem Festschriftprojekt für den renommierten Kieler Politologen Wilfried Röhrich, das mit dem Titel »Die Demokratie überdenken« vor einem Jahr begonnen wurde und - nach der Dokumentation des Festaktes vom April 1997 - nun sein Ende gefunden hat. Der Wille zur Demokratie, der sich im Motto markant verdeutlicht, durchzieht in seiner Variationsbreite die Beiträge des systematisch konzipierten Bandes. Diese sprechen vom politischen Bürgerselbstbewußtsein, von der Kampfseite der Demokratie, vom republikanischen Engagement und von der Demokratie als Lebensform. Der Wille zur Demokratie ist in diesen Beiträgen keine Apologie voluntaristischer Beliebigkeit, sondern die Möglichkeitsbedingung von Demokratie: Ihre Ultima ratio ist das tatsächliche Engagement, und deshalb erweisen sich die Traditionslinien, d. h. die Verankerung in Lebenspraxen, als ebenso bedeutsam wie die systematischen Orientierungen und die internationalen Perspektiven unter dem Aspekt der »Globalisierung«. In diesem Buch rücken somit die eingeschränkten Letztbegründungsmöglichkeiten demokratischer Grundannahmen ebenso in den Blickpunkt der Betrachtung wie die Diskursethik unter demokratietheoretischem Aspekt, hier werden neue demokratietheoretische Einsichten, aber auch Defizite postmoderner Politiktheorien ebenso sichtbar wie die bis zu Ferdinand Tönnies und Hermann Heller zurückreichenden kommunitaristischen Elemente, und hier werden Probleme supranationaler Zusammenschlüsse und Fragen der europäischen Integration ebenso reflektiert auf die Grundthematik bezogen wie die Transformationsprobleme in Osteuropa und in der Russischen Föderation. Insgesamt zum Tragen kommen die interdisziplinären, innenpolitischen, weltgesellschaftlichen und - im letzten Kapitel - die politisch-soziologischen Perspektiven des Willens zur Demokratie in politisch-praktischer und politisch-theoretischer Sicht - entsprechend den Forschungsintentionen und Themenschwerpunkten des umfangreichen Werkes des Jubilars.

Democracy and citizenship are conceptually and empirically contested. Against the backdrop of recent and current profound transformations in and of democratic societies, this volume presents and discusses acute contestations, within and beyond national borders and boundaries. Democracy's crucial relationships, between state and citizenry as well as amongst citizens, are rearranged and re-ordered in various spheres and arenas, impacting on core democratic principles such as accountability, legitimacy, participation and trust. This volume addresses these refigurations by bringing together empirical analyses and conceptual considerations regarding the access to and exclusion from citizenship rights in the face of migration regulation and institutional transformation, and the role of violence in maintaining or undermining social order. With its critical reflection on the consequences and repercussions of such processes for citizens'everyday lives and for the meaning of citizenship altogether, this book transgresses disciplinary boundaries and puts into dialogue the perspectives of political theory and sociology.

This book offers an extensive comparative analysis of populism and radical democratic theories, tracing the line dividing the respective conceptions of ‘people'and ‘popular sovereignty'. Whereas populism is often said to intertwine with democracy in some way, the contention of this book is that it significantly departs from democratic theory and practice, and belongs to a distinct conceptual space. It cannot be made to overlap, for instance, with “illiberal democracy”, the “democratic myth”, a crude electoral majoritarianism, nor can it amount to hiding undemocratic policies into properly democratic justifications. These positions, frequent as they are in the literature, are contested on the grounds of the dividing line identified, which starts unfolding at the level of the conception of ‘the people'– i.e., of the sovereign – presupposed by populists and democrats. This book is of great interest to scholars involved in the study of democratic theory, contemporary challenges to democracy and the recent upsurge of populist discourse, as it helps better understand populism as a political phenomenon and more adequately defines it as a self-standing concept in political theory.

The Iran National Front and the Struggle for Democracy: 1949–Present explores the activities of the Iran National Front (INF). The INF is a coalition of parties, groups, and individuals and Iran's oldest and main pro-democracy political party. This book presents a political history of the INF from 1949 to the present day. It discusses the current platform of the INF, its leadership, policies, strategies, as well as criticisms and weaknesses. The volume draws on a rich range of primary sources, INF documents, and interviews, including translated transcripts with the top leader of the INF. As it is one of the major political parties opposing the current regime in Iran, the book also examines the current situation in the country. It provides an analysis of the nature of the political systems under the Shah and the Islamic Republic.

This book discusses opportunities and limitations to democratic participation in institutions and organizations across the life course. It demonstrates that democratic participation is not something that is learned once and for all and applied in formal political settings, but something that is lived every day throughout life in various contexts. Institutions and organizations frame human lives and strongly determine the ability to participate and co-determine their communities. They are places for learning, deliberation and the development of the common good. The book conceptually and empirically analyses the potential of democratic participation within various institutions. The contributions range from early childhood institutions, schools, youth programs, workplaces, and vocational education to cultural organizations and nursing homes for the elderly. The book thereby provides a cross-sectional and interdisciplinary knowledge base to inspire future research and practical efforts to promote democratic participation within and across institutions around the world.

This book considers the role of experts and expertise in contemporary politics and the ways in which digitalisation and the use of technique are transforming practices of governance. Asking whether the Covid-19 crisis is likely to further advance or weaken these processes, it examines their impact on the future of democracy and urges rejection of the idea of technocracy as an alternative to politics. An examination of the relationship between social elites and technique, this volume highlights the threat posed to representative democracy of this fundamental mechanism of governance in the global world and reflects upon new forms of the political-economic regime. It is important reading for scholars of sociology and politics with interests in questions of power, governance, and representation.

Verdeckten Widerstand gab und gibt es nicht nur in vordemokratischen und autoritär geführten Gesellschaften, sondern auch in vielen Bereichen gegenwärtiger Demokratien. Die vielfältigen Formen der verborgenen Auflehnung, Gegenwehr und Dissidenz sagen diagnostisch viel über demokratische Gesellschaften und ihre Missstände aus, wie die empirischen und theoretischen Beiträge dieses Bandes zeigen. Was ist an Demokratien falsch, wenn sich Widerstand in weiten gesellschaftlichen Bereichen nur im Verborgenen zu äußern vermag? Was ist am Widerstand und seinen Begründungsmustern problematisch, wenn sie sich der öffentlichen Artikulation entziehen? Diese beiden Fragen umschreiben das breite Spektrum der Beiträge aus unterschiedlichen sozial- und geisteswissenschaftlichen Disziplinen. Unter den Autor:innen befinden sich unter anderem Friederike Bahl, Ketevan Gurchiani, Axel Honneth, Jennet Kirkpatrick, Martin Saar, William E. Scheuerman, James C. Scott und Peter Wagner.

This provocative book interrogates the ideology of capitalism as the'default'narrative underpinning various mainstream ideologies in the contemporary world. The book explores the genesis, structure and functioning of this ideological narrative, provides its critical assessment and outlines a possible alternative, beyond the logic of capitalism and toward a truly free and democratic society.The book takes a broad view of the major global challenges, including the COVID-19 pandemic, and persuasively argue that, in order to resolve any of the major global problems, from the ongoing ecological crisis to economic and geopolitical issues, we need to confront the capitalist system. To unpack the logic of contemporary capitalist ideology, and the way it structures our inter-personal and political relations, the book gives an analysis of the'end of ideology'narrative and offers a critical assessment of the ideas behind the widely used but fundamentally flawed concept of'Liberal democracy.'The book revisits metaphysical foundations behind the ideology of capitalism, exposing their secular-religious dimension, and their immanent oppressiveness. Based on this deconstruction of the metaphysical foundations implicit in (Neo)Liberalism and capitalism, the book offers a way in which alternative metaphysical foundations can be constructed to allow for different socio-political and economic models that would be based on a radical affirmation of freedom and democracy, as well as human responsibility for the natural environment.Beyond Capitalist Dystopia: Reclaiming Freedom and Democracy in the Age of Global Crises will be of great interest to anyone searching for alternatives to the pervasive ideology of capitalism as well as students and researchers active in various fields in the humanities and social sciences.

Democratic Frontiers: Algorithms and Society focuses on digital platforms'effects in societies with respect to key areas such as subjectivity and self-reflection, data and measurement for the common good, public health and accessible datasets, activism in social media and the import/export of AI technologies relative to regime type.Digital technologies develop at a much faster pace relative to our systems of governance which are supposed to embody democratic principles that are comparatively timeless, whether rooted in ancient Greek or Enlightenment ideas of freedom, autonomy and citizenship. Algorithms, computing millions of calculations per second, do not pause to reflect on their operations. Developments in the accumulation of vast private datasets that are used to train automated machine learning algorithms pose new challenges for upholding these values. Social media platforms, while the key driver of today's information disorder, also afford new opportunities for organized social activism. The US and China, presumably at opposite ends of an ideological spectrum, are the main exporters of AI technology to both free and totalitarian societies. These are some of the important topics covered by this volume that examines the democratic stakes for societies with the rapid expansion of these technologies.Scholars and students from many backgrounds as well as policy makers, journalists and the general reading public will find a multidisciplinary approach to issues of democratic values and governance encompassing research from Sociology, Digital Humanities, New Media, Psychology, Communication, International Relations and Economics.Chapter 3 of this book is available for free in PDF format as Open Access from the individual product page at www.routledge.com. It has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives 4.0 license

Recent years have seen contestations of democracy all around the globe. Democracy is challenged as a political as well as a normative term, and as a form of governance. Against the background of neoliberal transformation, populist mobilization, and xenophobic exclusion, but also of radical and emancipatory democratic projects, this collection offers a variety of critical and challenging perspectives on the condition of democracy in the 21st century. The volumes provide theoretical and empirical enquiries into the meaning and practice of liberal democracy, the erosion of democratic institutions, and the consequences for citizenship and everyday lives. With a pronounced focus on national and transnational politics and processes, as well as postcolonial and settler colonial contexts, individual contributions scrutinize the role of democratic societies, ideals, and ideologies of liberal democracy within global power geometries. By employing the multiple meanings of The Condition of Democracy, the collection addresses the preconditions of democratic rule, the state this form of governance is in, and the changing ways in which citizens can (still) act as the sovereign in liberal democratic societies. The books offer both challenging theoretical perspectives and rigorous empirical findings of how to conceive of democracy in our times, which will appeal to academics and students in social and political science, economics, and international relations amongst other fields. The focus on developments in the Middle East and North Africa will furthermore be of great usefulness to academics and the wider public interested in the repercussions of western democracy promotion as well as in contemporary struggles for democratization ‘from below'.During the last 50 years, liberal democracies have been exposed to a fundamental reorganization of their politico-economic structure that transformed them through the impact of neo-liberal economic doctrines focused on low taxation, free markets, and out-sourcing that have little regard in reality for democratic institutions or liberal values. The failures of the neoliberal ‘remedy'for capitalism are now dramatically obvious through the banking crisis of 2008-2011, the increase in income inequality, the social and psychological damage caused by the austerity packages across Europe, and widespread dependence on experts whose influence over government policies typically goes without public scrutiny. While this has only accelerated the destruction of the social fabric in modern Western societies, the dramatic redistribution of wealth and an open'politics for the rich'have also revealed the long-time well-covered alliance of the global oligarchy with the Far Right that has the effect of undermining democracy. The contributions to this volume discuss a wide variety of processes of transformation, the social consequences, dedemocratization and illiberalization of once liberal democracies through the destructive impact of neoliberal strategies. These strongly politico-economic contributions are complemented with general sociological analyses of a number of cultural aspects often neglected in analyses of democracy.

This study has two central research questions: Do democracy profiles affect policy performance? And what causes democracy profiles? Oliver Schlenkrich conceptualizes and measures different democracy profiles (e.g., libertarian-majoritarian or egalitarian-majoritarian democracies) based on trade-offs between the central democracy dimensions of political freedom, political equality, and political and legal control. In addition, the study conceptually and empirically develops a typology of political performance. Regarding the first research question, the empirical analyses of about 80 democracies from 1974 to 2017 indicate that there is not an overall better performing democracy profile. Thereby, the democracy profiles do not have an immediate effect, instead their effects require a longer period of time to manifest. With respect to the second research question, the empirical findings show that several structural and cultural factors are relevant (e.g., British heritage or a competitive culture). This work is mainly based on Bayesian statistics to cope with the complexity of the data and models.About the authorOliver Schlenkrich works currently on the DFG research project ‘Causes of Transformation and Democracy Profiles: Empirical Findings of the Democracy Matrix'located at the Institute of Political Science and Sociology, University of Wuerzburg, Germany. His research interests concern democracy, political culture, political participation, quality of statehood, and quantitative methods.

The Fifth Cleavage: Genealogy of the Populist Ideology proposes an in-depth analysis of populism, as one of the central phenomena in the contemporary public and political debate. In particular, this study aims to investigate the causes of the emergence of populism and its possible effects on the political system and on the democratic institutions. The central thesis of the book is that populism is originated by a cleavage between two opposite groups – the people and the elite – which appeared for the first time soon after the democratic revolutions of the 17th and 18th centuries. This cleavage is not constantly active; but it tends to reactivate itself only under certain circumstances, when certain critical junctures occur, thus giving rise to different “waves” of populism. When the “populist cleavage” is active, the other lines of division and conflict (of class, of religion, etc.) lose their relevance. What are the features of this cleavage? What kind of relationship does it have with the well-known traditional cleavages (capital-labor, state-church, urban-rural, center-periphery)? What are the characteristics of the recent “wave” of populism? And what are its effects on the functioning of democracy? These are the main questions to which this book is devoted.

In The Struggle for Development and Democracy Alessandro Olsaretti argues that we need significantly new theories of development and democracy to answer the problem posed by neoliberalism and the populist backlash, namely, uneven development and divisive politics. This book proposes as a first step a truly multidisciplinary humanist social science, to overcome the flaws of neoliberal economic theories, and to recover a balanced approach to theories and policies alike that is especially needed in the wake of the 9/11 attacks. These led to divisive culture wars, which were compounded by the divisive populist politics. This book begins to sketch such a humanist social science, and applies it to answer one question: who is responsible for neoliberalism and the populist backlash? All royalties from sales of this volume will go to GiveWell.org in honour of Alessandro Olsaretti's memory.

This book analyzes the many threats to democracy that exist in the 21st century and tries to understand how democracy can survive economic, social and political crises. It focuses on issues of oligarchy, tyranny, totalitarianism, and ochlocracy. It discusses how these forms of governance manifested themselves in ancient and medieval worlds, and how socio-economic transitions in the 21st century have created conditions that increasingly pose similar threats to modern democracy. The author discusses broad transitions in the contemporary world: economic transition to advanced, high technology capitalism; cultural transition from traditional religious and family values to norms focusing on racial equality, gender and transgender equality and liberation, and multiculturalism; also, transition from the traditional religious worldview to rational-scientific worldview, and from religious morality to secular humanist ethics. These taken together undergird the political transition from traditional authority, involving monarchy and aristocracy, to rational-legal authority, involving constitutional law and democratic participation. The book shows, through extensive country discussions, that whenever these transitions become difficult, undemocratic forms of governance may emerge and override democracy. Authored by an expert in the field, this book touches upon an especially topical theme in the contemporary world and is of interest to a wide readership across the social sciences, from researchers and students to discerning laypersons.

Classical liberal democratic theory has provided crucial ideas for a still dominant and hegemonic discourse that rests on ideological conceptions of freedom, equality, peacefulness, inclusive democratic participation, and tolerance. While this may have held some truth for citizens in Western liberal-capitalist societies, such liberal ideals have never been realized in colonial, postcolonial and settler colonial contexts. Liberal democracies are not simply forms of rule in domestic national contexts but also geo-political actors. As such, they have been the drivers of processes of global oppression, colonizing and occupying countries and people, appropriating indigenous land, annihilating people with eliminatory politics right up to genocides. There can be no doubt that the West – with its civilizational Judeo-Christian idea and divine mission ‘to subdue the world'– has destroyed other civilizations, countries, trading systems, and traditional ways of life and is responsible for the death of hundreds of millions of human beings in the course of colonizing the world from its Empires of trade through colonialism to settler colonialism and today's politics of regime change. The book discusses the settler colonial regime that Israel has established in Palestine while still claiming to be a democracy. It discusses the failures of liberal democracy to overcome the structural and racist inequalities in post-Apartheid South Africa, and it presents hopeful outlooks on new ideas and forms of democracy in social movements in the MENA region.

This book analyzes Armenian civil society in the context of post-communist democratization. It explores persistent challenges to civic engagement under Armenia's semi-authoritarian regime, and also highlights success stories of public mobilization and social impact. Drawing on a broad range of methods and empirical sources, the book provides a comprehensive overview of the re-emerging diversity of Armenian civil society: from formal organizations to spontaneous activism. It combines a country-level analysis of broad patterns in the country's political culture with the life stories of individual agents of change, contrasting public apathy with young activists'enthusiasm. By exploring mobilization strategies and narratives in Armenian civil society, the book provides valuable new insights into the roots of the mass public uprising in spring 2018.

In Defense of Anarchism is a 1970 book by the philosopher Robert Paul Wolff, in which the author defends individualist anarchism. He argues that individual autonomy and state authority are mutually exclusive and that, as individual autonomy is inalienable, the moral legitimacy of the state collapses.In Defense of Anarchism is a 1970 book by the philosopher Robert Paul Wolff, in which the author defends individualist anarchism. He argues that individual autonomy and state authority are mutually exclusive and that, as individual autonomy is inalienable