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This book explores the decision by the Grand National Assembly of Turkey in 1924 to abolish the caliphate. The Ottoman sultans had long borne the title of caliphs of Islam, with all the prestigious authority throughout the Muslim world that went with it, and in the aftermath of the First World War the caliphate still retained great symbolic relevance.The book considers the questions that arose with its abolition, including whether or not the caliphate should be revived, reformed or replaced by other forms of political affiliation and organization. It also assesses more general issues concerning identity and legitimate authority, and how to reconcile time-honoured religious institutions and concepts with modernity, the nation-state and affiliations of an ethnic and religious nature. The book additionally addresses the debates within the pan-Islamic congresses concerning the fate of the caliphate, and the implications of its abolition for Kurdish–Turkish relations and for the British and French Empires with their large Muslim populations.

This book is a critical reading of Turkey's entanglement and struggle with modernity, Islam, diversity, democracy and human rights/liberties slightly less than the last two centuries. Its major argument is that the relationship between religion and state forms an important dimension not only of official state ideology, but also in interrelations between different groups in society and in those groups'relations with the state. The book provides an overarching view of modern Turkey's religion, politics and society over an extended period and examines the complex relations between society, religion, laicité, state identity and their reflections in state power and daily life. This book's originality and novelty and what makes this study different from others in the market is its provision of an overarching view of religion, politics, and society in modern Turkey over an extended period starting from Ottoman times era current times.

This handbook, the first of its kind, provides a rich overview of the socio-political issues and dynamics impacting Turkey's diasporic groups and diaspora policymaking.Turkey constitutes an important case study in the field of diaspora studies with a diaspora population of around 6.5 million. This handbook therefore brings together emerging and established scholars to explore the central issues, actors, and processes relating to Turkey's diasporic groups and diaspora outreach. Taken together, the historical and contemporary analyses presented in this volume provide readers a multi-lens perspective on the trajectories of Turkey's diasporic communities and diaspora policymaking in a wide range of regional contexts, including Europe, North America, and Oceania. The handbook comprises six analytical parts: Contextualising Turkey's diasporas: past and present Localisation, transnational belongings, and identity Governing diasporas Micro-spaces and everyday practices Cultural production, aesthetics, and creativity Country-specific perspectives The volume offers insights into the debates and processes that structure each of these thematic clusters, but also provides a comprehensive overview of the dynamics shaping Turkey's diverse diaspora populations today.The contributions encompass a range of disciplines, including anthropology, history, human geography, political science, international relations, and sociology, and the volume will be vital reading for anyone interested in Turkey, the Middle East, and diasporas.

Dersim is a region within Turkey that has deep meaning for Alevis, Armenians, Kurds, and Zazas. Even the Hittites seemed to have had difficulty governing this mountainous region where today Turkish military drones target suspicious activity. Dersim as an Internal Colony: The Turkish Civilizing Mission (1927-1952) explores how the region had a deep history of autonomy and autarky that was challenged and then crushed by the forces of union and progress trying to keep together and perhaps give rebirth to a dying empire. It focuses on what happened after the Tertele of 1938, also known as the day on which the world ended, and what, was this so-called “Turkish civilizing mission” in action during the First Internal Colonial Period (1927-1952). Did the state in fact bring civilization to this region's people that it had just terrorized? What were the achievements of this Turkish civilization in this historically independent land of high mountains, torrential rivers, oak forests, and goats? This book aims to answer these questions with a critical reading of reports written by the then representative of Tunceli in the Grand National Assembly of Türkiye.

A Concise History of the Middle East provides a comprehensive introduction to the history of this region. Spanning from the pre-Islamic era to the present, it explores the evolution of Middle Eastern institutions and culture, the influence of European colonialism and Western imperialism, regional modernization efforts, the struggle of various peoples for political independence, the Arab–Israeli conflict, the reassertion of Islamist values and power, the issues surrounding the Palestinian Question, and the Middle East following 9/11, the 2011 Arab uprisings, and the regional crisis that erupted after 7 October 2023.The thirteenth edition has been fully revised to reflect the most recent events in, and concerns of, the region, including its future in the face of climate change and challenges in Iraq, and developments in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. In addition, the important role of Middle Eastern women in the history of the region is woven into the narrative. New parts and part timelines will help students grasp and contextualize the long and complicated history of the region.With updated biographical sketches and a new concluding chapter, this book remains the quintessential text for students of Middle East history.

This book discusses the life and professional struggle of Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu and the transformation of the CHP under his leadership. It deals with the transformational periods and phases of the CHP, up to the period when Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu became prominent in the party. The CHP's transformation and how it variously affected its popular standing in public opinion and revealed political liabilities and limitations cumulatively can indicate and explain to what extent political parties are likely to change as leadership changes and different regime governing approaches take hold. Furthermore, this book aims to answer the following questions: How and for what reasons did Kılıçdaroğlu decide to ally with the center-right wing in the CHP? What was the collective impact of the center-right wing in positive and negative terms regarding the CHP's general identity, especially in historical context? After the 2015 elections, what constituted the shifts and revisions in Kılıçdaroğlu's ideology andhow did they alter the political power of the CHP as a major opposition party? What evidence exists to shed light on his capabilities for building coalitions as a viable option for the possibility of forming a national government in elections?

In the The Middle East, Sixteenth Edition, Ellen Lust brings important new coverage to this comprehensive, balanced, and superbly researched text. In clear prose, Lust and her outstanding contributors explain the landscape of this changing region by examining both regional trends and individual countries. The Sixteenth Edition adds a chapter on Sudan, and other country chapters have been streamlined and fully updated to reflect domestic, regional, and international changes of the past three years. This best-selling text offers a wealth of information to help readers not only comprehend more fully the world around them, but also recognize and formulate policies that can more successfully engage the vitally important Middle East.

The Everyday Violence of Forced Displacement: Memory, Community and Identity Politics among Internally Displaced Kurds in Turkey is based on ethnographic research in four Istanbul neighborhoods in the early 2000s and after. Miriam Geerse focuses on individuals and families that tried to sustain meaningful lives in an urban context marked by political and structural violence. Geerse argues that forces, other than war and forced displacement, instilled in many forced migrants a pressing need and desire to keep hammering home the price and pain of displacement. Much of this book then bears witness to the formation of an oppositionalconsciousness. Geerse's analysis of the mobilization of social capital in times of illness and social conflict offers an understanding of how a dispersed community of people who share the same stories function in an inhospitable urban environment. In laying bare the interconnections between experiences before, during and after forced displacement, and by focusing on people's narratives and their experiences, Geerse provides insight to activists striving to improve the position of Kurds, to academics studying the impact of forced migration and other forms of political violence on civilians, and to all those who argue for a more balanced view of the recent history of Turkey.

Founded in the waning years of the Ottoman Empire, the Imperial School for Tribes (Asiret Mektebi) was an initiative by Sultan Abdulhamid II to bring the sons of prominent Arab tribal leaders to Istanbul for a world-class education and transform them into loyal Ottoman future military and governmental leaders. Utilizing a plethora of new documents recently made available in the Ottoman archives as well as Ottoman newspaper collections in Istanbul and Beirut, this is the first book to shed light on the School for Tribes. It provides a detailed analysis of the origins and families of the over 500 graduates of the school, as well as the recruitment and placement processes developed by the administration. The further careers and allegiances of the graduates are examined, allowing us to better understand relations between Turks and Arabs both during the last years of the Empire as well as in the following decades. The book shows that many graduates who became prominent leaders in their newly formed countries, including Abdulmuhsin al-Sadoun (Prime Minister of Iraq), Omar Mansour and Orhan Kologlu (Prime Ministers of Cyrenaica-Libya), and Ramadan al-Shallash (Lebanon) availed of their Ottoman training and preserved their imperial loyalties even as rifts that occurred between the Republic of Turkey and the Arab states widened.

Upturning the typical view of Turkey's democratic trajectory as a product of authoritarian assault or unfortunate circumstances, this book argues that the AKP, first elected in 2002, has consistently advanced a narrative of democracy as the work of an elite working for the'National Will'. Beginning with an analysis of the historical processes that led to the AKP's rise at the beginning of the 21st century, the book then focuses on the AKP since 2002. Though Turkey's democratic transition was originally characterised by Western co-operation, the author outlines the gradual deterioration of these relations since the 2010s, as well as the decline of political rights, freedom of expression and the rule of law. However, bringing in theoretical perspectives of democracy, it is argued that the AKP has adopted an alternative definition based on the'National Will'throughout its rule, resistant to the Western essentialist view. As such, the AKP's story highlights that the root of this crisis lies within democracy itself.The book will appeal to historians and analysts of Turkish politics, as well as to political scientists interested in theories of democracy. Moreover, for those interested in the global contemporary crisis of democracy, the book provides an important case-study.

TESAM ve Uludağ Üniversitesi İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi iş birliğiyle düzenlenen “Quo Vadis Türkiye?” başlıklı TESAM II. Uluslararası Sosyal Bilimler Kongresi'nin tam metin kitabı ikinci baskısı için bu önsözü yazmaktan büyük bir memnuniyet duyuyoruz. Kongremizin, 1-2 Kasım 2017 tarihlerinde Uludağ Üniversitesi Mete Cengiz Kültür Merkezi'nde gerçekleşmesi, Türkiye'nin geleceği hakkında önemli soruların tartışıldığı bir platform yaratmamıza vesile olmuştur. Bu kongre, yüzden fazla yerli ve yabancı bilim insanının katılımı ile zengin bir bilgi alışverişi ortamına dönüşmüştür. Düzenleme kurulumuz, altı farklı ülkeden gelen değerli hocalarımızın değerlendirmeleri sonucunda elli beş yerli ve yabancı bilim insanının başvurularını kabul etmiştir. Kongre boyunca on üç oturumda ele alınan “Quo Vadis Türkiye?” konusu, farklı disiplinlerden gelen akademisyenlerin bakış açılarıyla derinlemesine incelenmiş ve önemli çıkarımlar yapılmıştır. İkinci baskı sürecinde katılımcıların, kongrede sunulan bildirilerin tam metinlerini göndermeleriyle birlikte bu kitabı hazırlamış bulunuyoruz. Kitabın içeriği, Türkiye'nin geleceği üzerine çeşitli disiplinlerden gelen bilim insanlarının katkılarıyla şekillenmiş ve zenginleşmiştir. Bu vesileyle, kongremize katılan tüm akademisyenlere, düzenleme sürecinde emeği geçen Uludağ Üniversitesi yöneticilerine, program ortaklarımız Uludağ Üniversitesi İktisadi ve İdari Bilimler Fakültesi yönetimine ve akademik kadrosuna, sponsorlarımıza, ve TESAM ailesine teşekkürlerimizi sunarız.

A comprehensive, readable history of the Republic of Turkey that gives equal weight to all periods in the first century of the Republic of Turkey.The republican order of Turkey seems not to have changed much since its foundation in 1923, but there were dramatic transformations: From Atatürk's modernization dictatorship in the 1920s and 1930s, over the massive migration into the cities and the military coups in the second half of the twentieth century, up to Recep Tayyip Erdoğans electoral autocracy since the 2010s. This book makes us understand Turkey's historical trajectory in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries and the fate of its various communities and ethnic groups—in particular Alevis and Kurds—and argues that a particular trait of Turkish political culture is its constant fluctuation between confidence and contention, grandeur and grievance.

Mustafa Kemal Atatürk was one of the most significant political leaders of the twentieth century. He rose from obscure origins to become the founder of the new Republic of Turkey out of the ashes of the Ottoman Empire and go on to radically transform Turkish society. How should one understand Atatürk and his legacy?In this book, George Gawrych studies Atatürk's career in detail, showing how Atatürk married the traits of the classic military man-of-action with those of the intellectual, theorist and pragmatist as a statesman. Gawrych places Atatürk in the context of his times to reveal how he harnessed wider forces to set Turkey on a path of secular nationalism and comprehensive modernization. His legacy can be seen everywhere in Turkey today, from the role and rights of women in society to the struggle for developing a democracy in the Republic. Gawrych addresses the costs of Atatürk's policies, including the suppression of minorities and the imposition of a cult of personality and authoritarian rule in the name of'Turkification'. The book presents a nuanced analysis of a complex figure who consciously created a living legacy that still casts a shadow over Turkey's political and intellectual discourse.

The authoritative account of Islam's schism that for centuries has shaped events in the Middle East and the Islamic world. In 632, soon after the Prophet Muhammad died, a struggle broke out among his followers as to who would succeed him. Most Muslims argued that the leader of Islam should be elected by the community's elite and rule as Caliph. They would later become the Sunnis. Others—who would become known as the Shia—believed that Muhammad had designated his cousin and son-in-law Ali as his successor, and that henceforth Ali's offspring should lead as Imams. This dispute over who should guide Muslims, the Caliph or the Imam, marks the origin of the Sunni-Shii split in Islam. Toby Matthiesen explores this hugely significant division from its origins to the present day. Moving chronologically, his book sheds light on the many ways that it has shaped the Islamic world, outlining how over the centuries Sunnism and Shiism became Islam's two main branches, and how Muslim Empires embraced specific sectarian identities. Focussing on connections between the Indian subcontinent and the Middle East, it reveals how colonial rule and the modern state institutionalised sectarian divisions and at the same time led to pan-Islamic resistance and Sunni and Shii revivalism. It then focuses on the fall-out from the 1979 revolution in Iran and the US-led military intervention in Iraq. As Matthiesen shows, however, though Sunnism and Shiism have had a long and antagonistic history, most Muslims have led lives characterised by confessional ambiguity and peaceful co-existence. Tensions arise when sectarian identity becomes linked to politics. Based on a synthesis of decades of scholarship in numerous languages, The Caliph and the Imam will become the standard text for readers looking for a deeper understanding of contemporary sectarian conflict and its historical roots.

The volume sheds light on the backsliding process of Turkish democratization from the early 2010's until 2018. In addition to historical contextualization, the book analyzes data collected through a nationally representative survey of Turkish voters during the 2018 elections and data available by the Supreme Election Board (YSK) in a pre-and post-election panel design. A more centralized administration of elections that are directly under the control of the central government brought reliability of election results as well as the free and fair nature of the elections in question. Mobilization efforts of the parties, as well as the varying degree of influence of the economy, appear to have simultaneously influential over the vote choices. Yet another factor of potency in shaping the vote choices was the longer-term effects of ideology, conservative values, and hence the party identification. Through the 2018 elections in Turkey, the book provides an excellent glimpse into the dynamics of Turkish politics, society and culture. Targeting students and scholars of Middle Eastern and North African politics, the book is a key resource for any readers interested in the political developments of Turkey, comparative politics, and voting behavior.

This book lies at the intersection of two important and expanding fields of study: Political Islam and International Relations (IR). It contributes to both fields by analyzing the discourses of six moderate-reformist (mainstream) scholar sheikhs from the Sunni and Shii Arab World of the 20th and early 21st centuries. Four of the scholar sheikhs are Sunni Egyptians who received their education at al-Azhar and/or maintained a long-term affiliation with the institution. They are Mahmoud Shaltut (1893-1963), Muhammad Abu Zahra (1897-1974), Muhammad al-Bahi (1905-1982), and Yusuf al-Qaradawi (1926-). The fifth is the Sunni Syrian Sheikh Wahbah al-Zuhaili (1932-2015). Finally, there is Sayyid Muhammad Hussein Fadlallah (1935-2010), a renowned Lebanese Shia cleric, who received his religious training at al-Hawza in Najaf, Iraq, the Shia equivalent of al-Azhar. The aims of the book are three: (1) to demonstrate the presence of a moderate-reformist (mainstream) strand within political Islam that advocates a different perspective on international relations from that of the radical Islamists; (2) to identify and scrutinize the principal elements of this mainstream perspective, while underscoring the variations with it; and (3) to situate the international relations'discourses of the examined mainstream Islamist scholar sheikhs within their proper historic and ideational contexts. The book appeals to a wide and diverse readership that is not restricted to specialists. While academics and graduate students working on political Islam and/or the Middle East are its primary audience, the work is written in an accessible style, that is kept free of academic jargon, that any reader who is proficient in English and interested in political Islam and/or theories of international relations can enjoy reading and engage with the main arguments.

Justice (al-‘adl) is one of the principal values of the Islamic faith. In Islam, Justice, and Democracy, Sabri Ciftci explores the historical, philosophical, and empirical foundations of justice to examine how religious values relate to Muslim political preferences and behavior. He focuses on Muslim agency and democracy to explain how ordinary Muslims use the conceptions of divine justice—either servitude to God or exercising free will against oppressors—to make sense of real-world problems. Using ethnographic research, interviews, and public opinion surveys as well as the works of Islamist ideologues, archives of Islamist journals, and other sources, Ciftci shows that building contemporary incarnations of Islamist justice is, in essence, a highly practical political project that has formative effects on Muslim political attitudes. Islam, Justice, and Democracy compares the recent Arab Spring protests to the constitutionalist movements of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries in the Middle East to demonstrate the continuities and rifts a century apart. By putting justice at the center of democratic thinking in the Muslim world, Ciftci reconsiders Islam's potential in engendering both democratic ideals and authoritarian preferences.

This Handbook discusses the new political and social realities in Turkey from a range of perspectives, emphasizing both changes as well as continuities. Contextualizing recent developments, the chapters, written by experts in their fields, combine analytical depth with a broad overview.In the last few years alone, Turkey has experienced a failed coup attempt; a prolonged state of emergency; the development of a presidential system based on the supreme power of the head of state; a crackdown on traditional and new media, universities and civil society organizations; the detention of journalists, mayors and members of parliament; the establishment of political tutelage over the judiciary; and a staggering economic crisis. It has also terminated talks with the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK); intervened in and occupied mountainous border areas in northern Iraq to fight that organization; occupied Afrin and strips of territory in northern Syria; intervened in Libya; articulated an assertive transnational politics toward “kin” across the world; strained its relations with the European Union and the US, while developing relations with Russia; flirted with China's intercontinental Belt and Road Initiative; and carved out a presence in Africa, to name just a few of the most recent developments.This volume provides a comprehensive and wide-ranging overview of the making of modern Turkey. It is a key reference for students and scholars interested in political economy, security studies, international relations and Turkish studies.

Known to many as American University's “peace legend,” Abdul Aziz Said (1930–2021)led an academic career spanning nearly sixty years. Always a forward-looking thinker,Said consistently sought to be among the first to grapple with the leading-edge issues ofhis day, from decolonization and turbulent social change in developing countries to theinfluence of multinational corporations, the normative priority of human rights, culturalaspects of conflict resolution, and the promotion of Islamic-Western understanding.Taken together, his extensive writings, innovative pedagogy, and practical pursuits offera model for engaged scholarship, characterized by dynamic use of the platform providedby a university career to advance international peace, intercultural dialogue, and socialjustice as well as a spiritual ethic emphasizing unity and connectedness among peoplefrom diverse cultural, religious, and racial backgrounds.• Abdul Aziz Said has been an innovator in international relations and peacestudies;• Born in Syria, he completed his higher education in the United States and wenton to teach multiple generations of international affairs students;• He was a leading scholar focusing on global peace as well as Islam and peace;• His writings address salient global issues from the 1950s to the first decades ofthe twenty-first century.

This book is an analytical study of secularism in contemporary Turkey by tracing its historical trajectory within the context of political transformation in a country that experienced a social and cultural rupture in its formative years. Its principal focus is on the policies and practices of the current ruling party, the Justice and Development Party (JDP), which has influenced the process of change, evolution, and transformation with regard to secularism and state policies toward religion. Following its foundation in 2001, the JDP developed a unique approach to conceptualising the relationship between state and religion. In contrast to other mainstream parties and political positions both in the past and present, it offers an alternative vision and model to that of inherited Kemalist secularism, as formulated by Mustafa Kemal Ataturk (the founder of modern Turkey) and refined by his close associates in the formative period of the Republic. The project draws its findings fromin-depth interviews with members of political parties, civil society activists and religious leaders.

This handbook presents precise yet accessible up-to-date information about the geography, history, culture, politics, and economy of 26 Near and Middle East states, ranging from Morocco to Pakistan, from Turkey to South Sudan. The targeted readership consists primarily of scholars, students, teachers, journalists, and other mediators of political education as well as anyone interested in politics. It is a basic work that contributes to comparative assessments of this hugely important and diverse region.

Muhtars, the lowest level elected political position in Turkey, hold an ambiguously defined place within the administrative hierarchy. They are public officials, but local citizens do not always associate them with the central government. Street-Level Governing is the first book to investigate how muhtars carry out their role—not only what they are supposed to do, but how they actually operate—to provide an ethnographic study of the state as viewed from its margins. It starts from the premise that the seeming'margin'of state administration is not peripheral at all, but instructive as to how it functions. As Elise Massicard shows, muhtars exist at the intersection of everyday life and the exercise of power. Their position offers a personalized point of contact between citizens and state institutions, enabling close oversight of the citizenry, yet simultaneously projecting the sense of an accessible state to individuals. Challenging common theories of the state, Massicard outlines how the position of the muhtar throws into question an assumed dichotomy between domination and social resistance, and suggests that considerations of circumvention and accommodation are normal attributes of state-society functioning.

What accounts for the regression of Turkey's stature from a'model'country to one riddled with state crisis and conflict? Unable to adapt to the challenges of the era and failing to respond to ethnic and multicultural political demands for reform, the Turkish state has resisted change and stuck to its ideological roots stemming from the 1930s.In Turkey's State Crisis, Aras delves into the historical, political, and geopolitical background of the country's decline. In an effort to delineate the origin of the crisis, Aras investigates several perspectives: the political elites'attempt to change the administrative system to create a performance-oriented one; the bureaucracy's response, concerns, and resistance to change; the state's conflict resolution capacity; and the transformation of foreign/security policy. Providing a comprehensive portrait of the Turkish state's turmoil, Aras creates a blueprint for the ways in which much-needed reforms can break vicious cycles of political polarization, rising authoritarianism, and weak state institutions.

How did the Turkish-Kurdish Conflict arise? Why have Turks and Kurds failed for so long to solve it? How can they solve it today? How can social scientists better analyze this and other protracted conflicts and propose better prescriptions for sustainable peace? Return to Point Zero develops a novel framework for analyzing the historical-structural and contemporary causes of ethnic-national conflicts, highlighting an understudied dimension: politics. Murat Somer argues that intramajority group politics rather than majority-minority differences better explains ethnic-national conflicts. Hence, the political-ideological divisions among Turks are the key to understanding the Turkish-Kurdish Conflict; though it was nationalism that produced the Kurdish Question during late-Ottoman imperial modernization, political elite decisions by the Turks created the Kurdish Conflict during the postimperial nation-state building. Today, ideational rigidities reinforce the conflict. Analyzing this conflict from'premodern'times to today, Somer emphasizes two distinct periods: the formative era of 1918–1926 and the post-2011 reformative period. Somer argues that during the formative era, political elites inadequately addressed three fundamental dilemmas of security, identity, and cooperation and includes a discussion of how the legacy of those political elite decisions impacted and framed peace attempts that have failed in the 1990s and 2010s. Return to Point Zero develops new concepts to analyze conflicts and concrete conflict-resolution proposals.

An essential study of parliamentary politics in postwar Iraq and Syria, before the consolidation of authoritarian rule under the Ba'th PartyWhen Parliaments Ruled the Middle East explores three main interrelated issues to clarify what happened between 1946 and 1963 in Iraq and Syria: how and why a parliamentary system prevailed in both countries in the aftermath of the Second World War; what social effects this system triggered, and, in turn, how these changes affected the system; and finally, why the elites in both countries were unable to overcome the unrest that brought an end to both a liberal era and to a certain kind of political game.Drawing on a vast array of sources and rich archival research in French, English, and Arabic, Matthieu Rey highlights the processes of the parliamentary system in the modern era, which are very common to post-independence countries and to any representative regime. He tackles the intersection of multifaceted political phenomena that were present in that moment in Iraq and Syria, including regular elections, the implementation of emergency law, the freedom of the press, the open expression of opinions, the formation of new political parties, frequent military coups, and the joint exercise of power by members of the old classes and reformist newcomers.Treating this period as neither an epilogue of the liberal order nor a prelude to authoritarianism, and stressing the contingent, improvisatory aspects of political history, Rey fundamentally questions the transitional nature of the period and in doing so proposes new ways and tools of examining it.

This book covers over a century of history, from the emergence of Kurdish nationalism in the interwar period to the 2010s when, for the first time in modern history, Kurdish forces controlled two autonomous political entities in Iraq and Syria, as well as over a hundred municipalities in south-eastern Turkey. In these years of momentous advance for Kurdish forces across the region, Kurdish politics remains deeply divided into competing movements pursuing irreconcilable projects for the future of the nation. The author investigates the origins of the present divide in the history of Kurdish nationalism. The book turns the historical sociology to study nationalism as embedded in social conflicts through a comparative analysis of the history of the Kurdish movement in Iraq and Turkey, by reassessing the literature on Kurdish politics and filling its gaps with numerous interviews with witnesses and scholars.

This book analyzes the transformation of ethnic and religious political parties in Turkey with special focus on their role in the country's democratization and regime changes. Turkey went through a process of autocratization under the rule of the AKP government over the last two decades. Scholars question the structural, agent-centered and cultural factors that led the country on this path, and provide the lessons learnt from this case for other cases of democratic decline or breakdown. This book contributes to this debate. It treats the three national elections (2002, 2007, 2015-June) as opportunities for democratization, in which the Islamist-successor AKP (in 2002, 2007) and the Kurdish-successor HDP (in 2015-June) managed to overcome identity politics and received the organized support from social groups outside of their traditional constituency. This book argues that in a semi-democratic context where repressive acts of the state (e.g. banning of parties, arresting politicians)have been subject to widespread public criticism, confronting the state becomes a salient issue. When these parties manage to frame this issue as one of democracy, they take ownership of it, and this then becomes an opportunity for democratizing the regime. This opportunity, yet, can be missed if the party follows an office-seeking strategy rather than a policy-seeking one.

Nineteenth-century Istanbul was an intellectual hub of rich discussions about Islam, in which leading reformists had a significant role. Turkey today appears to be an intellectual vacuum to anyone searching for ongoing critical engagement with Islam. The main purpose of this book is to adjust this view of Turkey by showcasing the modern Turkish theologians who challenge mainstream Sunni interpretations of Islam. Labelling these theologians as'rationalist'rather than'reformist', the author reveals that their theology is inherently anti-establishment and thus a religiously-oriented challenge to the hegemony of the state-sanctioned Islam: for the rationalists, Turkey's problems have their origins in the Sunni interpretation of Islam. Contemporary Rationalist Islam in Turkey analyses nine prominent scholars of Islam who provide a religious opposition to the Sunni revival in Turkey: Hüseyin Atay, Yasar Nuri Öztürk, M. Hayri Kirbasoglu, Ilhami Güler, R. Ihsan Eliaçik, Ömer Özsoy, Mustafa Öztürk, Israfil Balci, and Mehmet Azimli. These scholars'writings are almost exclusively published in Turkish, so this book makes their ideas available in English for the first time. It also examines the scope, methodology and argumentation of the scholars'theology, categorizing their theological interpretations from'historicist'to'universalist'and from'empiricist'to'rationalist'. In identifying a new'rationalist'school of Turkish theology and outlining its different manifestations, the book breaks new ground. It fills a significant gap in the literature on Islamic studies and reveals an understudied dimension of Turkey and Turkish Islam beyond the well-known ideas of the AKP and the Gulenists.

This book argues that the modern state, from the nineteenth century to the contemporary period, has consistently been used as a means to measure civilizational engagement and attainment. This volume historicizes this dynamic, examining how it impacted state-making in Lebanon and Syria. By putting social, political, and economic pressure on the Ottoman Empire to replicate the modern state in Europe, the book examines processes of racialization, nationalist development, continued imperial expansion, and resistance that became embedded in the state as it was assembled. By historicizing post-imperial and post-colonial state formation in Lebanon and Syria, it is possible to engage in a conceptual separation from the modern state, abandoning the ongoing reproduction of the state as a standard, or benchmark, of civilization and progress.

For decades after the declaration of the Republic of Turkey in 1923, the Turkish state promoted the idea of a desired citizen. The Kemalist state treated these citizens as superior, with full rights; but the'others', those outside this desired citizenship, were either tolerated or considered undesirable citizens. And this caused the marginalization of ethnic and religious minorities, religious Muslims and leftists alike. In this book, Ihsan Yilmaz shows how historical traumas, victimhood, insecurities, anxieties, fears and siege mentality have negatively impacted on and radicalised the nation-building projects of the two competing hegemonic ideologies/regimes (those of Ataturk and Erdogan) and their treatment of majority and minority ethnic, religious and political groups. Yilmaz reveals the significant degree of overlap between the desired, undesired citizen and tolerated citizen categories of these two regimes, showing how both regimes aimed to create a perception of a homogenous Turkish nation.

This book aims at exploring the logic of political survival in Turkish politics studying the case of the AKP and using evidence from elite interviews, party documents, public speeches, and developments and changes for exploring AKP's political survival in the chapters. These evidences indicate that there are four independent variables of dependent variable which is AKP's political survival; -- the legitimization of AKP's conservatism (2002-2007), AKP's power struggle with Kemalist elites (2007-2011), AKP's populism and authoritarianism (2011-2014) and the instrumentalization of Islamism and nationalism under Erdogan's leadership (2014-2018) -- within the AKP's four terms. In other words, this research offers a cause-and-effect mechanism between the four different policy approaches of the AKP's four periods and the AKP's political survival. Indeed, the AKP has been the most successful political party at the point of ensuring political survival throughout its 16-year rule. In the literature, there are few studies analyzing the 16-year rule of AKP government integrally. As a result of this limitation, the original contribution of this research is that it offers a holistic approach of the AKP government between 2002 and 2018 with using the concept of political survival which is not explored for the AKP case in the literature.

This book examines the development of Kurdish political economy and the emergence of collective Kurdish identity within a historical context through three main periods: the late-Ottoman Empire, the initial Republican Turkey era, and then the post-1990s period. It relates historical developments to the dynamics of Kurdish society, including the anthropological realities of the nineteenth century through the moral economy frame, the evolving nature of nationalism in the early twentieth century and the more recent construction of a modern political Kurdishness by means of radical democracy, and an agonistic pluralism shaped by left-wing populism.

Keine ausführliche Beschreibung für'Bibliographie zum Recht und den internationalen Beziehungen der türkischen Republik'verfügbar.

The author draws attention to the strong state tradition and the pluralistic society that both prevailed in Turkey. He argues that the Turkish state tradition envisages centralization, social cohesion and an obedient political culture. Through the modernization process of the last century, it has tried to change the society from top to down, and built an ideological and unitarian public sphere. However, the transition to multi-party system in 1950 and the liberalization policies that followed in the post-1980s have prepared the ground for different social movements to come into existence in the same public arena. Social movements which developed particularly among Kurds, Alevis and women emphasize social diversity, pluralism, participation, limited authority, freedom and human rights. They, thus, have paved the way for the transformation of the ideological public sphere into a plural and a civil public domain. The author follows the traces of all these developments from the Ottoman Empire to the last decades of the Republican Turkey. Moving from the case of Turkey he makes an important contribution to the literature on various issues such as civil society, public sphere, modernization, democracy, and social movements.

Africa is increasingly becoming an arena for geopolitical competition over its resources and, in the last two decades, has seen many emerging powers such as China, India, Russia, Japan and Brazil attempting to strengthen their ties with the continent. Turkey's involvement has been much less discussed, despite the fact that Turkey's strategic involvement with several sub-Saharan African states has been deepening since its active engagement in the Somali crisis of 2011.Federico Donelli brings to light the extent of Turkey's involvement in Africa and analyses the unique characteristics, benefits, challenges and limits of Turkish policy in the region. The book examines the Turkish diplomatic programme as well as its domestic reception, which includes humanitarian aid, religious links such as the OIC (Organisation of Islamic Cooperation), as well as private business links. Crucially, Donelli examines what makes Turkish involvement different from that of other international actors in the region – its historic ties with North Africa under the Ottoman Empire.

A major common misconception in scholarship on Kurdish journalistic discourses is that Kurdish intellectuals of the late Ottoman period cannot be portrayed as Kurdish nationalists. This theory prevails because of the belief that they not only endorsed and promoted Pan-Islamism and Ottoman nationalism instead of Kurdish ethnic nationalism, but also because they allegedly eschewed political demands and instead concerned themselves with ethno-cultural issues to articulate forms of “Kurdism” rather than “Kurdish nationalism.” Refuting this underlying misconstruction of the nexus between Pan-Islamism, Ottomanism, and Kurdish nationalism, this book argues, based on empirical findings, that the Kurdish periodicals of the late Ottoman period served as a communicative space in which Kurdish intellectuals negotiated and disseminated an unmistakable form of Kurdish nationalism. It claims that hegemonic Ottomanist and Pan-Islamist political thought were used in pragmatic ways in the service of burgeoning Kurdish nationalism, but were rejected altogether when they were no longer useful to fostering Kurdish nationalism.

This comprehensive Handbook gives an overview of the political, social, economic and legal dimensions of citizenship in the Middle East and North Africa from the nineteenth century to the present. The terms citizen and citizenship are mostly used by researchers in an off-hand, self-evident manner. A citizen is assumed to have standard rights and duties that everyone enjoys. However, citizenship is a complex legal, social, economic, cultural, ethical and religious concept and practice. Since the rise of the modern bureaucratic state, in each country of the Middle East and North Africa, citizenship has developed differently. In addition, rights are highly differentiated within one country, ranging from privileged, underprivileged and discriminated citizens to non-citizens. Through its dual nature as instrument of state control, as well as a source of citizen rights and entitlements, citizenship provides crucial insights into state-citizen relations and the services the state provides, as well as the way citizens respond to these actions. This volume focuses on five themes that cover the crucial dimensions of citizenship in the region: Historical trajectory of citizenship since the nineteenth century until independence Creation of citizenship from above by the state Different discourses of rights and forms of contestation developed by social movements and society Mechanisms of inclusion and exclusion Politics of citizenship, nationality and migration Covering the main dimensions of citizenship, this multidisciplinary book is a key resource for students and scholars interested in citizenship, politics, economics, history, migration and refugees in the Middle East and North Africa.

This book explores the struggle and differences between the current governmental power, the AKP, and the Gülen movement, the leading civic Islamic movement, in Turkey. It discusses the history of relations between the AKP and the Gülen movement and analyzes the reasons that caused tensions and, eventually, a radical rupture between them. In order to help readers to better understand the difference between Political Islam and civil Islam, the project explains the political theology of each group and compares them to each other. The author explains the human rights violations, restrictions on the media and the destruction of democratic institutions in Erdogan's New Turkey project. This is an ideal monograph for scholars interested in the Middle East, sociology, and political Islam.

'Written by a group of well-known experts and researchers who have diligently worked, and updated the book since its first edition to include the most important features of State, Polity, and Governance in Middle East and North Africa… This book is equally useful for instructors and students.'—Jalil Roshandel, East Carolina University In the more succinct Fifteenth Edition of The Middle East, editor Ellen Lust brings important new coverage to this comprehensive, balanced, and superbly researched text. In clear prose, Lust and her contributors explain the many complex changes taking place across the region. All country profile chapters now address domestic and regional conflict more explicitly and all tables, figures, boxes, and maps have been fully updated with the most recent data and information. This best-selling text not only helps readers comprehend more fully the world around them, but it also enables readers to recognize and formulate policies that can more successfully engage the Middle East. Give your students the SAGE edge! SAGE edge offers a robust online environment featuring an impressive array of free tools and resources for review, study, and further exploration, keeping both instructors and students on the cutting edge of teaching and learning.

The book explores the concepts of migration, space, memory and identification drawn from the experiences of Istanbulite Romiois/Greeks and through the notion of being minority. The primary problematic examined in this book revolves around the meaning of these concepts, the functions they serve, and how they are related to the identity of minorities who have experienced ruptures like mass migrations. The concepts such as place and memory are addressed through the way in which Istanbulite Romiois/Greeks create meaningful connections around spaces, identity and memory as evidenced by spatial arrangements and how space in general and in Istanbul is specifically rendered sacred.

This book offers an analysis of Turkish foreign policy based on transnational(ist) perspectives. In order to counterbalance the state-centric accounts that dominate this area of study, the authors provide theoretical frameworks as well as historical and contemporary case studies that emphasize transnational dynamics. The content is divided into four complementary sections that explain and exemplify transnational (f)actors in the context of Turkish foreign policy. The first addresses theoretical and ideational frameworks that illustrate the relevance of a transnational account, while the second demonstrates the possibility of developing transnationally oriented approaches even in historical cases, going beyond a presentist focus. In the third and fourth sections, the book focuses on two prominent non-state actors, namely diaspora communities and non-governmental organizations, which operate at the interstices of the domestic and the international. This allows the authors to highlight the significance of transnational dynamics in Turkey's foreign policy.

This volume compares the cinemas of Iran and Turkey in terms of the presence and absence of women on both sides of the camera. From a critical point of view, it provides detailed readings of works by both male and female film-makers, emphasizing issues facing women's film-making.Presenting an overview of the modern histories of the two neighbouring countries, the study traces certain similarities and contrasts, particularly in the reception, adaption and representation of Western modernity and cinema. This is followed by the exploration of the images of women on screen with attention to minority women, investigating post-traumatic cinema's approaches to women (Islamic Revolution of 1979 in Iran and the 1980 coup d'état in Turkey) and women's interpretations of post-traumatic experiences. Furthermore, the representations of sexualities and LGBTI identities within cultural, traditional and state-imposed restrictions are also discussed. Investigating border-crossing in physical and metaphorical terms, the research explores the hybridities in the artistic expressions of'deterritorialized'film-makers negotiating loyalties to both vatan (motherland) and the adopted country.This comprehensive analysis of the cinemas of Iran and Turkey, based on extensive research, fieldwork, interviews and viewing of countless films is a key resource for students and scholars interested in film, gender and cultural studies and the Middle East.

Making a country great again is a theme for nationalist authoritarians. Across countries with past experience as great powers, nationalist politicians typically harken back to a golden age. In Nostalgia for Empire, Hakan Yavuz focuses on how this trend is playing out in Turkey, a nation that lost its empire a century ago and which is now ruled by a nationalist authoritarian who invokes nostalgia for the Ottoman era to buttress his power. Yavuz delves into the social and political origins of expressions of nostalgia for the Ottoman Empire among various groups in Turkey. Exploring why and how certain segments of Turkish society has selectively brought the Ottoman Empire back into public consciousness, Yavuz traces how memory of the Ottoman period has changed. He draws from Turkish literature, mainstream history books, and other cultural products from the 1940s to the twenty-first century to illustrate the transformation. He finds that two key aspects of Turkish literature are, on the one hand, its criticism of the Jacobin modernization of Turkey under Ataturk, and on the other a desire to search the Ottoman past for an alternative political language. Yavuz goes onto to explain how major political actors, including President Erdogan, utilize the concept of empire to craft distinctive conceptualizations of nationalism, Islam, and Ottomanism that exploit national nostalgia. As remembered today, the Ottoman past seems to be grounded in contemporary conservative Islamic values. The combination of these memories and values generates a portrait of Turkey as a victim of major powers, besieged by imagined enemies both internal and external. In mapping out how nostalgia is crafted and spread, this book not only sheds light on Turkey's unique case but also deepens our understanding of nationalism, religion, and modernity.

This book intends to contribute to the discussions on the “New” Turkey, which has become a noteworthy term during the third term of the Justice and Development Party (AKP) and which was officially used by Erdogan, the Republic of Turkey in 2014. The “New” Turkey, although a connotation used frequently for a new beginning of politics followed by each political power, has been attributed to a symbolic value by the current political power, AKP. The “New” Turkey has a bipolar meaning in Turkish politics: One that is strongly defended and supported by the current political power to maintain the historical bond between the Ottoman heritage, a mixture of Turkish culture and Islamic identity, and the Turkish republic, therefore to reinstate the Ottoman understanding among the people through state institutions while challenging the secular and Kemalist side, which resists losing the “old” Turkey's Kemalist identity. Political, social and economic transformations are visible in daily and social life in Turkey toward Turkish-Islamic synthesis. Such a visibility is of concern for both polarized sides in Turkey. The “conservative democrat” AKP is deeply keen on bringing back the “national” and “local” philosophy of culture, production, technology and identity while protecting their “own” and “othering” those who do not agree with the AKP, securitizing the opposition who disregard the Ottoman heritage and who states the Turkish Republic was founded from a scratch. This book focuses on the political regime transformation, social problems such as aging and nation, economic problems such as import and export destinations during the third term of AKP, when they officially started to name it “New” Turkey. Although the “New” Turkey is very often used to denote a state culturally and ideologically conservative, it is also a term to utter a regional power, which centers itself in the world politics. Today, the biggest question is whether Turkey is going to manage to undo polarization of the society while maintaining development. The present work seeks answers to these questions.

Demonstrating how Turkey's politics have developed, this book focuses on the causes and consequences of the failed coup d'état of 15 July 2016. The momentous event and its aftermath challenges us to ask if the coup was the cause of Turkey's present crisis, or simply an accelerant of trends already in motion, and thus a catalyst for the realization of Erdoğan's latent authoritarian impulses.Bringing together approaches from politics, sociology, history and anthropology, the chapters shed much-needed light on these crucial questions. They offer scholars and nonspecialists alike a comprehensive overview of the implications of the coup attempt and its aftermath on the issues of religion, democracy, the Kurds, the state, resistance and more besides. Its effects have been felt in almost every aspect of Turkish society from religion to politics, yet it came at a time when Turkey was already experiencing significant social and political turmoil under the increasingly authoritarian leadership of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan.Readers interested in contemporary politics, Turkish and Middle Eastern studies will find the volume useful, as they ponder other cases in this era of democratic retrenchment and global turmoil.

The Ottoman Empire in the Tanzimat Era generates a new history of the Ottoman Empire's Tanzimat reforms in the provinces of Edirne and Ankara. It studies variation across the two provinces and the crucial role of local intermediaries such as notables, tribal leaders, and merchants. The book provides insights into how states and societies transform each other in the most difficult of times using qualitative and quantitative social network analysis and deep research in the Ottoman and British archives to understand the Tanzimat as a process of negotiation and transformation between the state and local actors. The author argues that the same reform policies produced different results in Edirne and Ankara. The book explains how factors such as socioeconomic conditions and historical developments played a role in shaping local networks. The Ottoman Empire in the Tanzimat Era invites readers to rethink taken-for-granted concepts such as centralization, decentralization, state control, and imperial decay. It will be of interest to scholars and students interested in Middle Eastern and Balkan studies, and historical and political sociology.

This book explores how traditional Sunni Muslim conceptions have informed or shaped Islamization strategies in contemporary Turkey. In particular, the author proposes to examine the teaching curriculum of the Ministry of Education, which oversees Turkish public religious education; the activities and teachings of Diyanet, the constitutional organ responsible for managing all religious affairs; and the ideas and activities of three Muslim religious groups currently operating in Turkey. The monograph explains how the interpretation and practice of Islam affects various situations in the Muslim world and analyzes the concept of nature in Islam, which has been an indivisible component of Islamic tradition since the beginning.

Football Fandom, Protest and Democracy offers an in-depth and inside approach to the socio-political history of football in Turkey, where fandom is often revered as part of the national identity, presenting the historical context for football events in the country.Based on original research, the book explores the complex political processes at play in modern Turkey and deepens our understanding of fandom, fan activism and protest movements, questioning all presuppositions about the society and football fandom in Turkey. In particular, it examines the role of football fans in the pro-democracy Gezi Protests of 2013, the history of football in Turkey, the sociology of middle-classes and the transformation of football in the country.Interdisciplinary in nature, this book is a valuable resource for scholars and students of sports sociology, popular culture studies, Turkish studies and media studies.

This book evaluates the Turkish nation-building process from the Ottoman Empire to today, considering the role of Islam in this process. It gives insight into what has changed and not changed in this process. The book explains to readers that the Islamisation of the country is not a coincidence. Rather, Islamism has been grown symbiotically with the secular Republican regime through the organizational power of Islamic sects and with the assistance of the West. How we live as a nation today is not a revolution of Islamists, as some scholars have remarked. Rather, it is a continuation of the Turkish nation-building process with further Islamisation.