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Thisbook is distinctive because it will be a political science oriented introduction to The Federalist Papers. As most of the editions have introductions by historians, and some of them quite good, there is no readily available edition with a political science focus. Such a focus would not ignore the historical dimensions of the founding and that particular era, but would supplement this historical background with a concentration on the key questions political scientists tend to ask when reading and teaching The Federalist Papers. Questions of power, separation, blending, federalism, and structural design and how they impact the practice of government, questions we political scientists ask, will be the central feature of this edition. The primary audience for this edition would be courses in American Political Thought, American Government (most of which include components of the Federalist Papers) plus courses on the Presidency, Congress, The Judiciary, and Federalism.

This volume provides a cross-national analysis of the changing identities of various national and ethnic groups, their new political influence in the emergent democracies and their efforts to revive suppressed cultures. It begins with a theoretical analysis of the concepts of national identity and ethnicity. It features case studies of contemporary Belarussian, Polish and Ukrainian national identities before turning to a study of Eastern Europe's hidden ethnic minorities, like the Finno-Ugric peoples in Russia, the Lemkos in Poland and the Gypsies in Bulgaria.

The fall of the Communist regime in the USSR and Russia's search for a democratic and prosperous market-based future is one of the most compelling episodes of the end of the twentieth century. A central part in this drama is being played by political elites. These essays, written by some of the leading scholars in the field, analyse various aspects of the role being played by elites and leaders in Russian politics. Among the issues dealt with are: the origins of the Russian elites, including the issue of continuity with the Soviet past; the relationship between political and economic elites; the means taken by elites to structure politics and their relations; the dynamic of elite politics, and the nature of post-communism. These essays deal with many of the crucial questions facing Russia today.

This book contains fresh approaches to the interaction between regime and society in twentieth-century Russia. It offers new answers to familiar questions: • How useful is'totalitarianism'as a model to categorise authoritarian regimes? • What chances existed for tsarism to establish itself as a constitutional monarchy? • Were Trotsky and Lenin dictators in waiting? • How did the Bolsheviks make the Lenin cult? • What opposition did intellectuals offer in the Soviet regime? • What is the nature of contemporary Russian constitutionalism? It is required reading for historians, political scientists, sociologists and everyone interested in modern Russia.

This book examines some of the important linguistic changes that have taken place in Eastern Europe since 1991. Most of the papers deal with Russia, which has undergone a particularly complex process of re-adjustment. Though it is early to draw definitive conclusions, the contributions provide a preliminary understanding of the new language situation of post-Soviet Russia. Of the remaining papers one compares Russian, Ukrainian, one examines Komi-Permiak, while one looks more generally at language and society.

Drawing on a selection of papers presented to the Fifth World Congress of Central and East European Studies held in Warsaw in August 1995, the book presents a broad cross-section of thinking about postcommunist developments in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union. Specialists from the region and the West apply their unique insights to challenge some conventional views on the transition. The book is both diverse and focused, suggesting that the experience of democratisation is an open-ended process in which those involved learn both from their own experience and from comparative transitions elsewhere. It provides a rich source for the comparative analysis of democratisation.

This book analyses the coverage of elections that occurred between September 2015 and February 2016 in six European countries (Greece, Portugal, Poland, Croatia, Spain and Ireland). The sample examined includes all news stories published during the official electoral campaign in different types of media outlets: three newspapers per country covering centre-left and centre-right wing political leaning, as well as reference and tabloid papers; three main television news broadcasts covering commercial/private and public broadcast television channels; and three papers that are published only online, taking into account their levels of audience and importance within each national media and political system. The book also examines different connections to the EU and to the Euro Crisis. Questions such as the following guide the overall analysis: In what ways is news election coverage similar and different in these countries? Which issues are mostly covered by the news media and how? Are therepatterns of election news coverage in these six European countries? This book is indispensable reading for researchers and students in the field of the media coverage of election campaigns, political communication and populism.Chapters 4 and 8 are available open access under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License via link.springer.com.

This book decisively advances the academic debate on politicisation beyond the state of the art. It is the first book to theorise and conceptualise ‘politicisation'across the epistemic communities of different subdisciplines, bringing together the different strands in the debate: (international) political theory, political sociology, comparative politics, EU studies, legal theory and international relations. This provides a comprehensive discussion of different concepts of politicisation, their ontological and theoretical backgrounds, and their analytical value, including speech-act, practice- and actor-oriented approaches. Furthermore, the linkages of politicisation to the concepts of politics and the political, democracy, depoliticisation, juridification, populism, and Euroscepticism are clarified. Finally, the book shows how the methodological toolbox in empirical politicisation research can be completed regarding different arenas, actors and modes of politicisation. The volume thus provides a much-needed theoretical and conceptual reflection to the newly emerging research field of politicisation in order to recognise and define the key issues and build a solid foundation for further debate and empirical research. ‘When does something come to be considered political - for good or for ill? In social scientific terms, what is politicisation, under what conditions does it occur, created by whom, and with what consequences. These questions drive this outstanding collection of papers that explore how politicization is to be theorized and methodologies for its study. Rather than just a special sphere of activity, the volume demonstrates how politics is best thought of as an activity that can occur across individual and various collective levels. One of the signature contributions of this volume is its exploration of these issues across disciplines: political science, philosophy, sociology and international relations. The texts will be of interest toall students of politics at a time when the very basis of political identity, action, and organization is contested, normatively and analytically. The texts will help bring clarity to these debates.'—David L. Swartz, Department of Sociology, Boston University, USA ‘Politization has become a widely used and disputed term In International Relations (IR) and more recently in comparative politics as well. This edited volume tries to elevate the term politization onto an analytical concept by i.a. opening it up for action theoretical and organizational approaches. One of the great achievements of the editor is to bring conceptual order into a dispersed debate across political science and its subdisciplines. Moreover, the contributions show how to apply the concept(s) of politization on such different subjects such as democratization, de-democratization, transitions, denationalization or the emergence of populism and Euroscepticism. This is a muchawaited bookwhich can become a conceptual point of reference for better understanding the evolution of national and international regimes.'—Wolfgang Merkel, Humboldt University of Berlin, Germany

​“A novel, insightful and provocative foray into the abilities, capacities and limits of corporate power on the one hand and public power and capacities on the other hand. Eckert offers new and refine insights on core issues in the theories of public and private interest regulation.”—David Levi Faur, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, Israel“This impressive book breaks important ground in the regulatory governance literature by bringing in a fresh corporate perspective. Based on a set of fascinating case studies of European regulation, Eckert compellingly unpacks key facets of corporate power. A must-read for regulation scholars who often neglect the targets of regulation!”—Burkard Eberlein, York University, Canada“This book offers systematic and empirically fascinating insights into the regulatory power of corporations which unfolds outside the traditional political arenas. Its policy effects have important implications for the target groups of regulation, the general public, and the democratic political process as such. The conceptualization and use of rich empirical sources make for a compelling read.”—Adrienne Héritier, European University Institute, ItalyThis book takes a fresh look at corporate power in the regulatory process. It examines how corporations seek to prevent, shape, make or revoke regulation. The central argument is that in doing so, corporations utilise distinct power resources as experts, innovators and operators. By re-emphasising the proactive role of business, the book complements our acquired knowledge of policymakers'capacity to put pressure on, or delegate power to private actors. Empirically, the book covers European consumer and environmental policies, and conducts case studies on the chemical, paper, home appliance, ICT and electricity industries. A separate chapter is dedicated to the assumption that Brexit will lead to an unprecedented result of EU regulation being lifted, and how this could put corporate power in regulation at risk. This book provides a new perspective on the policy implications of corporate power to scholars, students and practitioners alike.

This book fills a significant lacuna in our understanding of the refugee crisis by analyzing the dynamics that lie behind fifteen years of asylum policies in the European Union. It sheds light on why cooperation has led to reinforced refugee protection on paper but has failed to provide it in practice. Offering innovative empirical, theoretical and methodological research on this crucial topic, it argues that the different asylum systems and priorities of the various Member States explain the EU's lack of initiative in responding to this humanitarian emergency. The author demonstrates that the strong regulators of North-Western Europe have used their powerful bargaining positions to shape EU asylum policies decisively, which has allowed them to impose their will on Member States in South-Eastern Europe. These latter countries, having barely made a mark on EU policies, are now facing significant difficulties in implementing them. The EU will only identify potential solutions to the crisis, the author concludes, when it takes these disparities into account and establishes a functioning common refugee policy. This novel work will appeal to students and scholars of politics, immigration and asylum in the EU.

This book is a study of the multiple meanings of European citizenship, which has been represented and publicly communicated by the European Commission in five distinctive ways – Homo Oeconomicus (1951-1972), A People's Europe (1973-1992), Europe of Transparency (1993-2004), Europe of Agorai (2005-2009) and Europe of Rights (2010-2014). The public communication of these five distinct representations of European citizenship reveal how the European Commission conceived of and attempted to facilitate the development of a Civil Europe. Ultimately this history, which is based upon an analysis of public communication policy papers and interviews with senior European Commission officials past and present, tells a story about changing identities and about who we as Europeans might actually be and what kind of Europe we might actually belong to.

Post-Communist States in the World Community provides a selection of papers on various aspects of the foreign and security policies of the post-communist states of Europe presented originally at the Fifth World Congress of Central and East European Studies in Warsaw. The articles cover Russian foreign and security policy, Russian policy in Europe, the foreign policies of the countries of East-Central Europe and Russian policy in East Asia.

On September 4, 1971, the office of Lewis Fielding, a psychiatrist practicing in Los Angeles, was broken into. It looked like a run of the mill drug raid. A month later, a homeless man was charged with burglary and the case was considered closed. On June 17, 1972, five men were charged with breaking and entering at the headquarters of the Democratic National Committee in the Watergate Hotel in Washington, D.C. With these two burglaries, one seemingly innocuous while the other was more serious because of the venue, the scandal known as Watergate was born. As the tale of Richard Nixon and his Plumbers began to unfold, it was discovered that one of Lewis Fielding's patients was Daniel Ellsberg, the man who released the Pentagon Papers to the New York Times. Ellsberg was high on Nixon's list of enemies and he vowed to destroy him at all costs. In Wild Man, Tom Wells explores the life of Daniel Ellsberg to discover what makes an individual enact the most severe breach of government security ever to occur in the United States. As Wells follows Ellsberg from his early days as a piano prodigy to his years of great promise at Harvard, we see the development of a volatile, narcissistic loner with a voracious sexual appetite, a highly developed intelligence and, most importantly, the overwhelming need to take centre stage in the pageant known as America. In Wild Man, Tom Wells creates an unforgettable picture of Daniel Ellsberg, an American Everyman for the seventies who embodied the promise and paranoia of that uncertain time. This is a thrilling piece of biography that will stand as one of the great American portraits.

Are jobs and wages, particularly those of the low-skilled, undermined by trade and investment with Asian and other emerging economies? This book presents contributions on this issue which place the analytical and policy debate into context and survey the relevant economic literature together with a range of empirically oriented papers. The focus is upon Europe, which, unlike the US, has received little attention in the debate on the impact of world trade. The book shows that simple one-line messages on the impact of trade on jobs and wages have no sound analytical foundations.

Drawing on recently declassified government files, private papers and interviews, this book argues that through a combination of preventative diplomacy and robust defence planning, the Labour government of 1974-79 succeeded in maintaining peace, avoiding the fate of its Tory successors.

Analyses the impact of the managerial reforms of the European Commission. In 1999 the resignation of the College of Commissioners triggered the implementation of a White Paper which listed 98 measures to overhaul the way the Commission did business. Ten years later what impact have the reforms had on the European Commission and European governance?

An in-depth look at Abraham Lincoln's leadership, both before and during his presidency. Lincoln led through times of confusion, war, and dissent. The set of chapters included in this volume are based on papers that constituted part of the 2008-2009 Jepson Leadership Forum at the Jepson School of Leadership Studies at the University of Richmond.

An international collection of papers focused on media, culture and society in postcommunist Russia. Contributors deploy a wealth of primary data in examining the kinds of issues that are central to our understanding of the kind of system that has been established in the world's largest country after a period of far-reaching change.

This volume is the first major account for nearly fifty years to critically re-assess Labour's first period in office in terms of domestic, foreign and imperial policy. It draws on a wide range of private papers and official sources and reconstructs the history of this forgotten government in the broader social and political context of the 1920s.

This important new study provides a critical analysis of the foreign policies conducted during the first two terms of Tony Blair's government. It focuses upon the government's key foreign policy commitments; three of its most important international relationships (with the US, the European Union, and Africa); and how Blair's government dealt with five fundamental policy issues (political economy, defence, international development, intervention, and Iraq). It argues that throughout this period Labour's foreign policies attempted to paper over some important contradictions.

Britain's Long War assesses the process of strategic change within the British Government's position on Northern Ireland, starting with Westminster's first intervention in 1969 and ending with the Belfast Agreement in 1998. Drawing on a vast range of primary sources including recently released cabinet papers, Peter Neumann analyzes the aims, strategy and restraints of British policy in Northern Ireland.

Key practitioners who work in and with EU business associations come together with leading policy makers from the EU institutions and research academics to analyze change factors for the associations and their role in EU policy making and implementation. Contributors include the Head of the team responsible for the EU White Paper on Governance, the Chair of the UK CBI Trade Association Forum, the Chair of the UK Political Studies Association, and the longest serving Secretary General of UNICE.

This is a unique collection of papers which brings together those who work in and with EU business associations at the very highest level with many of the leading academic authors on associations over the past two decades. It examines the factors that influence the effectiveness of EU business associations, and the prospects for associations and their members to influence these. It is designed to appeal both to analysts of debates about interest groups, collective action and European integration, and to those who work in and with EU business associations.

This book investigates European higher education internationalisation policies during a period marked by extreme upheaval due to Brexit and the COVID-19 pandemic. Situating her analysis at the intersection of higher education research and policy studies, the author combines historical and sociological institutionalism to investigate how this time of disruption impacted higher education policies in England, France and Germany. Based on extensive qualitative data derived from expert interviews and document analysis, the study offers timely insights into dynamics of institutional change and stability in higher education governance, as well as implications for the future of cross-border education and internationalisation. The book will appeal to academics and students interested in education policy and the internationalisation of higher education.

This open access book examines the implications for the EU of a radically changed international context characterized by systemic rivalry, competition over norms and regulations, and growing strategic tension. Globalization that once tied national economies together and internationalized social phenomena, such as education, research and innovation, and tourism, has gone in reverse. An opposite trend is driving the world into distinct spheres of competing models of governance, regulation, technological development, and communication. Facing the most extensive rupture of economic and inter-state relations since the onset of the Cold War, the management of the EU's internal and external borders is taking on a completely new meaning. The open access book brings together scholars from economics, law, and political science to provide up dated assessments and policy advice on the insecurity in the neighborhood and war in Ukraine, the EU's role in the future European security architecture,weaponized energy dependence, and the global competition on norms.

This book explores the different forms of populism in European countries. Starting from a theoretical point of view, the authors outline the various psychosocial precursors of populisms that have emerged from empirical investigations. Using both mainstream and critical perspectives, the book shows how the field has driven multiple research programmes and methodologies. The authors draw on questionnaires and political communication via social media to analyse the opinions, attitudes, and representations of laypeople and populist leaders. The volume is aimed at researchers, students, and readers with expertise on the subject. It collects contributions from scholars of social psychology, proposing an innovative reading of the social-cognitive, motivational, and emotional processes that can fuel populism.

This book offers a comprehensive exploration of multi-level governance, political communication and public opinion in Italy during the Covid-19 emergency. Italy's territorial arrangements of blending aspects of unitary and federal systems within a ‘regionalized'framework underscore the tensions between centralization and decentralization, a theme echoed in many other nations. Given the state of flux and lack of clear direction of Italian regionalism at the onset of the pandemic, the analysis provides particularly interesting insights into the effects of this unprecedented crisis on regional dynamics. Covid-19 acted as a catalyst, amplifying and exacerbating existing territorial disparities, while also highlighting the resilience and adaptability of some regions. The book delves into the national and sub-national responses to the pandemic, examines how politicians and regional leaders presented them, and how citizens perceived these responses. Through this analysis, it provides deeper insights into the intricate interplay between centralization and decentralization, as well as the diverse strategies employed to address a wide spectrum of health, social, and economic challenges. Ultimately, by moving from institutions to citizens, the book reflects on how external shocks can both challenge the democratic underpinnings of decentralization and offer opportunities to strengthen them.

This book articulates international political theory in dialogue with economics on several questions. It asks: how has modern international theory been adjusted and nourished by economic ideas, theories and practices? How far has the distinctive contribution of some theorists to international theory been informed by their views on economy? What has been the impact of the theory of the state for economic and international theory? What sort of economic thinking has led to revise the debates constitutive for the modern international realm? How have economic debates been rhetorically connected to political debates in the field of international relations?

Populist parties in Europe attract many more votes than they did just a few decades ago and are now much more likely to govern. They have also become key players in the international sphere. At the same time, the relationship between democracy and populism is subject to substantial scholarly and public debate. This raises questions about opposition to this controversial set of political actors: do opponents favour the use of rights-restricting and exclusionary repertoires typical of ‘militant democracy'responses to anti- democratic or extremist parties? Or do opponents favour the ordinary, persuasive and sometimes inclusive strategies more typical of the daily conduct of liberal democratic politics? To what extent is opposition conceived of as democratic defence? How do strategies vary among countries and in relation to different types of populist parties? How do international and transnational actors respond? Addressing these questions, the book presents new research mapping opposition to the Hungarian Civic Alliance (Fidesz), Law and Justice in Poland, Alternative for Germany, League and Five Start Movement in Italy, Podemos and Vox in Spain, the Sweden Democrats and the Danish People's Party. It argues that opposition to populist parties in contemporary Europe is, in most cases, best conceived of as democratic defence as normal politics. That is, while there is no direct link between populism and a decline in democratic quality, critical claims justifying acts of opposition often problematise populist parties as threats to liberal democratic principles and values. At the same time, opponents are more likely to respond to populist parties using the repertoires of normal politics – or strategies typically employed against less controversial groupings – than the exceptional, rights-restricting instruments typically used against extremists. The case of Alternative for Germany, in which exceptional politics continues to guide much opposition, remains a case apart.

This book reflects on the centennial of women's suffrage in the Nordic region and beyond, by exploring its relevance to political gender equality today and the conditions for feminist institutional change. The book brings together historians and political scientists to provide a long-term historical perspective that lays the groundwork for theoretical development. In this regard, the book makes two key contributions: it furthers our understanding of different types of gendered institutional constraints on women's political inclusion and elaborates feminist institutional strategies to counter these constraints.

This book traces the rise of the far-right Alternative for Germany (AfD) from its inception in 2013 to its re-election to the Bundestag in 2021, emphasising the party's nature as a “populist issue entrepreneur” and covering the three major crises that have shaken European party politics – the Eurozone crisis, the so-called refugee crisis and the COVID pandemic. Currently, books on the AfD are largely limited to historical accounts and surface-level analyses of the party. This volume is both empirically rigorous and conceptually nuanced: it seeks to understand the party's political trajectory and its appeal to its supporters by using advanced quantitative methodologies to analyse voter behaviour, as well as by interpreting the party's communication strategies through mixed empirical methods. It embeds this account within a well-grounded theoretical argument. The argument emphasises three important explanatory conditions – a favourable political opportunity structure, issue entrepreneurship, and the party's stages of political development.

This book covers the notion of collective memory – broadly defined as the ways in which differing pasts are created, understood and reproduced – and how this is perpetuated in Northern Ireland by a wide set of social actors, including nations, religious and political groupings, and local communities. Such collective memories are not a preservative for historically accurate recall of bygone events but rather readings of the past subject to contemporary interpretations and political pressure. The adoption of political symbolism remains central to subsequent events. Indeed, in Northern Ireland, both communities hold their conflicting ‘memories'dear and, importantly, rival political organizations have invested much in their own reading of the causes of the outbreak and continuation of the conflict. Set alongside constant exposure to other forms of discourse, texts, songs, prose and more visible physical manifestations – such as murals, commemorative gardens, personal tattoos, and even gravestones – there are a multitude of ways of reminding people of particular memories, community histories and interpretations of events, and of providing the background within which attitudes are formed.

This volume explains the behavior of the European Union (EU) towards Central Asia. In so doing, the responses of regional actors which impact the EU's regional conduct, and the effects of competing external governance providers (particularly Russia and China), are considered. The current literature – often from an interdisciplinary, descriptive area studies angle – reveals some research gaps. Scholars chiefly explore the impacts of the EU on Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan, while action of the EU itself with its decision-making, preferences, and underlying drivers, remains underspecified. Focusing more explicitly on the EU, chapters in the book are systematically organized along a set of shared, overarching questions. Ultimately, the authors depict and explain EU action and assess how successful the organization has been in achieving its stated regional objectives in a number of policy fields: Economic Development and Trade; Security; Democratizationand Human Rights; Water; and Education.

This book examines migrant smuggling and migration governance in the European Union. Following the'refugee crisis'of 2014-15 and the rise in the number of people crossing the Mediterranean Sea, growing concern has been expressed in the media and elsewhere as to how EU institutions have tackled migrant smuggling. Focusing particularly on Italy during the period of the Eighth European Parliament (2014-19), the book assesses the evolution of anti-smuggling policies at EU and national level, and considers why institutions and policy-makers have failed to fully address the issue. Adopting a bottom-up approach, it also analyses the roles that people on the move, smugglers, law enforcers, the judiciary and border guards play in influencing policy processes. With political and public debates over migration more vociferous than ever, the book provides important insights into the EU approach to migrant smuggling. It will appeal to all those interested in public policy, migration studies, European politics and criminology.

This is a book about policy change that focusses on a single case study; the rise and fall of the British policy for membership of European institutions. It traces the establishment of British identity as a European Member State and the meaning of the country's participation in the block in 1973, to its deterioration through the 1980s, 1990s and 2000s, ending with its eventual failure at the 2016 referendum. Considering the abject state into which the meaning and identity of the pro-European policy had fallen by that time, the book argues that while David Cameron might have lost his June referendum by a slender 1.8% majority, he should have lost by a whole lot more. It also raises important implications for understanding the nature and dynamics of policy change in UK politics and beyond. It will appeal to scholars and students of political theory, public policy, British and European politics.

This edited book examines and analyses Heydar Aliyev, the architect and founder of modern, post-Soviet Azerbaijan. The editors of the volume discuss developments between 1993 and 2003 – a decade that saw the establishment of the institutional foundations of the current republic, the adoption of a new form of national identity, the redefinition of the concept of the Azerbaijani state, and the creation of a security establishment designed to gain control of territories Armenia had held since the 1988-1994 war over Karabakh. The book explains why this fateful period had far-reaching consequences for Azerbaijan as a fully formed state and society, as well as major implications for its political future and its geopolitical strategy.

This book examines the conceptual contributions of constituent representatives in Spain during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The Spanish Parliament has been the stage for the political modernisation of the country. Constitutional debates have historically led to the gradual acknowledgement and broadening – usually unevenly – of citizens'rights. At the same time, constitutional debates have created opportunities to design institutions and settle legal mechanisms to enforce rights and distribute state resources. The book identifies and analyses rhetorical and conceptual innovations produced in such debates from a historical perspective.

This open access book aims at discussing the manifold consequences that the War against Ukraine bears for the European Union and EU Studies. It takes stock of the fact that the Russian Attack on Ukraine and the ensuing War not only affects the Global Order, but also has challenged a number of established narratives and convictions for the European Union and its member states. The EU now needs to position itself in the changing world order. Concretely it needs to deal with a number of membership applications, internal and external challenges to liberal democracy, and the development of its strategic autonomy in a number of decisive policy fields. The book convenes experienced scholars, with chapters covering the following themes and fields: Theories, approaches and concepts in EU studies and IR; the EU and the changing European and Global Order; the War and defence of liberal democracy; Membership Politics; Energy Policy.

The book offers explanations for the striking variation in the outcomes of European integration crises. It analyzes eight major cases over the entire integration process, starting from the early 1950s and lasting until very recently. All cases went beyond a single policy field or member state but affected key features, principles, and objectives of European integration. As such, they qualify as “constitutional crises”. My cases comprise the crisis of the European Defence Community (1952-54); the empty chair crisis (1965-66); the oil crisis (1973-74); the budgetary rebate crisis (1979-84); the end of the Cold War crisis (1989-92); the Constitutional Treaty crisis (2004-07); the Euro crisis (2009-12); and the migration crisis (2015-16). Taking a historical-comparative perspective, the book shows that crises have been an integral part of the European integration process since its beginning. European integration, after all, started with a major setback when member states in 1954 failedto realize plans for a European army through the European Defense Community.

This is an open access book. With the unprovoked Russian invasion of Ukraine, European security has been put on high alert. The implications of the Russian military invasion are many and difficult to grasp in full. However, the need for greater European strategic autonomy appears increasingly evident. The book argues that strategic autonomy may be reached—also in the short run—if differentiated integration is seen as an asset rather than a challenge. While the EU (together with NATO) remains the core in such a system, there is a multitude sub-regional integration processes that need to be taken into account to get the full idea of how European strategic autonomy can be achieved.

This book introduces the reader into the discursive political pluralism of modern Hungary, roughly from the mid-19th century, with a particular emphasis on the spectrum of contemporary political thought. The book relies on Michael Freeden's method of ideology analysis, focusing on concepts, principles, values, as well as interrelations, but it puts a greater emphasis on nonverbal traditions as bearers of political thought to explain how political pluralism can subsist in periods of dictatorship. Through this analysis, the authors demonstrate how and why contemporary Hungarian political pluralism is a reflection both on the current trends in Western political thought and on its own past.

This book applies insights into the nature and impact of hope from medical studies and political philosophy to contemporary international politics. It shows how the promotion of hope was central to the rise of the West, focusing on the case of statebuilding in Kosovo – widely regarded as one of the most iconic Western initiatives in the unipolar era. The book explores the effects of hope on both the internationals charged with governing Kosovo and local residents, and how two related pathologies of hope – “wilful” and “wishful” – have aligned to slow Kosovo's progress since 1999. The author argues that Kosovo's current plight is indicative of both the West's decline and the dark side of hope, vividly illustrating the perils of “bad hope”. Yet the book explains why “dashed hope” need not lead to despair or violence, and why local initiatives in Kosovo demonstrate groups'and individuals'agency in forging progressive movements based on the principles and strategies of “good hope”.

This book analyzes two types of nationalisms that are represented by the Portuguese groupuscular right, that is, the extra-party right. One faction is guided by ethnonationalism and nativism, looking at Portugal through an ethnically European prism. Small groups fight for a white Portugal linked to an imagined white world, rooted in ideas such as race and biology, following models from the US. The other faction looks for a future in a non-European confederation and wants Portuguese citizenship for non-European groups originating from the former colonies, while maintaining ties with the Portuguese extreme right, notably, the one that comes from the Salazar right-wing dictatorship (Estado Novo, 1926–1974). This faction suggests addressing questions of immigration by accepting immigration of non-European people from former imperial space and by initiating a confederation of countries, in which Portugal is the only state with a white majority. Guimarães analyzes the means of communication of these two factions, the language they use to articulate their viewpoints, and the worldviews of various groups in Portugal. He argues that the far right in Portugal is a space filled with radical styles of nationalism.

Global crises throughout history have shaken humanity and transformed economies and societies. The Eurozone faced two such crises soon after its foundation. This book brings new insights regarding the Eurozone's response to the Global Financial Crisis in 2008 and the Covid-19 pandemic and its effectiveness in dealing with the macroeconomic imbalances in Europe. Is the Eurozone more resilient now? This book is an indispensable addition to the literature on the recent global crises and the Eurozone for both academics and policymakers who are eager to delve deeper into these vital questions.

While electoral participation is a traditional topic in political science, voter turnout at the local level is still largely uncharted. There are very few large-N comparative works on municipal turnout and, as a result, a lack of a comprehensive comparative picture of local electoral participation. This book aims to fill that gap by taking an innovative approach to the topic. The volume makes three major advances at the empirical, methodological and theoretical levels. Empirically, it provides a large-N comparison by covering 18 European countries and more than 70,000 municipalities. Methodologically, the book uses the multi-level congruence theory to study municipal turnout in relation to national turnout, exploring the variation between those levels. Theoretically, it bridges the two main (and often mutually exclusive) strands in the literature on local elections – the lower-rank and different-kind approaches – and it assesses the features and mechanisms of local voting.

This book explores how to identify and understand moral emotions—shame, guilt, pride, and hubris—in political messages and news media. Recognizing these emotions is crucial for assessing morality's role in public discourse, particularly as moral debates have deepened public divides on issues like abortion, migration, LGBTQ+ rights, and freedom of speech. These debates fuel political struggles between groups with different social values and moral intuitions, especially during election campaigns where moral conflicts are used to distinguish opposing forces. In these moral conflicts, each ideological camp seeks to affirm its legitimacy while questioning its opponents'reputations. Thus, understanding morality is vital for those interested in contemporary public discourses in divided nations. This book stimulates discussion on emotion-based morality, moral language, and discursive moral regulation in politics. It offers innovative analytical frameworks to study how political communication contributes to public moralization. The book combines descriptive, explorative, and comparative approaches to summarize findings from mixed-method analyses (qualitative and quantitative, textual and visual, content and survey) of moral emotional messages and media portrayals of prime minister candidates during Hungary's 2022 General Election Campaigns. Hungary serves as an illustrative case due to increasing concerns about the moral status of its political elite and extreme hostility between political blocs, leading to polarized views on governance. This book will be of interest to academics specializing in empirical moral studies and investigating public discussions in contentious and polarized societies.

This book addresses the following fundamental questions: With the EU seeing Taiwan as a partner on its own merit (rather than exclusively through the China factor lens), how can the two sides consolidate this new normal, what next? How can they expand cooperation in a way that both increases the EU's role in shaping Taiwan's future and empowers Taiwan to exercise agency? Taiwan's geo-strategic relevance is likely to grow in the Indo-Pacific, a region of great significance to the EU's own interests. Protecting these will require a more engaged Europe. In this trenchant and engaging volume, Dr. Ferenczy explores what European policy towards the Asian hotspot should be, of interest to policymakers, scholars and journalists.

This book analyses the EU rule of law instruments from the perspective of the academic, inter- and intra-institutional dissensus at the EU level. The angle of analysis proposed by this book allows to detect the sources of dissensus inherent in the design of the EU rule of law toolbox and in their enforcement. The proliferation of the instruments, without any major efforts of systematization, seems to be part of the problem, with a series of overlaps. At the same time, especially in the post-pandemic context, the procedures implementing the various EU rule of law tools have become more and more intertwined, so that it becomes difficult to disentangle one from the other in terms of effects. The book thus feed the debate on the strengths and deficiencies of the EU rule of law toolbox ten years after the first ad hoc measures were adopted, also offering some recommendations on how to turn dissensus into constructive mechanisms to improve the management of the rule of law in the EU.

This book examines the various ways in which policymakers and political actors across different governmental levels have responded to the recent European refugee ‘crisis', and the effects of these responses. Whereas previous studies have often focused on the discourses and policies implemented by national and local governments, this book shifts the focus to knowledge-formation and decision-making processes. Drawing on evidence from Italy – a country that has been centrally affected by the refugee ‘crisis'– the book examines policy processes regarding asylum-seeking migration at sub-national, national and EU level. It argues that policymakers at all levels of government can be influenced by perceptions of public attitudes towards immigration, and that these perceptions are often divorced from objective evidence. The book will appeal to all those interested in multilevel governance, migration studies, public policy, and European politics.