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This book does not follow the current North American fashion of writing with the aid of a pair of scissors and a glue-pol. It is not a set of'readings'in the sense that it makes available in a single volume numerous items published previously elsewhere: all of the contributions were originally written for inclusion in these Papers. This fact notwithstanding, the essays do not follow any one theme, nor are they given unity by a shared frame of reference. Each author dealt with some aspect of the 1962 election without any concern with what was being attempted by the others. As a result, the Papers do not pretend to give a complete and well-rounded account of the 1962 contest. When the careful and conscientious reader has put down the Papers he will have within his grasp a sort of do-it-yourself kit containing the materials out of which several election theories can be constructed. The authors hope that by unpacking and displaying the kit, they will have tempted many readers into trying to put some of the pieces together with the help of such additional equipment as they have acquired in their own observations of Canadian elections.

It is rare for the political scientist who handles data which he has not generated himself to cast his mind to that of an observer watching an experiment, it is equally rare for him to plan controlled experiments in which he creates his own data. This lack of attention to the experimental aspect of political science hinders the development of the discipline, especially in relation to the building and testing of adequate theories. To remedy this lack a Round Table conference of the International Political Science Association was held in Vancouver in March 1970. The papers presented at the conference are published in this volume. They discuss the application of experimental techniques to the study of politics and give examples of such applications ranging from paper and computer games to experiments involving the observation of human interaction in a laboratory or in the field. It is hoped that this work will lead to a greater use of controlled experiments in a discipline which has not yet given to the experimental method the importance it should have in the production of relevant data and in the building and testing of theories.

Canadian defence policy has been largely neglected by historians except as a problem related to constitutional and political development. Dr. Hitsman repairs this neglect in his study of the military aspects of the defence of Canada, from the British Conquest to the withdrawal of the British garrison. His investigation demolishes a number of myths which have sprung up in this era of Canadian history. For example, in his examination of the military arrangements of the British in Canada Dr. Hitsman points out that, contrary to established belief, Guy Carleton, the last officer of the British Army to hold the appointment of Commander-in-Chief in North America, did more than just muddle through when Americans invaded Canada in 1775. This and many other misconceptions are corrected in this lucid study. After a brief introductory section on the problems of defence and attack during the period of the Conquest, there follows a coherent and intelligent account of the military aspects of Canadian defence after 1760: the geographical factors in strategy, the degree of potential danger, the men and resources available, and the policies pursued by the British government and its agents in Canada. The attitudes and behaviour of both English-speaking and French Canadians are also examined in their relationship to British rule. This book presents the facts about Canadian defence policy from original sources. Basing his study on Admiralty, Colonial and War Office papers, Dr. Hitsman reveals a remarkable ability for finding the appropriate document to illustrate each stage in the development in defence planning. His personal knowledge of army organization and his ability to make his way easily through military reports help to make this study an important contribution to Canadian history and scholarship.

'On the night of August 22, 1935, as Canadians listened to their radios, they heard, with amazement and incredulity, that the first Social Credit government in the world had been elected that day in the province of Alberta.... Before the tabulation of votes was completed, telephone calls from New York and London, headlines in newspapers, spot news in broadcasts, had confirmed the slogan of Social Crediters,'The Eyes of the World are on Alberta.'The morning after the election a number of people lined up at the city hall in Calgary to collect the first installment of the Social Credit dividend of $25 monthly, which, they confidently believed, would be immediately forthcoming from their new government.'This quotation from Professor Irving's book indicates how the apparent suddenness of the Social Credit rise to power and the magnitude of the victory aroused world-wide comment. Why had the doctrines of Social Credit, promoted unsuccessfully in the British Commonwealth and the United States for nearly twenty years, achieved political acceptance in Alberta? Why had the people of Alberta elected to public office persons so little experienced in the economic and political world as William Aberhart and his Social Credit colleagues? Professor Iving answers these questions and analyses systematically and comprehensively the rise of the movement as a phenomenon of mass psychology. His study, based mainly on interviews, supplemented with references to private papers, newspapers, and government sources provides a truly fascinating record.

The story of the Toronto Carrying-place, and its rôle during the century and a half of French rule before the arrival of Simcoe, is the story of a dramatic and picturesque period in Toronto's past. Sometimes intimately, sometimes remotely, the Toronto Carrying-place was touched by the struggle for the control of the continent waged so long between the French on the St. Lawrence and the Dutch and English on the Hudson. The history of the region is a fascinating one, and the first full account of it, down to the founding of York in 1793, was written by Percy James Robinson in 1934, at the time of the centenary of the city of Toronto. This valuable record, unavailable for many years, is reprinted now with the addition of later material by the author. Its reappearance will be welcomed by all those interested in the early history of Canada. Toronto during the French Régime owes its beginning to the author's great interest in the historian Du Creux (whose Historiae Canadensis he had translated from the Latin), to his studies of the early maps of the region, and to his knowledge of the Huron language. He was intrigued, too, with the etymology of the name'Toronto,'and he clarifies here the origin of the name, and describes how it travelled south from Huronia to the Toronto area.

These cases, notes and statutes on Canadian Land Law comprise the first comprehensive collection on material from all the common law Provinces and bring together in an orderly fashion material which will not only be useful to the law student but will also provide the practising lawyer with a broad range of selected authorities, and provide him at the same times with analytical and critical approaches to problems falling within the limits of the author's treatment of the subject. The author, while making the necessary concessions to history, has pointed his selection of materials to the contemporary understand and use of the principles and institutions of land law with emphasis on Canadian cases and legislation. In notes and in comments to the cases reproduced, he suggests alternative or connected lines of enquiry designed to shake out some of the inevitability in which land law is often shrouded. His object is to introduce students (and lawyers too) to sharpen their critical faculties and powers of analysis and to use them in land law as they do in such subjects as Contracts and Torts. Lawyers and students will find of special value the complete index and table of cases. The index, in particular, has been very carefully designed to assist a reader in finding with the greatest possible speed the cases bearing on any subject within the field in which he is interested. Of equal importance to the reader is the inclusion of compendious references to the statutes of all the common law Provinces bearing on the particular subject matter.

This comprehensive study is concerned primarily with the fundamental problem of the role of the judiciary in the federal system of Canadian government. The author criticizes previous accounts of the Judicial Committee's interpretative scheme for the British North American Act because of their neglect of underlying jurisprudential assumptions and their readiness to accept the textual criticisms levelled in the O'Connor Report of 1939; they fail to note the relationship between the jurisprudential and the textual aspects. Professor Browne is convinced that O'Connor's criticism is as ill founded as the alternative interpretive scheme he proposed, and that the “three-compartment” view represents the most convincing construction of sections 91 and 92 of the Act. He considers debatable the “organic statute” argument widely accepted in the United States and becoming more and more popular in Canada; and supports the premium which English courts have traditionally placed on certainty and stability in the law.Professor Browne concludes that the almost universal criticism in Canada of the Judicial Committee's construction of the BNA Act is basically misconceived: Canadian jurists should think carefully before following trends set by American courts, for American purposes, in the context of American law, particularly when the repercussions of those trends are not as yet fully appreciated.This discussion will be of special interest for legal, political, and historical studies in this country, the United States, and other Commonwealth countries, especially those which have federal systems and consequently share the same basic problems of the judiciary in such a system.

Professor Fred Alexander, a distinguished historian and the first Australian to be awarded a Senior Research Fellowship of the Canada Council, makes in this book a frank and friendly attempt to examine the views on various aspects of Canada's external relations expressed to him by an occupational and regional cross-section of Canadians (many of whom are named in the text) during the course of his recent coast-to-coast investigation. Canadian-American relations loom large in the resultant analysis, whether the subject matter is economic or strategic, cultural or political. Other important questions discussed cover the extent to which Canadian nationalism is restricted by surviving provincial regionalism; the significance of spiritual and idealist influences; current internal political trends; and the increasing significance of Asia and the Pacific in the overall attitude of Canadians to the Commonwealth and the world at large. This book, which is being published simultaneously in Canada, Australia and the United Kingdom, has the general quality of highlighting through the eyes of an independent observer the important problems of Canadian attitudes to foreign policy and that special quality which is derived from the author's integrity and good-humoured detachment no less than the shrewdness and rare penetration of some of his judgments.

Since Alberta became a province in 1905, three parties have held office. Each won a sweeping initial victory, followed by a long tenure of office during which the opposition was ineffective. Both of the first two parties then experienced virtual annihilation at the hands of a new grassroots movement. Despite the non-party tradition which had early become established in the North-West Territories under F.W.G. Haultain, the Liberal party triumphed in the election that followed the founding of the province, and subsequently held office for sixteen years. Why was the victory so sweeping, and why did the Liberal machine eventually break down? Why was the Conservative party unable to establish an effective opposition, and why did the United Farmers of Alberta succeed in dislodging the Liberals when the Conservatives party unable to establish an effective opposition, and why did the United Farmers of Alberta succeed in dislodging the Liberals when the Conservatives had failed? Was there, in fact, a non-party tradition of government that remained alive throughout the whole period of Liberal rule? Do the traditional parties, indeed, seem to the people of the West to have any particular relevance to provincial or territorial affairs, despite apparent willingness to accept them in the federal sphere? Professor Thomas examines these questions thoroughly in tracing the background of politics in Alberta leading up to the rise to power of the Social Credit movement in 1935. His study, based on extensive research in newspaper files and other documents, is a major contribution to Canadian historiography and political science. This book is No. 8 in the Series, Social Credit in Alberta; Its Background and Development.

Industry and Humanity was first published in 1918. In it William Lyon Mackenzie King, then a prominent public servant who had forged a respectable reputation among business leaders as an expert in labour affairs, discussed the process of national and industrial reconstruction then about to begin. The book reviewed several momentous crises in North American labour-management relations, revealed the background to various important pieces of Canadian legislation in the field of social welfare, and provided a broad rationale for the establishment of a new programme of democracy in industry. Industry and Humanity is not only a history of King's career as industrial relations expert and consultant for the Canadian government and several giant American corporations. It also contains illustrations and analogies from his urban industrial and educational experiences. He did settlement work, examined working conditions and trade unionism in his graduate studies at university, and pioneered in the federal department of labour in examining at close hand some of the most undesirable effects of industrialization. The portions of the book which were derived from King's experiences in investigation and arbitration work present an invaluable picture of deplorable working conditions and wasting away of human lives. King's analysis of strikes – their causes and social consequences – is the book's central theme and is an accurate and telling assessment of the effects of social strife on the well-being of the community. Moreover, King put flesh on the dry statistics of industrial accidents and illnesses and the testimony of countless inquiries and royal commissions with vivid descriptions of the dehumanizing effects of the modern factory system.

Volume I contains a biographical study of John Rae, a brilliant economist and scholar who lived in Canada for a period in the early part of the nineteenth century, an analysis of Rae's contributions to economics, and a collection of his articles and essays on a variety of topics. These miscellaneous writings, many of which originally appeared in contemporary newspapers and magazines, reveal the broad range of his intellectual interests as well as his polemic and literary skill. Volume II is a reprint of Rae's book Statement of New Principles on the Subject of Political Economy which was originally published in Boston in 1834. As a result of the reissue of this book, which has been scarce for some years, modern students of economics will be better able to appreciate Rae's fundamental contribution to the development of economic thought, particularly the theory of capital. Much of Rae's analysis of economic development and behaviour was based on a first-hand knowledge of the Canadian economy in the early nineteenth century, but his theory has a surprisingly modern flavour, and is completely relevant to the problems of primitive or emerging economies today. Rae, personally, has been a neglected and obscure figure and one of the main objects of this work is to throw additional light on his career. There were a number of gloomy and disappointing episodes in his life, but, despite them, his devotion to scholarly pursuits remained unimpaired, and his literary output continued throughout his life. This work should appeal to all those interested in the history of ideas, particularly to those concerned with the economic, political and religious controversies of the first half of the nineteenth century. For his contributions to economic theory John Rae is entitled to a place in the first rank of economists anywhere in the world, and for this reason he deserves the attention of all students of economics and sociology. His work is sprinkled with profound insights into human behaviour and, in addition, he displays a literary style which has seldom been surpassed in the literature of economics.

This thought-provoking volume, which represents a re-shaping of the Plaunt Lectures delivered at Carleton University, 1960, offers impressions of the art of living in Canada by one who has been deeply concerned with the relationships between our two cultures. The purpose of the author is to stimulate reflection on the genesis and the contemporary status of Canada as a bi-cultural nation. His own method in the book is also that of reflection, rather than didactic exposition. He takes up the manifestations of our two cultures in our two literatures, describes his own experience of living personally and professionally with members of both groups, and goes on to analyse what contribution Canadian universities might make to greater understanding of our biculturalism. It is in the university setting that the author sees hope of a new humanism, thanks particularly to the vision of the world offered by the social sciences; it, he feels, will enable us to see both aspects of our country fully and harmoniously and grasp its responsibility as a unified nation to the rest of the world. Canada, says the author, is not a datum but a construct; it is a becoming. It has been and remains the result of constant compromise. Patterns and objectives have to be constantly redefined and improvised, with both parties in our dualism collaborating to create a well-tempered, yet positive national life.

The Private Planning Association of Canada initiated the Atlantic Economic Studies Program to study the implications for Canada of trade liberalization and closer economic integration among the nations bordering the North Atlantic. Over twenty studies by leading economists, which point out the significance of international trade for the structure and growth of the Canadian economy, have been published in a series of thirteen volumes. This is the last in the series, and it summarizes the conclusions expressed in the previous studies in chapters dealing with such topics as the growth of world markets and changing trade patterns, free trade alternatives for Canada, and the structure of the Canadian economy.

The author assesses the place in world affairs of economic co-operation and integration among Atlantic countries, and the prospects for Atlantic relationships in the near future.

Democracy in Alberta was the first book by the hugely influential political scientist C.B. Macpherson (1911-1987). In this study, Macpherson examines the distinctive quasi-party political system that emerged in Alberta in the first half of the twentieth century, represented by the United Farmers of Alberta and Social Credit governments and the movements behind them. The author presents the UFA and Social Credit, which grew independently of federal politics, as having produced a new species of democratic governance in Canada and he develops an innovative theory of the party system in the context of national politics at the time he wrote the book in 1953.In addition to offering an original analysis of the party system and Alberta's political structures and institutions, Democracy in Alberta presents a fascinating micro-history of the social and economic characteristics of Alberta. An introduction by Nelson Wiseman contextualizes the original publication and discusses the unique characteristics of Alberta politics still evident to this day.

The October crisis of 1970 opened a new chapter in Canadian history that was at once bizarre and tragic, unbelievable and terrifying. For three months Canadians knew only what the FLQ told them. Their communiqués were almost the only hard news the public had, and it is their communiqués and official government statements that form much of this documentary narrative. No useful purpose would be served by another account of the October crisis where fact and rumour, interpretation and polemics, were indistinguishable, as they were in much of the reporting and in many of the instant books that followed hard on the heels of the crisis. This is Quebec 70 as it happened, as the public and the governments experienced it, without the benefit of hindsight or the dangers of speculation.

The aim of this study is to disentangle the theme of federalism from that of responsible government, and to suggest that the two questions of responsible government and assimilation may be considered as two parallel themes which merge only occasionally. The author believes that the primary objective of the Canadian union of 1841 was the assimilation of French Canada, and when it became evident that that was an unrealistic objective, the inherent dualism in the United Province of Canada led to the emergence of a federal concept. This important new interpretation of the background of the French Canadian question provides a fresh approach to the present situation in Quebec. (Canadian Studies in History and Government No. 14)

This work, comparable to what one might have expected from a royal commission's report (had one been formed to investigate the subject), was initiated by the Canadian Political Science Association received financial assistance from the Canada Council, The CPSA, the institute of Public Administration of Canada, and was encouraged by the Canadian Library Association. It examines both the policies and practices o the provincial governments in regard to the services performed by the Queen's Printers or their equivalents, and the holdings and availability of government documents, both processed and published. In these areas it finds many defects and it makes recommendations for improvements, in the name of the responsibility functioning of our democratic government. The work should concern all Canadian scholars who use such documents, all public servants who are responsible for publishing programs, and librarians, both in their work and in their teaching.

One of the cardinal assumptions of Canadian immigration policy in the post-war period was that British immigrants would be more readily absorbed than those from other countries. In accordance with this belief, the Canadian government offered special encouragement to these immigrants in the form of fewer formalities, speedier procedures for obtaining visas and an active promotional campaign in England. This study compares and contrasts the economic and social integration of British immigrants in Canada with those from other countries. Based on two surveys, the first covering a representative cross-section of post-war immigrants of all nationalisms throughout Canada, the second conducted in Britain following up a sample of British immigrants who had returned home, this investigation offers explanations for the low rate of naturalization and high rate of return to the United Kingdom of the British in Canada. The surveys show that these people remained ambivalent towards Canada although outwardly they successfully fulfilled their economic and social roles in Canadian society; they were not dissatisfied with life in Canada; rather they are part of a growing labour force of well-educated people who are internationally mobile and have no deep roots anywhere. The author questions whether traditional ideas of “assimilation” and “integration: can be applied to migrants of this kind, whether British or of another nationality. These people who were most satisfied and identified closely with Canada were often those who had experienced the hardest struggle to establish themselves in the new country. In this study the author puts forward an entirely new sociological theory to support his observations. An important contribution to the sociological study of immigration, this book will be of interest to all those in Canada concerned with the practical implications of Canada's immigration policy, and especially to immigrants themselves. Its findings are also of relevant to readers in Britain, the United States, Australia and elsewhere who are concerned about their own country's policy.

In 1966 the Canadian government announced the abrupt termination of a longstanding conditional grant relationship with the provinces in the domain of technical and vocational education. It sought to substitute a radically new arrangement whereby it would purchase occupational training for adults as an integral part of an over-all manpower policy. This book examines what ensued with particular reference to the province of Ontario and offers unique insights into the conduct of federal-provincial relations from the level of first ministers through that of operating officials down to the grass roots of individual Canadian communities. It also assesses the opportunities and limitations attendant upon a major departure in manpower policy. By focusing on the role of public servants with quite distinct professional orientations – economists and educationists – the book yields new insights into the contribution of appointed specialists to policy development.

This contribution to the Canadian Government series continues the study of provincial government made, with varying approaches, by Frank MacKinnon for Prince Edward Island, Murray Beck for Nova Scotia, and Hugh Thorburn for New Brunswick. Professor Donnelly describes the political institutions of Manitoba, viewing them also in historical perspective and singling out the particular forces that have shaped them. He traces the development of the party system in Canada, its decline under the farmer-dominated Progressive governments of the twenties and under the coalitions that followed, and its resurgence under the Conservative government of Premier Roblin. (Canadian Government Series, No. 14)

In the late summer of 1944 the people and Government of Canada had every reason to view with satisfaction the progress of the war and their own part in it. The landing in Normandy had been successful, the enemy was in retreat from Belgium and Holland, Germany itself had been entered. The end of hostilities in Europe seemed in sight, and the Canadian Government in October began to plan for the celebrations to take place on the day victory was announced. Suddenly this atmosphere of imminent success and relaxed tension was broken by the unexpected re-appearance of the ghost of conscription. In mid-October Colonel Ralston, the Minister of National Defence, returned abruptly from an inspection trip overseas to report to Prime Minister King that infantry reinforcements for the units fighting in Italy and Northwest Europe were an acute problem and that there seemed no hope of increasing them to the required numbers in the required time. Many, from the Minister himself down, felt that the manpower pools could only be filled by immediate conscription from overseas service of men already called up for home defence under the National Resources Mobilization Act. The Government of Canada was thus confronted with a crisis of the first magnitude, which brought with it the threat of a schism that would cripple the war effort and set people against people, province against province for many years to come. This book provides an engrossing account of how between mid-October and mid-November this crisis was faced and resolved. Professor Dawson is keenly aware of the drama in the clash of personalities, of political views, of beliefs and conducts the eagerly following reader day by day through absorbing events and discussions to the morning of November 22 when Prime Minister King decided on the Order-in-Council drafting 16,000 men. The moment of solution was a historic one: conscription had been put forward by the majority in such a fashion that the minority could accept it, if not with enthusiasm, at least with substantial goodwill. The contrast with 1917 was inescapable. Professor Dawson has given a brilliant essays on the relation of political decision to popular consent in a democracy and it will attract and hold the attention of everyone interested in the arts of government.

This book brings together and interprets the information relating to Canada's contacts with Asiatic countries since the beginning of the Second World War. Lucidly written and freshly presented, it will be of great interest to everyone concerned with international affairs. As Canada's policies in the Far East and Southeast Asia are the result of Canadian policies in general, Dr. Angus discusses the general policies first and then their particular application. He deals with the nature of Canadian nationalism; the war years and post-war adjustment; Canadian Far Eastern policy and the United Nations; the peace settlement with Japan and security; trade policy and access to resources; economic assistance and the forms it takes; cultural intercourse, human rights, and immigration; and Canadian opinion about the Far East. Dr. Angus'book is published by the University of Toronto Press for the Canadian Institute of International Affairs.

The influence of the late R. MacGregor Dawson on political thought in Canada is still with us and will, indeed, be with us for a long time to come. It is fitting therefore that a book should be conceived in his honour and that this book should reflect the high qualities of analysis and writing that he inspired in his many students. All the contributors to this volume, except Professor Clokie, who is Dawson's generation, were his students in Saskatchewan or Toronto; all provide articles of interest and importance for a most useful volume on the political process in Canada. There are eleven essays, covering many aspects of Canadian political life. From a historical study of the federal government's relations with the press, we move to consideration of the early ballot and the “swings” in federal elections. The next four essays are devoted to various topics connected with the general theme of political parties, and the next three to some problems of federation, including an account of the federal government's administration of the North. Professor Clokie's contribution, “Political Retrospect,” provides a suitable closing chapter.

THE GOVERNMENT of Prince Edward Island illustrates the operation of an elaborate constitution in a small place. The same system which functions in the large and populous parts of the British Commonwealth has developed in a tiny and isolated province which boasts few economic advantages and a population of only 90,000 people, and has resulted in an unusual example of local democracy. The turbulent political history of the Island in the early years and the nature of her institutions of government have resulted, not only from the normal growth of the parliamentary system, but also from the difficult process of adjusting that system to the local environment. The purpose of this book is to outline the development of the Island's public affairs in the colonial period and to describe the political institutions and the characteristics of provincial government and politics.

There has been little analysis of the forces that have contributed to the rise of radicalism in Canada, or to the organizations that subsequently resulted. The ultra-left in the Canadian political spectrum, has been almost totally overlooked. This study is the first to trace the origins and growth of the Party during the initial decade of its existence. Its history is of particular interest because it is unique among Canadian political bodies in drawing its inspiration as well as practical advice from an external source: The Communist International which subordinated the Canadian party to Moscow and to the Communist Party of the Society Union. The Communist party is the only Canadian political body which can trace its origins to an epochal event such as the Russian Revolution. Soldiers of the International covers the origins and growth of the Canadian party in detail and shows that its programme and development paralleled those of other Communist parties throughout the world. Based upon primary sources, this fascinating account emphasizes both the importance of the first decade of the existence of the Canadian party and its failure to establish itself in these crucial years between World War I and the advent of the Depression. The author discusses this failure in view of the Party's unpreparedness and lack of support in the 1930's in conditions that ostensibly were ideally suited to its philosophy and programme. This informative account ably covers a neglected area in Canadian political history and throws new light on the facets of the political scene in Canada today.

A striking and significant phenomenon of the Canadian political scene immediately following World War I was the rise and fall of a third party. Professor Morton describes and analyses the background and political history of this movement, and gives a graphic description of western economy and politics generally which will assist all readers towards a better understanding of the Canadian west and its problems.The Progress party represented essentially an agrarian revolt against what western Canada considered to be Canadian economic policy and Canadian political practice. As seen through western eyes, our economic policy at the same seemed a metropolitan economy, designed by control of tariffs, railways, and credit to draw wealth from the hinterland and countryside into the industrial and commercial centre of Canada. Political practice appeared in much the same light. The classic national parties took on the guise of instruments used by the vested interests of metropolitan Canada to implement this national policy. Distrust and dissatisfaction mounted over the first twenty years of the century and impetus for independent political action on the part of the farmers increased proportionately.While the western grievances were shelved during World War I, party lines were weakened by the coming to power of the Union Government, and allegiance in the west was easily turned away from the unsatisfying traditional parties after the Union Government was defeated. By 1919-20, organized farmer groups were definitely committed to a programme of political action.

The Season-Ticket, published in 1860, is made up of a series of articles previously contributed during 1859 and 1860 to the Dublin University Magazine. Its quality of interest lies in its major purpose: the programme of a thorough going British imperialist who advocates “a three-fold policy for developing intercommunication between the motherland and the colonies.” In this work, Haliburton proposed that Great Britain subsidize transatlantic steamers between its ports and the colonies, complete the Intercolonial Railway and continue it to Lake Superior, and provide a “safe, easy, and expeditious route to Fraser's River on the Pacific.” Haliburton further argues for the substitution of a permanent colonial council of appointees from the colonies in place of the Colonial Office, and he raises the possibility of colonial representation in the British parliament.

Procedure in the Canadian House of Commons is an attempt to survey the whole field of Canadian procedure historically and analytically, to establish what the procedure of the House was in 1867 and to trace its slow development—its evolvement through principles, traditions, rulings, and precedents—to the present time. A particular interest has been taken in depicting how the House operates in practice as compared with how it is believed to operate in theory. Throughout his analysis, Dawson provides insightful criticism and proposals for improvement in the hopes that this book will provide a new perspective on procedure both to those who are caught up in the day-to-day functioning of the House and to those, both in the House and outside it, who are concerned about larger, more distant implications.

In the decade beginning with the hanging of Louis Riel in 1885, a series of radical and religious conflicts shook Canada, culminating in the Manitoba school crisis of the 1890s. By 1896, the focal point of the controversy was remedialism, the attempt to have Roman Catholic school privileges in Manitoba restored by federal action against the provincial government. The struggle over remedialism involved nearly every aspect of Canada's internal history – Conservative-Liberal, federal-provincial, east-west, French-English, Catholic-Protestant, church-state. But, illustrating as it does the complexity and sensitivity of the ground where politics and religion meet, the election of 1896 has remained particularly fascinating for the degree to which Roman Catholic church authorities, above all in Quebec, entered the political process and were involved in the struggle to power of Wilfrid Laurier. The school question and the struggle over remedialism present an illuminating case study of complex relations at a formative period in Canadian history. This book focuses on the scene behind the scene, seeking in particular to discover how Quebeckers, civil and ecclesiastical, were reacting to a key problem of French and Catholic rights outside Quebec. There is a strong emphasis on personal correspondence, rather than on published statements, and the author has marshalled a wide range of material that has never been fully exploited. The story is told chronologically in order to assess the impact of major events as it developed. Many of the classic questions of church-state relations are brought into focus. This is a story often of fear, prejudice, and ignorance, but it is also a story of strength and resilience, principle and faith. Uniquely Canadian, it tells us something important about the shift from the Canada of Macdonald to the Canada of Laurier.

By the beginning of 1964 public debate about the terms on which French and English culture could continue to co-exist within a single Canadian federal state had become intense. Many causes could be assigned for the intensity of the debate, but one of them evidently was the lack of clear formulation of the problems. It was in these circumstances that the Association of Canadian Law Teachers and the Canadian Political Science Association used their annual meeting at Charlottetown in 1964 to get, on each of four aspects of the current problem of Canadian federalism, a vigorously reasoned statement, by a French-Canadian and an English-Canadian scholar, of the essentials of the problem as he saw it and then, by way of invited commentaries, to bring the ideas more fully into play. The four aspects were: competing concepts of federalism, economic problems peculiar to our federal state, legal and political attitudes towards the BNA Act, and institutional problems of a revision of the Act.

The student who would understand the government of a country can only obtain a complete knowledge of it if he knows something of the government of its local subdivisions. Yet the Canadian student will find studies of Canadian local government almost non-existent. Similarly the citizen or municipal officer looking for details of the organization and operation of the several systems of local government in Canada needs, but has not yet had, one single source with all the information on the subject gathered together in readily available form. Mr. Crawford meets both needs in his excellent study, the sixth volume in the Canadian Government Series. Since local government in Canada comes under provincial jurisdiction, there are ten distinct systems having many similarities and diversities. Mr. Crawford's aim is to show how various Canadian municipal systems function, rather than to present a critical analysis of existing institutions and practices. But first he discusses the necessity of local government, its practical and political importance, the degree of self-government involved in local government and the factors contributing to this, and the weak constitutional position of local government, a position offset by the needs of the community, needs which can be best met by local government and which assure the continuance of that government despite the tightening of central control by province and nation.

Collected in this volume are selections from addresses by His Excellency, General Georges P. Vanier, one of the most eminent public figures of Canada. His broad interests and deep involvement in all aspects of Canadian life are reflected in these speeches. A life-long concern with the importance of the family is evident in his opening talk at the Canadian Conference on the Family in 1964:'...the best and surest way of developing generous and idealistic hearts, of giving the community men and women who are well-balanced and conscious of their responsibilities to their country, is to protect the family, for the family...is capable of giving to the universe the human beings who are prepared to put justice and truth before their own personal interests.'From this conference emerged the Vanier Institute of the Family.Closely allied to the Governor-General's dedication to the family was his interest in the youth of the country. During his time of office he strove continually to bring Canadians to a fuller realization of the importance of their young people:'Tell me the character of a nation's young people and I will tell you the future of the nation.'The book also includes the core of the Governor General's statements on education, reflections that have special meaning for every teacher and educator in Canada. His views on public life and on the democratic ideal, and his great desire for better understanding between English and French Canadians and for the essential unity of the Canadian nation, also hold a place of prominence in these excerpts.The final section of the book is devoted to his intense concern for the spiritual side of man's existence, for the ideals and values that set man apart and allow him to hope for a better world.Dr Wilder Penfield, head of the Vanier Institute of the Family, who was a close friend of the Governor General, and Claude Ryan, editor of Le Devoir, have written forewords for the volume.

The period of the union between the provinces of Upper and Lower Canada which preceded the general federation of the British North American provinces in 1867 is a fruitful field of investigation for students of Canadian politics and history, for from it stem many of our political traditions. Professor Cornell in the present study has been concerned with the question of how far the parties of that time were already identifiable and continuing groups. He has examined the Journals of the Legislative Assembly of the Province of Canada for all the sessions from 1841 to 1866, recording the votes of each member in all divisions that involved important issues, and from this careful and extensive study he has been enabled to draw some definite conclusions about the alignment of members and groups in the assembly.The analysis proceeds not only by way of narrative but also by means of many charts and tables showing the votes of individual members on certain key issues from assembly to assembly. The author defines as far as possible the political outlook or affiliation of the individuals dealt with, and assesses the cohesion of the Radical and Conservative groups in Canada West and the Bleus and Rouges of Canada East. The result is an important contribution to our knowledge of the political groupings and of the political battles of the era, presented in the close detail that will make it an invaluable work of reference for all those working in the period.

John W. Dafoe was a dominant figure in western Canadian political history during the first half of the twentieth century. As editor of the Winnipeg Free Press from 1901 to 1944, he gained an international reputation for his perceptive analysis of the issues facing Canada and the world. He was at the centre of almost every major political development of his time: he advised prime ministers, was deeply involved in organizing the Progressive party, and was a member of the crucial Rowell-Sirois Commission on federal-provincial relations. His influence was enormous, and at the time of his death he was widely regarded as the nation's most distinguished editor. This book is a study at close quarters of Dafoe, the man of politics. It focuses on the Dafoe who read and studied and the Dafoe who observed men and events; on Dafoe in his centre of operation and at the Free Press and Dafoe moving watchfully about the country and abroad when critical decisions were in the making; on the ideas confided in letters to friends and the ideas delivered in public speeches; on contributions made to conferences and commissions and advice given to political figures. The book is not intended as a complete biography of Dafoe in all his aspects, but it is even less an abstract treatise in the field of political theory. It is the biography of a political mind. The impression is of a mind recalled to its full vigour, for no prejudgments have been made about it and no restraints upon it. Ramsay Cook treats his subject with candour, but also with understanding and a sense of humour. He has ordered his material with extraordinary skill, so that his book is enjoyable reading as well as a valuable source of information about a distinguished Canadian and a momentous period in Canadian history.

The momentum of institutional, attitudinal, and environmental change in western society has accelerated to such a degree that the processes of social evolution appear to be out of control. In the past, social change has been legitimated in terms of progress towards prosperity and freedom but now the disadvantages produced are as great as the advantages. This book of essays by members of the University League for Social Reform is sharply critical of liberal attitudes to social change. Carefully and deliberately written the essays challenge popularly held notions of change; they are stimulating, provocative, and liberating. The first three essays, focusing on the socio-psychological realm of politics, explore the contributions of Freud, Marx, and Marcuse to the central question of what constitutes man's humanity. These are followed by an analysis of the FLQ crisis of 1970 from an Aristotelian point of view and an argument in favour of de Tocqueville's theory of institutional viability over Marx's theory of change. Two essays direct attention to some of the problems associated with technological determinism. The final group of essays focuses attention more directly on social change in Canada, offering an analysis of interest groups and their impact on Canadian society, discussing the satisfactions of belonging to a movement-party, delineating the problems of reorienting legal series to the advantage of the less privileged, and outlining the way the game of parliamentary democracy is played in Canada. The contributors are: Howard Adelman, Mildred Bakan, Barry Cooper, Melvyn Hill, Gerry Hunnius, Alkis Kontos, Bentley Le Baron, William Leiss, James St John, Joan WIlliams, Donald Willmott, and David Shugarman.

Canada and the Canadian question is ‘one of the most effective and challenging critiques of Canada ever penned. It is an enormously illuminating series of impressions with sparkling insights into Canada's social history, political practice, cultural life, and the ambiguities of her economic growth. It represents the mature reflections of a keen intelligence which had pondered the fundamental questions of Canada's national existence and saw them in terms of the wider movements of opinion in Europe and North America.'So writes Carl Berger in his Introduction to this work. This is the classic statement of the case for the union of Canada and the United States. Frank Underhill called it ‘the most completely pessimistic book that has ever been written about our country,'but added ‘all modern discussions of the Canadian question still revolve around the points [Smith] raised.'This book is supremely important in Canadian nationalist thought because the author asked the question which all Canadian nationalists have since tried to answer: what positive value does the country embody and represent that justifies her existence?

Here is a well-documented study of the structure, historical development, and present condition of the government of Nova Scotia. It deals with one of the oldest constitutions in Canada, one which was not created by statute but by the prerogative of the Crown. Nova Scotia has two major claims to priority in the history of Canadian politics: she was the first province to be granted representative institutions and the first to win responsible government. Owing in large measure to Joseph Howe's inspired leadership, the latter was achieved through peaceful, constitutional means. It is obvious that a study of the government of Nova Scotia must dig deep into the past, and Dr. Beck has investigated this early history with great care and thoroughness. This is followed by a study of the more recent period and the working of the government of our own time. The author demonstrates that the important changes, the interesting practices, and the colourful incidents have not all been in the distant past. There was, for example, the Legislative Council, that travesty on democratic institutions which lasted until less than thirty years ago. There was the odd phenomenon of a Liberal government in power for seventy out of ninety years since Confederation. There was the constant need to adapt parliamentary practices and institutions, developed under quite different conditions to the needs of a much smaller community, and one which was keenly aware of its heritage and very jealous of any serious interference. As a native of Nova Scotia and a political scientist, Dr. Beck has had a special interest in seeing how the Nova Scotian institutions of government evolved and how they work today. He has done a great deal of original research among primary sources and covered a field as yet uninvestigated by any other scholar. An admirable addition to the Canadian Government Series, of which it is the eighth volume, this is a book for serious students of political science and for students of Nova Scotia history.

In 1892, Edward Blake, ex-Premier of Ontario and former leader of the Liberal party in the Canadian House of Common, was invited by the Irish parliamentary party to stand for election in the British Parliament. This surprising invitation grew out of the conflicts of the Irish “Home Rule” controversy, then a critical issue in British politics. When Blake abandoned the Canadian political scene he had just severed connections with the Liberal party, which he had served as Minister of justice in the only federal Liberal administration down to 1896, and as Leader of the Opposition from 1880 to 1887. Irish Home Rule was a cause which engaged the sympathies of Liberals all over the British Empire, and although Blake intended to return permanently to Canada, he remained a member of the British Parliament, devoting ceaseless efforts to the Irish interest, until illness forced his retirement in 1907.Up to the present time, little attention has been given by either Irish or Canadian historians to the Irish career of Edward Blake. It spanned the years of failure and frustration which stretched between the spectacular period of Gladstone and Parnell to the excitements of the third Home Rule Bill, the Ulster resistance, and the Sinn Fein movement. Although Blake declined much part in parliamentary debate during these arid years, he played a vital and unappreciated role in the inner discussions and struggles of the Irish Nationalist movement. Blake was not only a statesman of blameless reputation, but a constitutional authority whose superior abilities were lying unused in Canada after Confederation. He brought to the Irish party a cool judgment, and a consciousness of the role of statesmanship in politics, which won the highest respect of all its leaders, including McCarthy and Redmond.Dr. Banks has made a searching assessment of Blake's historical position: the reason why, in the eyes of his contemporaries, he never attained the political status which he merited, and the basis for the enormous respect which he was accorded by all who worked with him in the inner circles of the party. It is an informative account, based on careful research, of an enigmatic figure in Canadian politics, whose career encountered unequalled frustrations and discouragement, but whom Sir Wilfrid Laurier unhesitatingly termed “the most powerful intellectual force in Canadian political history.” Of interest to everyone concerned with Irish and Imperial problems, it will merit the attention of political analysts and historians alike.

This study, based on archives only recently made available, examines Canada's relations with the Soviet Union between the first and second world wars. It shows how Canada's policy towards Russia was influenced by the economic and foreign policies of Great Britain, by the revolutionary policies of the Comintern, by economic pressures within Canada and the Soviet Union, and by pressures from political and ethnic groups within Canada. Professor Balawyder explores the relationship between the Communist party of Canada and the Russian Comintern, and studies the effects of the activities of Canadian Communists on Canada's political and commercial dealings with Russia. Those interested in Canada's foreign relations and in the history of left-wing political groups in Canada will find this book an important contribution to a field of study long neglected.