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Despite their untold human suffering, widespread destruction and loss, and far-reaching destabilization, the fires of many of the world's most violent civil wars continue to burn. In light of their devastating effects, how can we explain the intractability of costly and stalemated, yet seemingly endless, civil wars? By situating internal conflicts within the broader geopolitical environment in which they take place, Wars Without End provides an answer. It highlights the critical role of competitive intervention--opposing, simultaneous transfers of military assistance from different third-party states to both government and rebel combatants--in the dynamics, duration, and global prevalence of internal conflict. Providing a comprehensive theoretical and empirical account of this form of external meddling, it brings together battlefield bargaining dynamics, the escalatory pressures of interstate competition, and the systemic dimensions of geopolitical rivalry in civil wars to explain how protracted fighting within states is linked to enduring competition between them. In doing so, it challenges traditional conceptions of'proxy war'by deriving new propositions about the strategic logics that motivate it, offering new and productive angles on the behaviors of armed groups, the strategies of foreign interveners, and the trajectories of internal wars. Combining statistical analyses with detailed case studies drawing on fieldwork, original interviews, declassified intelligence reports, and archival research, the book explains competitive intervention's pernicious effects, documents its consequences for civil wars, and proposes policy prescriptions aimed at resolving some of today's most intractable conflicts.

This invaluable text assesses the current research on the causes of both war and peace. In this revised third edition—now with a brand new chapter on the Russian-Ukraine War—leading international relations scholars explore the role of territorial disputes, power, alliances, arms races, rivalry, and nuclear weapons in bringing about war; the outcomes and consequences of war; and the factors that promote peace, including democracy, norms, capitalist economies, and stable borders. The revised third edition includes a section on emerging trends in research on cyber war, the environment and climate change, leaders, war financing, and trends in interstate conflict. Reviewing fifty years of scientific research, the contributors provide an accessible and up-to-date overview of current knowledge and a road map for future research.

This book offers historical and theoretical context of the path followed by States, from space militarization to weaponization, and deconstructs traditional security paradigm myths to prove that a paradigm shift has been brought because of deadly space weapons developed by major space powers. It reconciles that the strategic distrust between two leading space competitors, U.S. and China, has prompted them to pursue counter-space capabilities. The ripple effect of this troubling relation in space is not limited at the global level, but has witnessed a trickledown effect on regional security. In relation to this, the book offers details of the Indian space program including its military space ambitions, and provides information about Pakistan's objectives in space. It offers an overview of challenges to international space governance and how the structural flaws help states to aggressively follow a path toward space weaponization. Additionally, it discusses the UN negotiating arms control measures in space and the politics of states not to negotiate prevention of an arms race in outer space. The book is a useful contribution to space security, from both traditional and contemporary approaches, covering history, theory, and application. It provides an academic as well as practical approach carrying appeal for professionals, experts, opinion makers, industry, academics, teachers, policy makers, politicians and masses from other walks of life who are interests in space security.

This book extends principal-agent theory to the case of pro-Russian rebel militias in Eastern Ukraine.Russia's war in Ukraine demonstrates the much-discussed relations between the principal (Russia) and agent (rebel militias) in Eastern Ukraine. Russia's aggression against Ukraine in 2014 was a frontal challenge to the post-Cold War European regional order, and since 2022 it has offered a challenge to the global order. Filling the gap in the literature on indirect warfare and insurgencies, this book offers systematic insights into structures and relations within the leaderless rebellion in the Donetsk and Luhansk Oblasts. It introduces the concept of the delegation of leaderless rebellion, based on the argument that it is a specific kind of rebellion when local elites do not actively participate as the leaders of the rebellion. Random people, without any fighting or political experience and with no social embeddedness, become rebel commanders, which means the principal – Russia – faces serious challenges but also benefits from opportunities to exercise complete control over the rebel forces and administration.This book will be of much interest to students of civil wars and insurgencies, political violence, Eastern European politics, and international relations in general.

Dieses essential analysiert die geplante dauerhafte Stationierung einer Brigade der Bundeswehr in Litauen, die vom Verteidigungsministerium als'Leuchtturmprojekt der von Bundeskanzler Olaf Scholz ausgerufenen sicherheitspolitischen Zeitenwende'beschrieben wird. Es ordnet das Projekt in den Zusammenhang der Reaktionen der NATO auf den Angriffskrieg Russlands auf die Ukraine und die Bedrohung gegenüber NATO-Staaten ein und zeigt auf, dass dadurch die Abschreckung und die Rolle Deutschlands im Bündnis erheblich gestärkt werden können. Das essential resümiert, dass ein Scheitern des Projekts aufgrund von Risiken, die aus einem spontanen Entscheidungsgang folgen, erhebliche außen- und innenpolitische negative Folgen nach sich ziehen würde.

In a study of cyclical history, this book presents a grand sweep of modern history and how decades of savage wars, and turbulence, led to a brief era of exhilaration and hope, followed by despair in the new century. The collapse of the Berlin Wall (1989) and the Soviet Union (1991), marking the end of the Cold War, were celebrated with great euphoria. The book points out that the defeat of Soviet communism by the Western allies was one of the most consequential outcomes of great power conflict in the twentieth century, comparable to the defeat of fascism in the Second World War, and of the Central Powers led by Germany and Austria-Hungary in the First World War. However, optimistic predictions of a peaceful and orderly world after the Cold War proved wrong, and new challenges emerged across the globe such as international and regional conflicts, climate change, and mass migration. The book explains how the initial excitement and hope after the collapse of the Soviet Union turned to new challenges, and despair, continuing the cycle of history. Tripathi's scholarly rigor, combined with his journalistic clarity, makes this book a landmark publication that stands out for its depth, relevance, and the urgent message it conveys about the necessity of learning from history to navigate the challenges of the future. Ashok Swain, Professor & Head, Department of Peace and Conflict Research, Uppsala University This book is a strong, well-written, and explorative testimony of war and conflict, their roots and dynamics, as well as consequences and impact on politics and human lives. Nora Sveaass, Professor Emeritus, Department of Psychology, University of Oslo

This book argues for reform of the convention that, when politicians decide on a course of action, the general in supreme command obeys without question.The entire spread‑out chain of command is unified in the general, who offers the only connection between the military and politics. Offering the sole connection between the military and politics, only the general can turn political directions into military command and capacitate war. Thus, the general has unique opportunity to resist unconscionable direction to launch an unjust war or to conduct or expand war unjustly. This book argues for reform, so the general has the right in law to refuse direction which is lawful, but awful. The legal capacity to refuse would mean the general would be expected to act responsibly, not merely as the unresisting pawn of politics. Such reform, creating legal opportunity for the supreme command to refuse lawful but unconscionable directives, might avert unjust war.This book will be of much interest to students of the ethics of war, civil‑military relations, and international relations.

This interdisciplinary anthology offers both theoretical reflections and empirical data on past, present and possible future war and crisis situations. In addition, against the background of the authors'academic and practical experience in the field of international political observation and consultancy, proposals are formulated for peacekeeping in crisis regions and with regard to extreme environments. Furthermore it addresses sensory and aesthetic perceptions of war and peace. Unlike other books on the subject, this contributed volume seeks solutions for lasting peace from various fields that could help improve quality of life for people around the world – especially in heterogeneous societies, which are often shaken by religious, ethnic or political crises.

THE INSTANT NEW YORK TIMES BESTSELLER A fast-paced account of America's plunge into simultaneous Cold Wars against two very different adversaries — Xi Jinping's China and Vladimir Putin's Russia — based on deep reporting. New Cold Wars — the latest from Pulitzer Prize–winning journalist and bestselling author of The Perfect Weapon, David E. Sanger — tells the riveting story of America at a crossroads. At the turn of the millennium, the United States was confident that a democratic Russia and a newly wealthy China could gradually be pulled into the Western-led order. That proved a fantasy. By the time Washington emerged from the age of terrorism, the three nuclear powers were engaged in a new, high-stakes struggle for military, economic, and technological supremacy — with nations around the world forced to take sides. Interviewing a remarkable array of top officials in the United States, foreign leaders, and tech companies thrust onto the front lines, Sanger unfolds a riveting narrative spun around the era's critical questions. Will the mistakes Putin made in his ill-considered invasion of Ukraine prove his undoing, and will he reach for his nuclear arsenal? Will China strike back at the US chip embargo, or seize Taiwan, the world's semiconductor capital? Taking readers from the battlefields of Ukraine — where trench warfare and cyberwarfare are fought side by side — to the back rooms and boardrooms where diplomats, spies, and tech executives jockey for geopolitical advantage, New Cold Wars is a remarkable first-draft history chronicling America's return to superpower conflict, the choices that lie ahead, and what is at stake for the United States and the world.

If you take an interest in military and national security affairs, you have probably read the works of Clausewitz, Sun Tzu, and Thucydides. But what about the books of the underappreciated military strategist Theodor Geisel, also known as Dr. Seuss? Until Dr. Seuss & National Security, the military aspect of Ted Geisel's biography and his books have been overlooked by scholars and critics alike. Yet Dr. Seuss books possess direct relevance to national security in part because Ted Geisel's service in the the US Army during WWII made a lasting impact on his worldview. Numerous traces of Ted Geisel's intense and dangerous wartime experiences can be found in his children's books. Tucked in between bright and vivid drawings of imaginary animals and whimsical settings, the reader may sometimes encounter foreboding dark forests, ariel bombardment, ruthless authority figures, and other evocations of military life. Each of the chapters in this edited volume employs a Dr. Seuss book to illuminate a national security topic. For example, Oh, the Places You'll Go helps us understand grand strategy in outer space, I Had Trouble Getting to Solla Sollew puts new light on Clausewitz's concept of the fog of war, and Hunches in Bunches can be seen as a primer on military intelligence. By using beloved childhood stories to illuminate national security topics, this book offers an entertaining way to approach complex topics that can be understood by specialists and non‐experts alike.

Der Band befasst sich mit den Grundlagen der gegenwärtigen Beziehungen zwischen zivilen Akteuren und staatlichen Machtstrukturen. Der Schwerpunkt liegt auf dem Themenfeld der öffentlichen Kontrolle von Streitkräften und der Frage, warum zivile Akteure ein wachsames Auge auf die militärische Institution sowie zivile Behörden, die den Einsatz von Gewalt legitimieren, haben sollten. Am Beispiel von Wehrpflicht und Rekrutierung als Schnittstelle zwischen Militär und Gesellschaft analysiert die Studie den institutionellen Wandel im politisch-militärischen Bereich im postsowjetischen Russland. In kritischer Auseinandersetzung mit der konventionellen Militärsoziologie verlagert das Buch den Fokus weg von der exklusiven Machtbeziehung zwischen politischen und militärischen Eliten im Kontext der nationalen Sicherheit. Stattdessen berücksichtigt es die menschliche und gesellschaftliche Sicherheit, d.h. die Bedürfnisse und Forderungen von Individuen und Gruppen an der Basis, die vom Militär und der herrschenden Sicherheitslage in Russland betroffen sind. Das Buch richtet sich an Leser mit Interesse an zivil-militärischen Beziehungen, gegenwärtiger russischer Gesellschaftspolitik und Theorien sozialer Bewegungen.

This book examines the Vogeler/Sanders espionage case that ruptured ties between the US and UK and Hungary in 1949, and analyses this as an example of Western covert operations in the early Cold War. The work focuses on the 1949 case of ITT in Hungary, where two of its executives, the American Robert A. Vogeler and the Briton Edgar Sanders, were arrested by the secret police, tortured, forced to confess, put on a public show trial, and found guilty of espionage. This happened at a time that the US and the UK were cooperating in numerous operations to undermine the credibility of the communist regime and to encourage local resistance by “all means short of war.” Using the case as a lens to examine the dynamics of the early Cold War, the book integrates business history, diplomatic history and intelligence history, and thereby traces the impact of the case on Anglo-Hungarian, American-Hungarian, and Anglo-American relations during the critical period of 1949-1956. Vogeler's case had a strong impact on the growing criticism of the Truman Administration's containment policies and contributed to the demand for a more activist policy of ‘liberation of captive peoples'. His experiences also rallied the business community, especially trade associations such as the National Foreign Trade Council, the US Chamber of Commerce, and the National Association of Manufacturers, to support the anti-communist crusade both abroad and at home. Vogeler's wife also waged a personal campaign to secure her husband's release and exemplifies the activism of conservative and Catholic women who waged their own anti-communist crusade. The book thus tells the “rest of the story” often omitted in traditional works.This book will be of much interest to students of Cold War history, intelligence studies and European political history.

In America's Cold Warrior, James Graham Wilson traces Paul Nitze's career path in national security after World War II, a time when many of his mentors and peers returned to civilian life. Serving in eight presidential administrations, Nitze commanded White House attention even when he was out of government, especially with his withering criticism of Jimmy Carter during Carter's presidency. While Nitze is perhaps best known for leading the formulation of NSC-68, which Harry Truman signed in 1950, Wilson contends that Nitze's most significant contribution to American peace and security came in the painstaking work done in the 1980s to negotiate successful treaties with the Soviets to reduce nuclear weapons while simultaneously deflecting skeptics surrounding Ronald Reagan. America's Cold Warrior connects Nitze's career and concerns about strategic vulnerability to the post-9/11 era and the challenges of the 2020s, where the United States finds itself locked in geopolitical competition with the People's Republic of China and Russia.

This book addresses the links between war, state and sovereignty using an interdisciplinary approach. The authors and editors investigate the transformation of the state through the practices of security governance - an effective way to question the evolution of authority and legitimacy of state violence, and the organisation of human societies. This work contributes to the understanding of the transformation of state through the prism of security challenges and provides the means to identify the evolution of their regalian contours, the legal and technical forms of regulating violence, and the legitimisation of public power. This volume shows that the contribution of the social sciences is decisive for understanding the changes of the role and insertion of armed forces in their political, social and professional environment.

Over the course of four decades of the Cold War, Chakraborti and Chakraborty analyse India's path from nonalignment towards realism and self-assertion, and finally to confidence-building and interdependence with respect to their neighbours in Southeast Asia. What were the reasons for India's shift from non-alignment to a more pragmatic approach to foreign relations in its relationships with both the non-Communist states of ASEAN and the Communist States of Indochina? How was this shift perceived by those countries? To what degree were Pakistan's foreign and defence policies responsible for India's changes in alignment throughout the Cold War? What lessons can we draw from these events, as the Indo-Pacific is again becoming a major arena of great power rivalry? In order to address these questions, Chakraborti and Chakraborty study the development of India's foreign and security policies throughout the period, tracking the changes of stances between and within administrations. They evaluate how these decisions were driven by a combination of ideology, pragmatism and changes in priorities as the regional architecture developed over time. A valuable read for scholars and students of India's foreign relations and of Indo-Pacific geopolitics more broadly.

This book investigates the history and role of the United Nations Command (UNC), which is important not only for the Korean Peninsula but also for East Asian security. The UNC has played a crucial role in maintaining peace on the Korean Peninsula divided by South and North Korea for the past 70 years. However, little is known about how the U.S. administration has perceived the role of the UNC and what policies it has implemented. It is known that the Nixon, Ford, and Carter administrations tried to dismantle the UNC in the 1970s, but eventually decided to reduce it rather than eliminate it. In this context, this study greatly helps us understand the true importance of the UNC by finding out the decisive reason why the U.S. did not remove it. According to the study, past official documents confirmed that the U.S. has recognized the UNC as the basis for maintaining the regime of the armistice on the Korean Peninsula. Historically, no studies have tracked U.S. policy on the UNC through primary data.Currently, the U.S. is implementing a policy to revitalize the UNC, which had been reduced, in order to stabilize the East Asian region. Some say that the U.S. is trying to establish a kind of regional security system centered on the UNC. In any case, the study is crucial to understanding the true role of the UNC, which has recently attracted immense attention. Therefore, this book would be intriguing for experts around the world who are interested in the security in the Korean Peninsula.

Sex and World Peace is a groundbreaking demonstration that the security of women is a vital factor in the occurrence of conflict and war, unsettling a wide range of assumptions in political and security discourse. Harnessing an immense amount of data, it relates microlevel violence against women and macrolevel state peacefulness across global settings.The authors find that the treatment of women informs human interaction at all levels of society. They call attention to the adverse effects on state security of sex-based inequities such as sex ratios favoring males, the practice of polygamy, and lax enforcement of national laws protecting women. Their research challenges conventional definitions of security and democracy and common understandings of the causes of world events. The book considers a range of ways to remedy these injustices, including top-down and bottom-up approaches to redressing violence against women and the lack of sex parity in decision-making. Advocating a state responsibility to protect women, the authors campaign against women's systemic insecurity, which threatens the security of all.Sex and World Peace has been a go-to book for instructors, advocates, and policy makers since its publication in 2012. Since then, there have been major changes in world affairs, including the #MeToo movement, as well as advances in both theoretical and empirical literature surrounding the subject. This second edition, which adds coauthors Rose McDermott and Donna Lee Bowen alongside Valerie M. Hudson and Mary Caprioli, revises and updates the book for a new generation. The book retains its foundational overview of the relationship between women's oppression and war, enhanced by fresh data and new material covering recent developments for global women's rights and analysis of additional examples of gender and conflict throughout the world.

This book offers an original assessment of the ways in which the sociocultural code of blood revenge and its modern remnants shape irregular warfare. Despite being a common driver of communal violence, blood revenge has received little attention from scholars. With many civil wars and insurgencies occurring in areas where the custom lingers, strengthening our understanding of blood revenge is essential for discerning how conflicts change and evolve. Drawing upon extensive multidisciplinary evidence, this book is the first in the literature on civil war and insurgency to analyse the impact of blood revenge and its modern remnants on irregular warfare. Even when blood revenge undergoes erosion, its unregulated version still shapes the social fabric of insurgency, although in different ways than its institutionalised counterpart. At times of political instability, the presence of a culture of retaliation weighs heavily on the dynamics of violent mobilisation, target selection, recruitment, and disengagement. This book brings in evidence from dozens of conflicts, providing unprecedented insights into how a better understanding of blood revenge can improve military blueprints for irregular warfare. This book will be of much interest to students of insurgency, terrorism, military and strategic studies, anthropology, and sociology, as well as to decision-makers and irregular warfare professionals.

Since World War II, civil wars have replaced interstate wars as the most frequent and deadly form of armed conflict globally. How do we account for when and where civil wars are likely to occur, when and how they are likely to end, and whether or not they will recur? In this timely book, leading scholars accessibly guide students through cutting-edge research on the onset, duration, outcomes, and recurrence of civil wars, as well as the ongoing consequences of conflicts in war-torn countries such as Syria, Sudan, and Rwanda. In mapping out the current state of our knowledge about civil conflicts, the authors also identify what we do not know about civil wars. With a consistent approach across chapters and through a wide variety of cases, the contributors collectively help readers understand some of the most pressing questions in conflict and security studies and illustrates how scholars answer them. This authoritative text offers both an accessible and current overview of the state of the field and an agenda for future research.The second features: An entirely new chapter on pro-government militias and rebels as criminal groups (Chapter 16)Analysis of new trends in civil war data collection that have enabled us to understand geographic and temporal patterns of armed conflictNew directions in transitional justice institutions in post-conflict environments, the “resource curse,” the role of women, and the relationship between the environment and civil conflictNew material on mediation of conflict and peace agreement implementation, and peacekeeping Examples drawn from the Russia-Ukraine conflict.

An engaging guide to the various ways in which war is now waged—and how to adapt to this new reality “This brisk everyman's guide—straight-talking and free of jargon—is a useful tasting menu to a fast moving, constantly evolving set of problems.... A lively reminder that war adapts to technology, that civilians are part of modern conflict whether they like it or not.”—Roger Boyes, The Times “Galeotti's field guide is an admirably clear overview (in his words, ‘quick and opinionated') of a form of conflict which is vague and hard to grasp. Variously described as hybrid, sub-threshold or grey-zone warfare, this is the no man's land between peaceful relations and formal combat.”—Helen Warrell, Financial Times Hybrid War, Grey Zone Warfare, Unrestricted War: today, traditional conflict—fought with guns, bombs, and drones—has become too expensive to wage, too unpopular at home, and too difficult to manage. In an age when America threatens Europe with sanctions, and when China spends billions buying influence abroad, the world is heading for a new era of permanent low-level conflict, often unnoticed, undeclared, and unending. Transnational crime expert Mark Galeotti provides a comprehensive and groundbreaking survey of the new way of war. Ranging across the globe, Galeotti shows how today's conflicts are fought with everything from disinformation and espionage to crime and subversion, leading to instability within countries and a legitimacy crisis across the globe. But rather than suggest that we hope for a return to a bygone era of “stable” warfare, Galeotti details ways of surviving, adapting, and taking advantage of the opportunities presented by this new reality.

This book shows how international trade was a key part of the classic Western policy of containment towards the Soviet Union in the Cold War in the late 1970s. Trade and containment may summarise the new relation that communist China moulded with the capitalistic West in the late 1970s. Ideology had become less important and a rapprochement between the PRC (People's Republic of China) and the Western powers over trade, with the purpose of isolating and weakening the common Russian rival, was practically unavoidable. Within a relatively short span of time the balance of power in the Indo-Pacific area had been reversed. Simply put, Beijing's market was too big to be ignored and the Atlantic allies collaborated, sometimes even competing with each other, to allow China access to the centres of world finance. However, the Western powers had not realised that Beijing would never pursue alignment with them. On the contrary, the increased trading and financial linkage with capitalistic countries gave China room to manoeuvre, enabling it to play the Western states off against each other. This book will be of much interest to students of Cold War Studies, Chinese history, foreign policy and international relations.

Die hybride Kriegsführung entwickelt sich zu einer langfristigen strategischen Herausforderung für die NATO und die EU. In diesem Buch werden ihre konzeptionellen Grundlagen, Akteure und Technologien aus einer ganzheitlichen, systemischen Perspektive untersucht. Insbesondere die neuen, disruptiven Technologien haben eine katalytische Wirkung auf die hybriden Methoden und Instrumente. 19 Technologien erweisen sich als besonders relevant. Sie verbessern die Ausgangsbedingungen für hybrides Handeln, erweitern das Arsenal hybrider Akteure und verbessern die Reichweite und Erfolgsaussichten ihrer Aktivitäten.

In den 1970er Jahren konzipierte Ekkehard Krippendorff seinen politökonomischen Ansatz der kritischen Friedensforschung. Seine These lautet, dass Außenpolitik und der Einsatz militärischer Gewalt in der Außenpolitik auf den objektiven Interessen der staatlich verfassten Gesellschaft beruhen, die in den Reproduktionsbedingungen dieser Gesellschaft wurzeln. Leider hat kaum jemand diesen Ansatz im Rahmen einer empirischen Studie konkret angewandt. Dies geschieht in dem vorliegenden Buch. Diskutiert wird unter anderem die Frage, warum die Bundeswehr in Mali ist und inwiweit sie dabei eher Teil des Problems oder Teil der Problemlösung ist.Im Mittelpunkt steht die These, dass die objektiven Interessen Deutschlands, in Deutschland und weltweit, vielfältige ökologische, soziale und politische Probleme in sich bergen, weshalb es notwendig erscheint, die Reproduktionsbedingungen und damit die objektiven Interessen zu verändern

In the new world order, conflicts between countries are increasing. Fluctuations in the economy and imbalances in the distribution of scarce resources to developing countries can result in wars. The effect of the recent COVID-19 pandemic and economic crisis has caused changes in the strategies and policies of countries. Technological changes and developments have also triggered cyber wars. Despite this, many countries prefer to fight on the field. The damage to the international economy of wars, which kills civilians and causes serious damage to developing countries, is a current issue. The Handbook of Research on War Policies, Strategies, and Cyber Wars examines the factors that lead to war and the damages caused by war strategies and policies. It is a guide for future generations to develop constructive policies and strategies for living in a peaceful world. Covering topics such as geopolitical consequences, civil liberty, and terrorism, this major reference work is a dynamic resource for policymakers, strategists, government officials, politicians, sociologists, students and educators of higher education, librarians, researchers, and academicians.

This book provides a state-of-the-art analysis of India's foreign and security policies, examining e.g. the country's security, economic and trade ties and interactions with Pakistan, China, the United States, Japan, the Middle East and ASEAN. Furthermore, the contributors provide the reader with an overview and analysis of the quality and challenges of India's regional and global trade and investment policies. While in the past India has been a reluctant and not particularly prominent foreign and security policy actor in East and Southeast Asia as well as globally, China's resurgence and its assertive and increasingly aggressive regional security policies have led India's policymakers to reconsider the country's decades-old non-alignment policies and opt for expanding security and defence ties with the United States, Japan and others. The Indian-Chinese border clashes in 2020 and China's unlawful occupation of disputed territories along the Indian-Chinese border in the Himalayas have convinced Delhi's policymakers and the country's security and defence elites that India is well advised to join and contribute to US-led China containment policies. The expansion of India's security and defence ties with Japan over recent years in particular will continue to be instrumental to keeping Beijing's territorial expansionism in Southeast and South Asia in check. This volume analyses India's involvement and engagement in regional and global trade and investment structures and flows in great detail. Written by a team of prolific European and Indian scholars, the book will be of interest to researchers in the fields of international relations and security studies, as well as policymakers at governmental or international organizations.

This book addresses one of the most important issues in international relations – how wars are ended. The volume draws on the direct experience of both soldiers and academics, who in each case have also been advisers on fighting and ending wars. Unlike more theoretical works, the book draws on first-hand experiences in the case studies, which include the wars in Iraq, Afghanistan, Sierra Leone and Indonesia, among others. The volume is constructed around a series of themes. The first theme is why wars start and how they can be understood, based on the assumption that knowing how, and why, wars start is fundamental to understanding how they might end. The second is what sustains wars and what makes them difficult to end. Again, once wars start, understanding what keeps them going is critical to how to end them. The third focuses on the role of external intervention in ending wars, including as a belligerent partner in war, as a peacemaking or peacekeeping force, and as a mediator between warring parties. The fourth addresses the issue of ‘ripeness'and the right conditions for ending wars. The fifth addresses the modalities for ending wars and creating peace, with the sixth theme being focused on transitions to peace and what is required to help make those transitions successful. The book will be of interest to students of military, strategic and security studies, peace studies and International Relations.

This volume focuses on the interconnections between the Cold War, technological innovation and globalization. Although the consequences of globalization have received ample attention in both academia and the public discourse, only limited attention has so far been given to the factors that instigated various waves of this process. This holds particularly true for the period following World War II, during which a struggle between the two global blocs fanned not only technological innovations but also their transfer. This volume is dedicated to examining the links between the Cold War and this phase in the history of globalization, a phase that gradually made the world—despite high levels of international tension—more and more inter-related. More specifically, it anchors a very contemporary phenomenon to its historical context and pinpoints how the varied and multi-layered East-West interactions helped to induce and foster the globalization processes. Emphasizing technology and its cross-bloc flows, as well as several levels of actors, including states, private companies, and individuals, this volume reflects an important shift towards'transnationalism'which has occurred in the historiography in the recent years.This book will be of interest to students of Cold War Studies, science and technology studies, and International Relations.

This book demonstrates that the disciplinary boundaries present within international relations approaches to security studies are redundant when examining social media, and inter- and multi-disciplinary analysis is key. A key result of the analysis undertaken is that when examining the social media sphere security scholars need to “expect the unexpected”. This is because social media enables users to subvert, contest and create security narratives with symbols and idioms of their choice which can take into account “traditional” security themes, but also unexpected and under explored themes such as narratives from the local context of the users'towns and cities, and the symbolism of football clubs. The book also explores the complex topography of social media when considering constructions of security. The highly dynamic topography of social media is neither elite dominated and hierarchical as the Copenhagen School conceptualises security speak. However, neither is it completely flat and egalitarian as suggested by the vernacular security studies'non-elite approach. Rather, social media's topography is shifting and dynamic, with individuals gaining influence in security debates in unpredictable ways. In examining social media this book engages with the emancipatory burden of critical security studies. This book argues that it remains unfulfilled on social media and rather presents a “thin” notion of discursive emancipation where social media does provide the ability for previously excluded voices to participate in security debates, even if this does not result in their direct emancipation from power hierarchies and structures offline.

This book explores the largely neglected issue of responses to the US Strategic Defence Initiative (SDI, or the'Star Wars'missile defence programme) across NATO.The chapters here explore the reactions of different Western allies to the announcement of the SDI in 1983 and especially the 1985 invitation to participate. While existing studies have explored the origins of the American programme and the role it may have played in ending the Cold War, this volume breaks new ground by considering the impact of the SDI on transatlantic relations in the 1980s. Based on newly available archival sources, this volume re-evaluates the responses of eight NATO member-state governments, as well as the Soviet leadership, to the SDI. In addition to looking at ‘top-down'governmental reactions, the volume also explores the ‘bottom-up'response to the SDI of civil society and peace activists on both sides of the Atlantic. The volume examines how the American initiative – derisively named ‘Star Wars'by its detractors – provoked a crisis in relations with its allies during the final decade of the Cold War and how those tensions within NATO were ultimately resolved.This book will be of much interest to students of Cold War history, strategic studies, foreign policy and international history.

Spätestens seit der ausgerufenen „Zeitenwende“ muss Sicherheitspolitik nicht nur neu, sondern auch anders gedacht werden. Der Dreiklang von Sicherheit, die Frieden schafft und Entwicklung ermöglicht, ist nicht mehr im Sinne von humanitären Interventionen zu denken, sondern in einem unübersichtlichen und mannigfaltigen politischen Umfeld neu zu verorten. Dieses Buch leistet einen Diskussionsbeitrag zu den Herausforderungen, Zielen und Konflikten in diesen interdependenten Politikfeldern. Die unterschiedlichen Perspektiven aus Sicht der Friedens-, Sicherheits- und Entwicklungspolitik werden durch Fallbeispiele illustriert.

Disarmament in the Time of Perestroika is the definitive history of the implementation of the INF Treaty signed by Mikhail Gorbachev and Ronald Reagan in all its complexities, and the lengths both sides went to “trust, but verify” this successful and unique historic disarmament process. It demonstrates how two nations fundamentally at odds with one another could come together and rid the world of weapons which threatened international peace and security and, indeed, all of humanity. Those engaged were pioneers in what was to be the new frontier of superpower arms control—on-site inspection—that would define compliance verification for future treaties and agreements to come. Their work represents not just a guide to but the standard upon which all future on-site inspections will be based and judged. Ritter traces in great detail the formation of the On-Site Inspection Agency, who was involved, and how a technologically advanced compliance verification system was installed outside the gates of one of the most sensitive military industrial facilities in the remote Soviet city of Votkinsk, nestled in the foothills of the Ural Mountains in the Soviet Union. He draws upon his own personal history— occasionally hilarious, occasionally fraught with peril— as well as the recollections of the other inspectors and personnel involved, and an extensive archive of reports and memoranda relating to the work of OSIA to tell the story of how OSIA was created, and the first three years of inspection operations at the Votkinsk portal monitoring facility. The Votkinsk Portal, circa December 1988, was the wild, wild East of arms control, a place where the inspectors and inspected alike were writing the rules of the game as it played out before them. This treaty implementation did not occur in a geopolitical vacuum. Ritter captures, on a human level, the historic changes taking place inside the Soviet Union under the leadership of Mikhail Gorbachev due to the new policies of perestroika and glasnost that gripped the Soviet Union during this time, and their real and meaningful impact on the lives of the Soviet people, and the economic functioning of the Soviet nation. Much of it was for the worse. The INF treaty was not only born of these new policies, but also helped trigger meaningful changes inside the Soviet Union due to the economic and political implications brought on by the cessation of missile production in a factory town whose lifeblood was missile production.

This book analyses the emergence of the Indian Ocean as security complex and a strategic space of central importance and also looks at its prospective future. As well as US-China rivalry, the India-China rivalry is now the defining factor in the Indian Ocean – irrespective of the strategic asymmetry. This new situation has opened a space for middle-powers, old and new, to intervene. The authors argue that this situation may turn into an additional source of instability and that the creation of an inclusive and comprehensive regional security architecture, as well as the strengthening of regional multilateralism, should be the priority of all stakeholders in the coming decade.

This book provides a critical overview of the occurrence of war in the international system by examining the concept from multiple perspectives and theoretical backgrounds.War is an essential concept in international affairs, if for no other reason than because prevention of war requires an in-depth understanding of it as a concept. This book seeks to examine the continued occurrence of war in international relations, despite the emergence of arguments concerning its obsolescence. It provides a new cognitive framework through which to understand war as a phenomenon, which can be applied to real-world scenarios and policy issues, making use of case studies predominantly from China and Japan. Theoretically, the book is primarily based on a structural realist framework but adopts a significant constructivist component through the emphasis on identity and reputation in the international system. The volume offers a nuanced yet holistic approach to the theory of war and seeks to engage critically with the major theoretical approaches, pointing out the major criticisms of these ideas and how the theories correlate.This book will be of much interest to students of strategic studies, foreign policy, and International Relations.

The End of Victory recounts the costs of failure in nuclear war through the work of the most secret deliberative body of the National Security Council, the Net Evaluation Subcommittee (NESC). From 1953 onward, US leaders wanted to know as precisely as possible what would happen if they failed in a nuclear war—how many Americans would die and how much of the country would remain. The NESC told Presidents Dwight Eisenhower and John F. Kennedy what would be the result of the worst failure of American strategy—a maximum-effort surprise Soviet nuclear assault on the United States. Edward Kaplan details how NESC studies provided key information for presidential decisions on the objectives of a war with the USSR and on the size and shape of the US military. The subcommittee delivered its annual reports in a decade marked by crises in Berlin, Quemoy and Matsu, Laos, and Cuba, among others. During these critical moments and day-to-day containment of the USSR, the NESC's reports offered the best estimates of the butcher's bill of conflict and of how to reduce the cost in American lives.Taken with the intelligence community's assessment of the probability of a surprise attack, the NESC's work framed the risks of US strategy in the chilliest years of the Cold War. The End of Victory reveals how all policy decisions run risks—and ones involving military force run grave ones—though they can rarely be known with precision.

Die Ankündigung eines 100 Mrd.-Sondervermögens für die Bundeswehr durch Bundeskanzler Scholz richtete den Fokus auf die Sicherheit Deutschlands. Neben Defiziten in den Bereichen Katastrophenschutz, Cybersicherheit und Energieabhängigkeit weisen die deutschen Streitkräfte wegen langjähriger Unterfinanzierung erhebliche Probleme der Einsatzbereitschaft auf. Das Sondervermögen trägt dazu bei, das 2%-Ziel der NATO zu erfüllen. Es bietet die Chance, Kampfkraft und Image der Bundeswehr sowie die Rolle Deutschlands in der NATO zu stärken. Voraussetzung für eine wirksame Umsetzung sind eine signifikante Verbesserung der Prozesse Beschaffung, Personalgewinnung und Infrastruktur bei der Bundeswehr sowie eine nachhaltige Finanzierung auch nach Aufbrauchen des Sondervermögens.

Impending technological advances will widen an adversary's attack plane over the next decade. Visualizing what the future will hold, and what new threat vectors could emerge, is a task that traditional planning mechanisms struggle to accomplish given the wide range of potential issues. Understanding and preparing for the future operating environment is the basis of an analytical method known as Threatcasting. It is a method that gives researchers a structured way to envision and plan for risks ten years in the future. Threatcasting uses input from social science, technical research, cultural history, economics, trends, expert interviews, and even a little science fiction to recognize future threats and design potential futures. During this human-centric process, participants brainstorm what actions can be taken to identify, track, disrupt, mitigate, and recover from the possible threats. Specifically, groups explore how to transform the future they desire into reality while avoiding an undesired future. The Threatcasting method also exposes what events could happen that indicate the progression toward an increasingly possible threat landscape. This book begins with an overview of the Threatcasting method with examples and case studies to enhance the academic foundation. Along with end-of-chapter exercises to enhance the reader's understanding of the concepts, there is also a full project where the reader can conduct a mock Threatcasting on the topic of “the next biological public health crisis.” The second half of the book is designed as a practitioner's handbook. It has three separate chapters (based on the general size of the Threatcasting group) that walk the reader through how to apply the knowledge from Part I to conduct an actual Threatcasting activity. This book will be useful for a wide audience (from student to practitioner) and will hopefully promote new dialogues across communities and novel developments in the area.

How do military organizations learn? This book covers an important instance of military learning in which the United States military systematically examined the lessons of Israel's decisive victory in the 1973 Yom Kippur War and applied those lessons towards major doctrinal and equipment changes. The book relies heavily on Paul Senge's model of learning organizations outlined in his seminal work, The Fifth Dimension. Using Senge's model, the book examines the Departments of the Army, Air Force, and Navy's reactions to the Yom Kippur War and how they organizationally incorporated—or ignored—the lessons of the conflict within their force. Using source documents, including personal memoirs, doctrinal publications, and individual reflections, the book offers a vital examination of how militaries can use foreign conflicts to make substantive and necessary organizational changes. The Yom Kippur War, particularly the Israeli experience in that conflict, provided the American military a battle laboratory in which to develop new warfighting concepts and assess new weapons acquisitions. In its conclusion, the book offers a cautionary tale that suggests learning and change do not come automatically to military organizations. If they are to be successful in the future, military organizations must embrace learning structures.

This book examines the United States neoconservative movement, arguing that its support for the 2003 invasion of Iraq was rooted in an intelligence theory shaped by the policy struggles of the Cold War. The origins of neoconservative engagement with intelligence theory are traced to a tradition of labour anti-communism that emerged in the early 20th century and subsequently provided the Central Intelligence Agency with key allies in the state-private networks of the Cold War era. Reflecting on the break-up of Cold War liberalism and the challenge to state-private networks in the 1970s, the book maps the neoconservative response that influenced developments in United States intelligence policy, counterintelligence and covert action. With the labour roots of neoconservatism widely acknowledged but rarely systematically pursued, this new approach deploys the neoconservative literature of intelligence as evidence of a tradition rooted in the labour anti-communist self-image as allies rather than agents of the American state. This book will be of great interest to all students of intelligence studies, Cold War history, United States foreign policy and international relations.

This volume examines intelligence services since 1945 in their role as knowledge producers.Intelligence agencies are producers and providers of arcane information. However, little is known about the social, cultural and material dimensions of their knowledge production, processing and distribution. This volume starts from the assumption that during the Cold War, these core activities of information services underwent decisive changes, of which scientization and computerisation are essential. With a focus on the emerging alliances between intelligence agencies, science and (computer) technology, the chapters empirically explore these transformations and are characterised by innovative combinations of intelligence history with theoretical considerations from the history of science and technology and the history of knowledge.At the same time, the book challenges the bipolarity of Cold War history in general and of intelligence history in particular in favour of comparative and transnational perspectives. The focus is not only the Soviet Union and the United States, but also Poland, Turkey, the two German states and Brazil. This approach reveals surprising commonalities across systems: time and again, the expansion and use of intelligence knowledge came up against the limits that resulted from intelligence culture itself. The book enriches our global understanding of knowledge of the state and contributes to a historical framework for the past decade of debates about the societal consequences of intelligence data processing.This book will be of much interest to students of intelligence studies, science and technology studies, security studies and International Relations.

War is changing. The cybersphere, civil society, outer space... all are emerging as domains in which battles are fought. What drives this shift? How is it affecting the character and conduct of war? What are the implications for military strategy? As they address these fundamental questions, Jahara Matisek and Buddhika Jayamaha show how today's civil society, technology, and military organizations are dramatically transforming warfare—in a world in which war is at once everywhere and nowhere, and nearly everything can be weaponized.

A leading historian's guide to great-power competition, as told through America's successes and failures in the Cold War“If you want to know how America can win today's rivalries with Russia and China, read this book about how it triumphed in another twilight struggle: the Cold War.”— Stephen J. Hadley, national security adviser to President George W. Bush The United States is entering an era of great-power competition with China and Russia. Such global struggles happen in a geopolitical twilight, between the sunshine of peace and the darkness of war. In this innovative and illuminating book, Hal Brands, a leading historian and former Pentagon adviser, argues that America should look to the history of the Cold War for lessons in how to succeed in great-power rivalry today. Although the threat posed by authoritarian powers is growing, America's muscle memory for dealing with dangerous foes has atrophied in the thirty years since the Cold War ended. In long-term competitions where the diplomatic jockeying is intense and the threat of violence is omnipresent, the United States will need all the historical insight it can get. Exploring how America won a previous twilight struggle is the starting point for determining how America can successfully prosecute another high-stakes rivalry today.

This edited book offers a collection of highly nuanced accounts of children and childhoods in peace and conflict across political time and space. Organized according to three broad themes (ontologies, pedagogies, and contingencies), each chapter explores the complexities of a particular case study, providing new insights into the ways children's lives figure as terrains of engagement, contestation, ambivalence, resistance, and reproduction of militarisms. The first three chapters challenge dominant ontologies that prefigure childhood in particular ways. These include who counts as a child worthy of protection, questions of voice and participation, and the diminution of agency. The chapters in the second section bring to view everyday pedagogies whereby myriad knowledges, performances, practices, and competencies may function to militarize children's lives, including in but not limited to advanced (post)industrial societies of the global North. The thirdand final section includes investigations that foreground questions of responsibility to children. Here, contributors assess, among other things, resilience-building, the exigencies of protection, and the ethics of military recruitment practices targeting children.

​This book explores the multilayer nexus among inter-related international and regional security parameters that critically define the EU's rapidly changing security environment. In terms of intensity, complexity and urgency these changes constitute challenges that threaten the very core of European security – both internal and external. In a fluid and transitional international environment of diversified needs and polymorphic threats the space dimension acquires a novel unified meaning.The book closely examines the EU's current strategic, organisational and defence capabilities regarding global, regional and domestic challenges such as terrorism, systemic instability, global order and a number of crucial hindrances to transatlantic cooperation. The chapters offer not only valuable theoretical insights, but also unique perspectives on operational and organisational elements of EU applied policies based on the testimonies of field experts. The combinationof theory-based approaches and the demonstration of the EU's operational capabilities and weaknesses as externalized through its global strategy choices provide an overall evaluation of adopted policies and their effects. This is crucial in a global transition period that will define the EU's role and its potential to produce desired outcomes through synergies with its strategic allies.

Perceptions of time contributed to recent Western military failingsThe “decline of the West” is once again a frequent topic of speculation. Often cited as one element of the alleged decline is the succession of prolonged and unsuccessful wars—most notably those waged in recent decades by the United States. This book by three Danish military experts examines not only the validity of the speculation but also asks why the West, particularly its military effectiveness, might be perceived as in decline.Temporality is the central concept linking a series of structural fractures that leave the West seemingly muscle-bound: overwhelmingly powerful in technology and military might but strategically fragile. This temporality, the authors say, is composed of three interrelated dimensions: trajectories, perceptions, and pace.First, Western societies to tend view time as a linear trajectory, focusing mostly on recent and current events and leading to the framing of history as a story of rise and decline. The authors examine whether the inevitable fall already has happened, is underway, or is still in the future.Perceptions of time also vary across cultures and periods, shaping socio-political activities, including warfare. The enemy, for example, can be perceived as belong to another time (being “backward” or “barbarian”). And war can be seen either as cyclical or exceptional, helping frame the public's willingness to accept its violent and tragic consequences.The pace of war is another factor shaping policies and actions. Western societies emphasize speed: the shorter the war the better, even if the long-term result is unsuccessful. Ironically, one of the Western world's least successful wars also has been America's longest, in Afghanistan.This unique book is thus a critical assessment of the evolution and future of Western military power. It contributes much-needed insight into the potential for the West's political and institutional renewal.

This book argues that the risk of harm in armed conflict should be divided equally between combatants and enemy non-combatants.International law requires that combatants in war take ‘all feasible precautions'to minimise damage to civilian objects, injury to civilians, and incidental loss of civilian life. However, there is no clear explanation of what ‘feasible precautions'means in this context, or what would count as sufficiently minimised incidental harm. As a result, it is difficult to judge whether a particular war or offensive actually satisfies this requirement. Just war theorists often consider it common sense that merely not intending to harm innocent civilians is not sufficient, but there is little clarity in the literature regarding what this means. One crucial question that is almost always overlooked is that of what the appropriate baseline distribution of risk should be.This book defends the Minimal Harm Requirement (MHR), which states that combatants should make an effort to reduce merely foreseen harm to enemy non-combatants to the lowest reasonable level. In order to assess which risk impositions are reasonable, and which are not, an egalitarian baseline should be adopted, suggesting that other things being equal risk of harm should be distributed equally between just combatants and unjust non-combatants.This book will be of much interest to students of just war theory, ethics, security studies, and international relations.

This invaluable text assesses the current research and theory on the causes of both war and peace. In a completely new set of chapters, leading international relations scholars explore the role of territorial disputes, power, alliances, arms races, rivalry, and nuclear weapons in bringing about war; the outcomes and consequences of war; and the factors that promote peace, including democracy, norms, capitalist economies, and stable borders. The third edition includes a new section on emerging trends in research on cyber war, the environment and climate change, leaders, war financing, and trends in interstate conflict. Reviewing fifty years of scientific research, the contributors provide an accessible and up-to-date overview of current knowledge and an agenda for future research.

KI-Anwendungen drängen auf breiter Front in das Militär hinein, wodurch sich vielfältige Chancen ergeben (in der Administration, der Krisenfrüherkennung, im militärischen Führungsvorgang, beim Waffeneinsatz,.im „Drohnenkrieg“, in hybriden Konflikten). Die Entwicklung von Letalen Autonomen Waffensystemen bringt geopolitische, ethische und (völker-)rechtliche Risiken, deren Lösung derzeit nicht absehbar ist. Bisher scheuen die Mächte, die KI entwickeln, allerdings als „letzten Schritt“ die Übertragung der Entscheidungsgewalt über das Töten von Menschen an Maschinen. Dieses käme einer Öffnung der „Büchse der Pandora“ gleich.

Die Autorinnen und Autoren des Bandes zeichnen die manifeste Krise der nuklearen Rüstungskontrolle, Abrüstung und Nichtverbreitung in ihren unterschiedlichen Facetten nach, arbeiten die Ursachen für diese Krise heraus und diskutieren mögliche Entwicklungsszenarien in den genannten Bereichen. Die Wechselwirkungen zwischen den einzelnen Teilbereichen der nuklearen Ordnung, die Implikationen von globalen Machtverschiebungen, technologischen Entwicklungen und Nuklearstrategien sowie die Positionierung von unterschiedlichen Akteuren und die sich daraus ergebenden Konsequenzen werden in den einzelnen Beiträgen vertiefend diskutiert. Während die nukleare Rüstungspolitik insbesondere der USA, aber auch Russlands, in den Analysen einen zentralen Platz einnehmen, werden auch die Rolle von internationalen Organisationen und die Positionierung von ausgewählten Akteuren wie etwa Deutschland in spezifischen Fragen herausgearbeitet. Der Band schließt mit Analysen zu rezenten Entwicklungen in den Fällen Nordkorea und Iran ab.

Here is the first in-depth analysis and comparison of U.S. policy in two seminal conflicts of our recent history: the Cold War and the Global War on Terrorism. Unlike previous publications, which deal with each conflict separately, Two American Crusades t

This book examines the meaning and management of time as a facet of the art of war in general but especially operational art. While force-time-place has for a long time been considered to be the essential trinity of warfare, the aspect of time remains largely under-researched. Relying on classic texts on art of war, the author engages with some of the top theorists and practitioners of art of war from the age of Sun Tzu to the network-centric warfare about the role of time and its management in operational art. Relying on Alvin Toffler's theory of the “three waves,” the volume follows research into development of operational art through cycles from the agrarian age to the industrial age and into the information age.