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This book presents in detail the negotiations on the budget of the European Union, which take place every seven years, and discusses the central elements of this European budgetary system. The author explains the various interests and the resulting distributional conflicts, traces the genesis of this highly complex process, discusses the system of inflows and reflows, and sheds particular light on German European policy.

This book provides a conceptual and methodological approach for researchers evaluating governance and policy in the face of complexity, and demonstrates the application of this approach across different governance and policy contexts. It fills a significant gap in the literature on governance, and proposes a theoretical focus on coordination to enable the assessment of multi-tier, cross-sector governance institutions and policy. It also introduces a range of applications for the proposed approach, including two case studies of governance and policy for the built environment and health services. The book introduces, analyses and draws from a range of perspectives in political economy, political science, policy analysis and evaluation. It also engages with longstanding debates in political economy about states and markets, which are largely overlooked by political science analyses of coordination challenges in governance. The book will appeal to scholars and students of governance, public policy and political science.

This book examines the transformation of the administrative state, since it was first coined by Dwight Waldo seventy years ago. Empirically, the book assesses how the administrative state is facing endogenous reforms through administrative devolution, as well as exogenous shifts by the rise of multilevel administrative systems and international bureaucracy. Facing dual shifts, the book offers a comprehensive analysis of how the administrative state handles three interconnected challenges: first, a need for innovation and reform, as well as stability and robustness; second, administrative autonomy among regulatory bodies, as well as political leadership and democratic accountability; and third, nation-state sovereignty and international collaboration. It also highlights the robust character of the administrative state by demonstrating profound stability in public governance even during times of profound turbulence. It will appeal to scholars and students of public policy, public administration and global governance, as well as practitioners interested in new developments in public governance.

This global encyclopedic work serves as a comprehensive collection of global scholarship regarding the vast fields of public administration, public policy, governance, and management. Written and edited by leading international scholars and practitioners, this exhaustive resource covers all areas of the above fields and their numerous subfields of study. In keeping with the multidisciplinary spirit of these fields and subfields, the entries make use of various theoretical, empirical, analytical, practical, and methodological bases of knowledge.Expanded and updated, the second edition includes over a thousand of new entries representing the most current research in public administration, public policy, governance, nonprofit and nongovernmental organizations, and management covering such important sub-areas as: 1. organization theory, behavior, change and development; 2. administrative theory and practice; 3. Bureaucracy; 4. public budgeting and financial management; 5. public economy and public management 6. public personnel administration and labor-management relations; 7. crisis and emergency management; 8. institutional theory and public administration; 9. law and regulations; 10. ethics and accountability; 11. public governance and private governance; 12. Nonprofit management and nongovernmental organizations; 13. Social, health, and environmental policy areas; 14. pandemic and crisis management; 15. administrative and governance reforms; 16. comparative public administration and governance; 17. globalization and international issues; 18. performance management; 19. geographical areas of the world with country-focused entries like Japan, China, Latin America, Europe, Asia, Africa, the Middle East, Russia and Eastern Europe, North America; and 20. a lot more.Relevant to professionals, experts, scholars, general readers, researchers, policy makers and manger, and students worldwide, this work will serve as the most viable global reference source for those looking for an introduction and advance knowledge to the field.

This short book contributes to accelerating the process of recognition of governance studies as a heuristically powerful field of study in two distinct ways. In Part I, it shows first how the governance approach has emerged in response to the limitations of the two main cosmologies that have dominated the 20th century scene type-I liberalism rooted in the market and decentralization; and type-II liberalism rooted in statism and centralization. It proposes a better way to respond effectively to the challenges of effective coordination when power, resources and information are widely distributed into many hands and heads. This new approach has been criticized by the defenders of the ruling cosmologies, but it has evolved effective prototypes of inquiring systems capable of guiding the search for effective wayfinding and for the design of organizational arrangements ensuring effectiveness, resilience and innovation. In Part II, it explores how the governance approach may help in tackling wicked policy problems where ends are neither well known nor agreed upon, and means-ends relationships are either poorly understood or unstable. Three somewhat different cases are discussed: equality where a dominant ideology of egalitarianism in democratic societies is challenged with great difficulty by a cosmology of equability; diversity where, in Canada, maximum diversity would appear to be regarded as optimal diversity, and multiculturalism is propagandized as the nec plus ultra response even though it may be shown to be toxic; and sustainability, where the problem definition and the general direction in which a viable organizational learning regime will emerge are unclear. On both fronts, the book tries to bring a bit of subtlety, a taste for complexity, and some innovative ideas to debates that have wallowed, both at the conceptual and at the practical levels, in ideologically muddy waters.

This short book contributes to accelerating the process of recognition of governance studies as a heuristically powerful field of study in two distinct ways. In Part I, it shows first how the governance approach has emerged in response to the limitations of the two main cosmologies that have dominated the 20th century scene type-I liberalism rooted in the market and decentralization; and type-II liberalism rooted in statism and centralization. It proposes a better way to respond effectively to the challenges of effective coordination when power, resources and information are widely distributed into many hands and heads. This new approach has been criticized by the defenders of the ruling cosmologies, but it has evolved effective prototypes of inquiring systems capable of guiding the search for effective wayfinding and for the design of organizational arrangements ensuring effectiveness, resilience and innovation. In Part II, it explores how the governance approach may help in tackling wicked policy problems where ends are neither well known nor agreed upon, and means-ends relationships are either poorly understood or unstable. Three somewhat different cases are discussed: equality where a dominant ideology of egalitarianism in democratic societies is challenged with great difficulty by a cosmology of equability; diversity where, in Canada, maximum diversity would appear to be regarded as optimal diversity, and multiculturalism is propagandized as the nec plus ultra response even though it may be shown to be toxic; and sustainability, where the problem definition and the general direction in which a viable organizational learning regime will emerge are unclear. On both fronts, the book tries to bring a bit of subtlety, a taste for complexity, and some innovative ideas to debates that have wallowed, both at the conceptual and at the practical levels, in ideologically muddy waters.

Dieses Buch stellt detailliert die alle sieben Jahre stattfindenden Verhandlungen über das Budget der Europäischen Union vor und erörtert die zentralen Elemente des europäischen Haushaltssystems. Der Autor erklärt die unterschiedlichen Interessen und die daraus resultierenden Verteilungskonflikte, zeichnet die Entstehung dieses höchst komplexen Systems aus Einzahlungen und Rückflüssen nach und beleuchtet dabei insbesondere die deutsche Europapolitik. Der Band wurde nach Abschluss der Verhandlungen über den EU-Haushalt 2021-27 grundlegend überarbeitet, aktualisiert und erweitert.

Die Demokratie durchläuft im Zuge der fortschreitenden Modernisierung einen Erosionsprozess. Dadurch werden ihre notwendigen Voraussetzungen – die Autonomie der politischen Willensbildung in gleichheitsbasierten Verfahren, der Zusammenhalt der demokratischen Bürgerschaft und die rationale staatliche Steuerungsfähigkeit – allmählich zersetzt. Die wirklichkeitswissenschaftlichen Analysen Michael Th. Grevens wollen belegen: Sowohl die Demokratie als auch die mit ihr verschwisterten bürgerlichen Revolutionen sind im Begriff Geschichte zu werden.

This is the first book in several years to review the foreign policies of major Southeast Asian states and the first ever to include those frequently neglected smaller states. It is also unique in the editors'adherence to a new comparative framework which attempts to weave together the earlier literature on comparative foreign policy analysis and current concepts of political economy. Comparative foreign policy studies are introduced by three distinguished scholars in that field. A general survey of international relations in Southeast Asia then precedes the country chapters, all authored by experienced specialists. A concluding chapter attempts to identify the emerging patterns of Southeast Asian foreign policy and suggest explanations for them.

A groundbreaking work that identifies the real culprit behind one of the great economic crimes of our time— the growing inequality of incomes between the vast majority of Americans and the richest of the rich. We all know that the very rich have gotten a lot richer these past few decades while most Americans haven't. In fact, the exorbitantly paid have continued to thrive during the current economic crisis, even as the rest of Americans have continued to fall behind. Why do the “haveit- alls” have so much more? And how have they managed to restructure the economy to reap the lion's share of the gains and shift the costs of their new economic playground downward, tearing new holes in the safety net and saddling all of us with increased debt and risk? Lots of so-called experts claim to have solved this great mystery, but no one has really gotten to the bottom of it—until now. In their lively and provocative Winner-Take-All Politics, renowned political scientists Jacob S. Hacker and Paul Pierson demonstrate convincingly that the usual suspects—foreign trade and financial globalization, technological changes in the workplace, increased education at the top—are largely innocent of the charges against them. Instead, they indict an unlikely suspect and take us on an entertaining tour of the mountain of evidence against the culprit. The guilty party is American politics. Runaway inequality and the present economic crisis reflect what government has done to aid the rich and what it has not done to safeguard the interests of the middle class. The winner-take-all economy is primarily a result of winner-take-all politics. In an innovative historical departure, Hacker and Pierson trace the rise of the winner-take-all economy back to the late 1970s when, under a Democratic president and a Democratic Congress, a major transformation of American politics occurred. With big business and conservative ideologues organizing themselves to undo the regulations and progressive tax policies that had helped ensure a fair distribution of economic rewards, deregulation got under way, taxes were cut for the wealthiest, and business decisively defeated labor in Washington. And this transformation continued under Reagan and the Bushes as well as under Clinton, with both parties catering to the interests of those at the very top. Hacker and Pierson's gripping narration of the epic battles waged during President Obama's first two years in office reveals an unpleasant but catalyzing truth: winner-take-all politics, while under challenge, is still very much with us. Winner-Take-All Politics—part revelatory history, part political analysis, part intellectual journey— shows how a political system that traditionally has been responsive to the interests of the middle class has been hijacked by the superrich. In doing so, it not only changes how we think about American politics, but also points the way to rebuilding a democracy that serves the interests of the many rather than just those of the wealthy few.

Can a liberal polity act on pressing matters of public concern in a way that respects the variety of beliefs and commitments that its citizens hold? Recent efforts to answer this question typically begin by seeking an uncontroversial starting point from which legitimate public ends can be said to follow. This reluctance to admit controversial beliefs as legitimate grounds for public action threatens to prevent us from responding effectively to many of the leading social and political challenges that we face.Eric MacGilvray argues that we should shift our attention away from the problem of identifying uncontroversial public ends in the present and toward the problem of evaluating potentially controversial public ends through collective inquiry over time. Rather than ask ourselves which public ends are justified, we must instead decide which public ends we should seek to justify.Reconstructing Public Reason offers a fundamental rethinking of the nature and aims of liberal toleration, and of the political implications of pragmatic philosophy. It also provides fresh interpretations of founding pragmatic thinkers such as John Dewey and William James, and of leading contemporary figures such as John Rawls and Richard Rorty.

This volume offers a detailed account of German political institutions as they have developed over the last decades. Each of the individual chapters, written by leading German specialists, provides a balanced assessment of the institution under consideration as well as the more recent political research in the given field. The extended introductory chapter by the editor gives an overview of how the institutional system of the Federal Republic has combined the conflicting tasks of political stability and adaptation.

A wide-ranging and authoritative study of British foreign policy in the critical years after the 1919 Paris Peace Conference. Policy towards Western and Eastern Europe, Russia, Turkey, the Middle East, United States and Far East is examined alongside such themes as the role of Prime Minister, Foreign Secretary and Cabinet in policy formulation. The evolution and execution of policy is set alongside the limitations imposed on British statesmen by the dominions, armed forces, economic weakness and domestic politics.