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Se il delicato equilibrio tra stato e mercato viene meno e un capitalismo senza regole pretende di dettare legge, a rischio sono l'eguaglianza, la democrazia, la pace. Le ultime guerre ne sono la prova: frutto di scelte criminali compiute da leader che perseguono i propri interessi privati o di clan, trovano alimento in un mercato globale che oramai si dimostra perfettamente in grado di gestire in piena autonomia tutte le sfere interessate, finanziaria, produttiva e commerciale. Dopo il 1989, con il superamento del mondo diviso in blocchi, ci si aspettava il trionfo della democrazia. E invece assistiamo al trionfo di un capitalismo in pieno delirio di onnipotenza, cui fa da contraltare la ritirata dello stato democratico: graduale distruzione del welfare, abbandono delle lotte per i diritti, crescita esponenziale delle diseguaglianze. A un secolo dalle guerre mondiali, l'attacco scatenato da Putin il 24 febbraio 2022 sembra aver riportato il mondo sull'orlo di un nuovo conflitto globale. E altre tragedie si stanno consumando intorno al nodo irrisolto tra Israele e Palestina. Poco o nulla del contesto odierno, tuttavia, ha a che vedere con il mondo del passato; e non si possono interpretare gli eventi odierni appellandosi a vecchie categorie. L'invasione dell'Ucraina, ad esempio, va considerata come una conseguenza della globalizzazione fuori controllo e si inserisce nel filone delle'nuove guerre', che vedono protagonisti – insieme alle forze armate tradizionali – mercenari, terroristi, mafiosi e nelle quali la logica privatistica del mercato si fa gioco delle ideologie. Il tempo è quasi scaduto: le democrazie devono riprendere terreno sul'capitalismo di sangue', consapevoli del fatto che una guerra globale renderebbe inutile il capitalismo stesso.

An original theory of contemporary capitalist growth and its socio-ecological contradictions'A timely and urgent analysis which seeks to comprehend our ecological plight through an elucidation of monopoly capital'- Gareth Dale, Reader in Political Economy, Brunel UniversityCapital is pushing into motion ever larger global material flows. In doing so it has come to depend on massive expenditures of energy, putting to work fossil fuels and the machines they animate to transform the world, accumulate power and grow the economy. The ecological relations and crises of today's societies are driven by the processes of extraction of the elements that come together as a throughput of material and energy flows controlled by capital and shaped by its imperative of valorization.In A Social Ecology of Capital, Éric Pineault proposes an original model of the fossil social metabolism that has sustained the growth of advanced capitalism in the last century.Drawing on ecological economics and critical political economy, the book analyses how the social structures of accumulation, production, consumption and waste determine and regulate the material flow and the accumulation of material artifacts. Showing how social relations shape the ecology of capital, the book highlights the contradictions humanity now faces.

Capitalism has lost its glamor. In just three decades since it'defeated'a totalitarian Soviet Union, capitalism is today blamed for slowing growth, a dangerously changing climate, inequality, social misery, and a rise in nationalist populism. How did capitalism fall so far from grace? Capitalism for All show how, quite simply, the governments of the world's wealthiest countries have forgotten capitalism's initial purpose. It was born out of a liberal philosophy that values the competition of ideas and goods in the service of social progress while respecting the individual and preventing excessive power. Yet, with the aid of governments, giant corporations, or'MegaCorps,'have usurped power, dominated markets, and reduced competition. The result is not liberal capitalism but what Neil E. Harrison and John Mikler term'CorpoCapitalism,'which results in an unhappy populace seeking radical political change while challenges like climate change continue to race forward largely unchecked. Capitalism for All explores how CorpoCapitalism came to be, argues that it is not inevitable, and explains how governments can wrest back power and create a capitalism for all.

Capitalism is in a profound state of crisis. Beyond the mere dispassionate cruelty of'ordinary'structural violence, it appears today as a global system bent on reckless economic revenge; its expression found in mass incarceration, climate chaos, unpayable debt, pharmaceutical violence and the relentless degradation of common life. In Revenge Capitalism, Max Haiven argues that this economic vengeance helps us explain the culture and politics of revenge we see in society more broadly. Moving from the history of colonialism and its continuing effects today, he examines the opioid crisis in the US, the growth of'surplus populations'worldwide and unpacks the central paradigm of unpayable debts - both as reparations owed, and as a methodology of oppression. Revenge Capitalism offers no easy answers, but is a powerful call to the radical imagination.

新しい働き方や暮らし方を模索するネクスト・エコノミー構想。テックカルチャーが企業や国家に代わる新しい社会を作る可能性を探る。

The origins of the next radical economy is rooted in a tradition that has empowered people for centuries and is now making a comeback. A new feudalism is on the rise. While monopolistic corporations feed their spoils to the rich, more and more of us are expected to live gig to gig. But, as Nathan Schneider shows, an alternative to the robber-baron economy is hiding in plain sight; we just need to know where to look. Cooperatives are jointly owned, democratically controlled enterprises that advance the economic, social, and cultural interests of their members. They often emerge during moments of crisis not unlike our own, putting people in charge of the workplaces, credit unions, grocery stores, healthcare, and utilities they depend on.Everything for Everyone chronicles this revolution -- from taxi cooperatives keeping Uber at bay, to an outspoken mayor transforming his city in the Deep South, to a fugitive building a fairer version of Bitcoin, to the rural electric co-op members who are propelling an aging system into the future. As these pioneers show, co-ops are helping us rediscover our capacity for creative, powerful, and fair democracy.

Point de haine de l'économie là où on nous fait aimer l'argent, à tout prix. Point de haine de l'économie, mais une économie de la haine. Le programme: faire l'économie de la haine. Haïr sans qu'il n'y paraisse. Ainsi s'investit-on dans l'asservissement à l'argent. Sous les données, sous les calculs et sous la spéculation: des crimes, du sang, du vol et des morts, mais assourdis par ce savoir économique et ses prérogatives légales. Car l'argent fait écran: faut-il qu'on délocalise des usines, licencie du personnel, pollue des rivières, contourne le fisc, soutienne des dictatures ou arme des chefs de guerre pour que le prix d'une action monte en Bourse? Cette culture de l'argent nous autorise précisément à faire l'économie de ces questions, sur le mode de l'autocensure. Alain Deneault en tire un à un les fils, pour libérer notre conscience de ce filtre marchand qui codifie le social.

What is the connection between the sleaziness of Harvey Weinstein's ‘business meetings'and the passionless doctrine of neoclassical economics? In this witty and incisive examination of the new economy, Peter Fleming argues that they are closer than you might think. The quest to rid society of bureaucracy, shrink government and burn red tape has certainly made capitalism ‘more human', but not in the family-friendly way envisaged by free-market gurus. Increasing informality has led to a capitalism fuelled by limitless exploitation and increasingly seedy methods of management, from semi-feudal workplace hazing rituals and predatory middle-managers with an axe to grind to arbitrary zero-hours contracts, Uber and, perhaps worst of all, the compulsory gym session with your boss. Fleming dubs this ‘Sugar Daddy Capitalism'after the controversial dating-app wealthy businessmen use to meet young girls, most of whom are struggling with university fees. What seems like a creepy outlier is actually a prescient metaphor for our whole economy: an anonymous and impersonal cash system that is also intent on getting under your skin, extra close and capable of ruining everything if you say... ‘no'.

This volume of essays examines the ways in which magical practices are found in different aspects of contemporary capitalist societies. From contract law to science, by way of finance, business, marketing, advertising, cultural production, and the political economy in general, each chapter argues that the kind of magic studied by anthropologists in less developed societies – shamanism, sorcery, enchantment, the occult – is not only alive and well, but flourishing in the midst of so-called ‘modernity'. Modern day magicians range from fashion designers and architects to Donald Trump and George Soros. Magical rites take place in the form of political summits, the transformation of products into brands through advertising campaigns, and the biannual fashion collections shown in New York, London, Milan and Paris. Magical language, in the form of magical spells, is used by everyone, from media to marketers and all others devoted to the art of ‘spin'.Whilemagic may appear to be opposed to systems of rational economic thought, Moeran and Malefyt highlight the ways it may in fact be an accomplice to it.

Twenty-First Century Inequality & Capitalism: Piketty, Marx and Beyond is a collection that begins with economist Thomas Piketty's 2014 book. Most chapters critique Piketty from the perspective of critical theory, global political economy or public sociology, drawing on the work of Karl Marx or the Marxist tradition. The emphasis focuses on elements that are under-theorized or omitted entirely from the economists'analysis. This includes the importance of considering class and labor dynamics, the recent rise of finance capitalism, insights from feminism, demography, and conflict studies, the Frankfurt School, the world market and the world-system, the rise of a transnational capitalist class, the coming environmental catastrophe, etc. Our goal is to fully understand and suggest action to address today's capitalist inequality crisis.Contributors are: Robert J. Antonio, J.I. (Hans) Bakker, Roslyn Wallach Bologh, Alessandro Bonanno, Christopher Chase-Dunn, Harry F. Dahms, Eoin Flaherty, Daniel Krier, Basak Kus, Lauren Langman, Dana Marie Louie, Peter Marcuse, Sandor Nagy, Charles Reitz, William I. Robinson, Saskia Sassen, David A. Smith, David N. Smith, Tony Smith, Michael Thompson, Sylvia Walby, Erik Olin Wright.

This book develops John Rawls's theory of justice by adding reality-based analyses. This is accomplished by answering the question of who makes rules and how, and by providing new answers to three of today's most practical and critical issues. The question of who and how makes rules is discussed first; and group orientation instead of individualism, and a balance of negotiating power instead of a veil of ignorance are presented as new answers to this question. Based on this new understanding of rulemaking, three important practical rules are subsequently discussed: the rule of distribution of land and other natural resources, including the question of natural talent or who should bear the costs of children's education; the rule of distribution of products; and what motives support our acts of kindness. These rules are all dealt with from a shared perspective, viewing society as a single integrated construct. Equal distribution of land, not private but public payment of education fees, strengthening employees'bargaining power, and moving toward nobility-based kindness are put forward as central answers. By addressing critical questions on social rules and proposing answers, this book provides reliable principles to fall back on in our daily lives, and in our rapidly changing, globalized world.

Written as a wake-up call to the field of media studies, The Message is Murder analyses the violence bound up in the everyday functions of digital media. At its core is the concept of'computational capital'- the idea that capitalism itself is a computer, turning qualities into quantities, and that the rise of digital culture and technologies under capitalism should be seen as an extension of capitalism's bloody logic. Engaging with Borges, Turing, Claude Shannon, Hitchcock and Marx, this book tracks computational capital to reveal the lineages of capitalised power as it has restructured representation, consciousness and survival in the twentieth and twenty-first centuries. It argues that the global intensification of inequality relies on the discursive, informatic and screen-mediated production of social difference. Ultimately The Message is Murder makes the case for recognising media communications across all platforms - books, films, videos, photographs and even language itself - as technologies of political economy, entangled with the social contexts of a capitalism that is inherently racial, gendered and genocidal.

In today's workplaces we work harder and longer, labouring under the illusion that this will bring us more wealth. As this myth becomes increasingly preposterous, it's time to understand why we believe in it, and where it came from. The Death of Homo Economicus explores the origin of this oppressive myth, in order to destroy it. The story begins with the creation of a fake persona labelled the'dollar-hunting man', invented by economists Adam Smith and Friedrich Hayek. Today, this persona, driven by competition and ego, is used by politicians and managers to draw a veil over the terrible reality of work under capitalism. Creeping into all aspects of life, the desire to constantly compete and accumulate must be resisted if we are to create a better way of life for all.

This monograph explores the role of culture in modern societies and the side effects that result when that role is distorted. The basic premise of this book is that many of the dominant cultural characteristics of modern life, like the ideologies and values associated with materialism and consumer capitalism, are cultural phenomena with influences that are in many ways problematic and in some ways downright detrimental to our sustained societal well-being. I argue in this book that the globalized capitalist economic system has become increasingly efficient in terms of scale and scope, but has also become less humane in many regards; less connected to human needs and concerns. Of particular concern is the encroachment of economic interests into areas of human society that traditionally have been free from profit motives, or at least only minimally influenced by them; areas such as scientific research, the justice system, and even family relationships. I suggest that there is a slow but steady intrusion into these areas of human life that were once considered off-limits to naked economic incentives and calculations. This intrusion puts the idea of America as a free and democratic society increasingly at risk when private economic stakeholders meddle in the political and cultural areas of society in ever more insidious ways to further their own enrichment at the expense of the public. Furthermore, the vast capitalist economic system is in many ways increasingly disconnected or disembedded from the contexts and regulations of traditional social relations as in the past.

Enough of the imbalance that is causing the degradation of our environment, the demise of our democracies, and the denigration of ourselves. Enough of the pendulum politics of left and right and paralysis in the political center. We require an unprecedented form of radical renewal. In this book Henry Mintzberg offers a new understanding of the root of our current crisis and a strategy for restoring the balance so vital to the survival of our progeny and our planet.With the collapse of the communist regimes of Eastern Europe, Western pundits declared that capitalism had triumphed. They were wrong—balance triumphed. A healthy society balances a public sector of respected governments, a private sector of responsible businesses, and a plural sector of robust communities. Communism collapsed under the weight of its overbearing public sector. Now the “liberal democracies” are threatened—socially, politically, even economically—by the unchecked excesses of the private sector.Radical renewal will have to begin in the plural sector, which alone has the inclination and the independence to challenge unacceptable practices and develop better ones. Too many governments have been co-opted by the private sector. And corporate social responsibility can't compensate for the corporate social irresponsibility we see around us “They” won't do it. We shall have to do it, each of us and all of us, not as passive “human resources,” but as resourceful human beings.Tom Paine wrote in 1776, “We have it in our power to begin the world over again.” He was right then. Can we be right again now? Can we afford not to be?

The book examines the changing external environment of organizations. This book explores the contradictions within the global capitalist system and their consequences to assess and find ways in creating new knowledge for managers/leaders to reorient themselves in appropriate restructuring of organizations to better serve their stakeholders.

The hidden role of philanthropy in enriching America's prosperity—and the world'sPhilanthropy has long been a distinctive feature of American culture, but its crucial role in the economic well-being of the nation—and the world—has remained largely unexplored. Why Philanthropy Matters takes an in-depth look at philanthropy as an underappreciated force in capitalism, measures its critical influence on the free-market system, and demonstrates how American philanthropy could serve as a model for the productive reinvestment of wealth in other countries. Factoring in philanthropic cycles that help balance the economy, Zoltan Acs offers a richer picture of capitalism, and a more accurate backdrop for considering policies that would promote the capitalist system for the good of all.Examining the dynamics of American-style capitalism since the eighteenth century, Acs argues that philanthropy achieves three critical outcomes. It deals with the question of what to do with wealth—keep it, tax it, or give it away. It complements government in creating public goods. And, by focusing on education, science, and medicine, philanthropy has a positive effect on economic growth and productivity. Acs describes how individuals such as Benjamin Franklin, Andrew Carnegie, Bill Gates, and Oprah Winfrey have used their wealth to establish institutions and promote knowledge, and Acs shows how philanthropy has given an edge to capitalism by promoting vital forces—like university research—necessary for technological innovation, economic equality, and economic security. Philanthropy also serves as a guide for countries with less flexible capitalist institutions, and Acs makes the case for a larger, global philanthropic culture.Providing a new perspective on the development of capitalism, Why Philanthropy Matters highlights philanthropy's critical links to the economic progress, health, and future of the United States—and beyond.

The dominant schools of neoclassical and neoliberal economics tell us that material scarcity is an inevitable product of an insatiable human nature. Against this, Costas Panayotakis argues that scarcity is in fact a result of the social and economic processes of the capitalist system. The overriding importance of the logic of capital accumulation accounts for the fact that capitalism is not able to make a rational use of scarce resources and the productive potential at the disposal of human society. Instead, capitalism produces grotesque inequalities and unnecessary human suffering, a toxic consumerist culture that fails to satisfy, and a deepening ecological crisis. Remaking Scarcity is a powerful challenge to the current economic orthodoxy. It asserts the core principle of economic democracy, that all human beings should have an equal say over the priorities of the economic system, as the ultimate solution to scarcity and ecological crisis.

This books reviews forms of capital'popular finance'and argues that it is important, as a site at which capital is visible not as a macro-structural reality but as a category itself, which needs to be made and performed in the spaces where is does not already exist.'Culture'is used to intervene into everyday spaces to develop capital there.

In developing an enlightened socio-economic-political environment, this book provides a new socio-economic-political system based on (i) Collective Capitalism (CCP) of cooperatively managed institutions and enterprises, and (ii) a Civilian Democracy (CDM) sans political parties, whereby the most qualified representatives of all the functional sectors of the community get elected to the local legislature. It also specifies a new economic-political structure in the form of autonomous functionally-sustainable communities (FSCs), within regional economic zones (REZs) and self-reliant regional unions (SRUs, such as the EU). This system of FSCs, REZs and SRUs will come under the aegis of (and collectively represented by) a World government, over-seeing the development of a comprehensive charter of human rights and social justice for all the people of the world. The neo-humanistic integrated system of CCP and CDM, to be implemented within FSCs, will provide grass-roots socio-economic-political empowerment, contrary to the system of centralized economic and political governance.This book serves as a valuable teaching, learning, knowledge and research resource for (i) a holistic approach to a sustainable living environment promoting collective welfare, and (ii) a multi-stage road-map towards a world government system for unification of all the communities of the world into one global cooperative. The combined system of socio-economic democracy (involving knowledge and conscientious governance executives elected by and directly representing the various functional sectors of FSCs) and world government will help transform the current undignified north-south socioeconomic order into a democratic and equitable globalization order, for collective social security towards achieving sustainable local and global peace.

A civil society is one in which a democratic government and a market economy operate together. The idea of the civil economy--encompassing a democratic government and a market economy--presumes that people can solve social problems within the market itself. This book explores the relationship between the two, examining the civil underpinnings of capitalism and investigating the way a civil economy evolves in history and is developed for the future by careful planning. Severyn T. Bruyn describes how people in three sectors--government, business, and the Third Sector (nonprofits and civil groups)--can develop an accountable, self-regulating, profitable, humane, and competitive system of markets that could be described as a civil economy. He examines how government officials can organize markets to reduce government costs; how local leaders deal with global corporations that would unfairly exploit their community resources; and how employees can become coparticipants in the development of human values in markets. A Civil Economy is oriented to interdiciplinary studies of the economy, assisting scholars in diverse fields, such as business management, sociology, political science, and economics, in developing a common language to examine civic problems in the marketplace. As an undergraduate text, it evokes a mode of thought about the development of a self-accountable system of markets. Students learn to understand how the market economy becomes socially accountable and self-reliant, while remaining productive, competitive, and profitable. Sveryn T. Bruyn is Professor of Sociology, Boston College.