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“The WikiLeaks of its day” (Time) is as relevant as ever to present-day American politics.“The most significant leaks of classified material in American history.” –The Washington Post Not Fake News! The basis for the 2018 film The Post by Academy Award-winning director Steven Spielberg, The Pentagon Papers are a series of articles, documents, and studies examining the Johnson Administration's lies to the public about the extent of US involvement in the Vietnam War, bringing to light shocking conclusions about America's true role in the conflict. Published by The New York Times in 1971, The Pentagon Papers riveted an already deeply divided nation with startling and disturbing revelations about the United States'involvement in Vietnam. The Washington Post called them “the most significant leaks of classified material in American history” and they remain relevant today as a reminder of the importance of a free press and First Amendment rights. The Pentagon Papers demonstrated that the government had systematically lied to both the public and to Congress. This incomparable, 848-page volume includes: The Truman and Eisenhower Years: 1945-1960 by Fox ButterfieldOrigins of the Insurgency in South Vietnam by Fox ButterfieldThe Kennedy Years: 1961-1963 by Hedrick SmithThe Overthrow of Ngo Dinh Diem: May-November, 1963 by Hedrick SmithThe Covert War and Tonkin Gulf: February-August, 1964 by Neil SheehanThe Consensus to Bomb North Vietnam: August, 1964-February, 1965 by Neil SheehanThe Launching of the Ground War: March-July, 1965 by Neil SheehanThe Buildup: July, 1965-September, 1966 by Fox ButterfieldSecretary McNamara's Disenchantment: October, 1966-May, 1967 by Hedrick SmithThe Tet Offensive and the Turnaround by E. W. KenworthyAnalysis and CommentCourt RecordsBiographies of Key Figures With a brand-new foreword by James L. Greenfield, this edition of the Pulitzer Prize–winning story is sure to provoke discussion about free press and government deception, and shed some light on issues in the past and the present so that we can better understand and improve the future.

Written between 1787 and 1788 by Alexander Hamilton, future U.S. President James Madison and future U.S. Supreme Court chief Justice John Jay, this collection of 85 articles and essays were written as an argument for the ratification of the U.S. Constitution. Seventy-seven of these essays were published serially in the Independent Journal, the New York Packet, and The Daily Advertiser between October 1787 and August 1788. A two-volume compilation of these and eight others was published in 1788 as The Federalist: A Collection of Essays, Written in Favour of the New Constitution, as Agreed upon by the Federal Convention, September 17, 1787. The collection was commonly known as The Federalist until the name The Federalist Papers emerged in the 20th century. A classic of political science marked by clear, eloquent prose, they serve as an excellent introduction to the Constitution.

Written by the iconic American statesman, Alexander Hamilton, the original US chief justice, John Jay, and “Father of the Constitution”, James Madison, this compilation of eighty-five articles explains and defends the ideals behind the highest form of law in the United States. These essays were published anonymously in New York newspapers in 1787 and 1788, and they foresaw many of the headline-grabbing issues surrounding impeachment, corruption, bureaucracy, and regulation that we read about today. Hailed by Thomas Jefferson as the best commentary ever written on the principles of government, The Federalist Papers is now available with a new introduction. Revolutionary classics of political philosophy, these articles are essential reading for students, lawyers, politicians, and anyone with an interest in the formation of societies. The Knickerbocker Classics bring together the works of classic authors from around the world in stunning gift editions to be collected and enjoyed. Complete and unabridged, these elegantly designed cloth-bound hardcovers feature a slipcase and ribbon marker, as well as a comprehensive introduction providing the reader with enlightening information on the author's life and works.

A selection of nineteen essential essays from The Federalist Papers in their original lengths by James Madison, Alexander Hamilton and John Jay, with notes by Richard BeemanPenguin presents a series of six portable, accessible, and—above all—essential reads from American political history, selected by leading scholars. Series editor Richard Beeman, author of The Penguin Guide to the U.S. Constitution, draws together the great texts of American civic life to create a timely and informative mini-library of perennially vital issues. Whether readers are encountering these classic writings for the first time, or brushing up in anticipation of the 50th anniversary of the Civil Rights Act, these slim volumes will serve as a powerful and illuminating resource for scholars, students, and civic-minded citizens.Written at a time when furious arguments were raging about the best way to govern America, The Federalist Papers had the immediate practical aim of persuading New Yorkers to accept the newly drafted Constitution in 1787. In this they were supremely successful, but their influence also transcended contemporary debate to win them a lasting place in discussions of American political theory. The Federalist Papers make a powerful case for power-sharing between State and Federal authorities and have only risen in legal influence over the last two centuries. Beeman's analysis helps clarify the goals, at once separate and in concert, of Madison, Hamilton, and Jay during their writing, and his selection of some of the most important papers show the array of issues—both philosophical and policy-specific—covered by this body of work.'The best commentary on the principles of government which ever was written'- Thomas Jefferson

A DOCUMENT THAT SHAPED A NATIONAn authoritative analysis of the Constitution of the United States and an enduring classic of political philosophy. Written by Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay, The Federalist Papers explain the complexities of a constitutional government—its political structure and principles based on the inherent rights of man. Scholars have long regarded this work as a milestone in political science and a classic of American political theory. Based on the original McLean edition of 1788 and edited by noted historian Clinton Rossiter, this special edition includes: ● Textual notes and a select bibliography by Charles R. Kesler ● Table of contents with a brief précis of each essay ● Appendix with a copy of the Constitution cross-referenced to The Federalist Papers ● Index of Ideas that lists the major political concepts discussed ● Copies of The Declaration of Independence and Articles of Confederation

Twenty Dollars and Change places Harriet Tubman's life and legacy in a long tradition of resistance, illuminating the ongoing struggle to realize a democracy in which her emancipatory vision prevails.America is in the throes of a historic reckoning with racism, with the battle for control over official narratives at ground zero. Across the country, politicians, city councils, and school boards are engaged in a highly polarized debate about whose accomplishments should be recognized, and whose point of view should be included in the telling of America's history.In Twenty Dollars and Change, historian Clarence Lusane, author of the acclaimed The Black History of the White House, writes from a basic premise: Racist historical narratives and pervasive social inequities are inextricably linked—changing one can transform the other. Taking up the debate over the future of the twenty-dollar bill, Lusane uses the question of Harriet Tubman vs. Andrew Jackson as a lens through which to view the current state of our nation's ongoing reckoning with the legacies of slavery and foundational white supremacy. He places the struggle to confront unjust social conditions in direct connection with the push to transform our public symbols, making it plain that any choice of whose life deserves to be remembered and honored is a direct reflection of whose basic rights are deemed worthy of protection, and whose are not.'Engaging and insightful, Twenty Dollars and Change illuminates the grassroots effort to have our national currency reflect the diversity of America and all of its citizens—those ordinary and extraordinary people who have stood up and demanded freedom, equality and justice. A must read!'—Kate Clifford Larson, author of Bound for the Promised Land: Harriet Tubman, Portrait of an American Hero

‘Populism'unites different political positions and strategies that can't be summed up in a concept which clearly encapsulates all those heterogeneous phenomena. The contributions in this volume therefore address a strategic space in which analyses of populist movements also locate themselves. They, too, take a stance on the problem of democratic representation when they deal with the populist reference to the ‘people'. Social conflict scenarios and the problems of democratic legitimation strategies and functional processes must be taken into account when discussing the populist challenge. This makes critical positioning or the appeal to an enlightened form of rationality difficult: they remain entangled in problems of authorisation and representation; they refer to justifications which presuppose that common ground which threatens to be lost; and they themselves must be wary of the emotions and resentments that they criticise. With contributions by Floris Biskamp, Tino Heim, Cornelia Koppetsch, Jürgen Link, Ralf Mayer, Kolja Möller, Karin Priester, Alfred Schäfer, Astrid Séville, Fabio Wolkenstein

This book focuses on measuring democratic political systems as such, and is concerned more with the consequences and concomitants of political democracy in cross-national research. It examines the sequences and dynamics of political change between 1800 and 1986.

What is the President, Congress, and the Supreme Court really allowed to do? This unique and handy guide includes the documents that guide our government, annotated with accessible explanations from one of America's most esteemed constitutional scholars. Known across the country for his appearance on The Daily Show with Jon Stewart, Professor Richard Beeman is one of the nation's foremost experts on the United States Constitution. In this book, he has produced what every American should have: a compact, fully annotated copy of the Declaration of Independence, the Constitution and amendments, all in their entirety. A marvel of accessibility and erudition, the guide also features a history of the making of the Constitution with excerpts from The Federalist Papers and a look at crucial Supreme Court cases that reminds us that the meaning of many of the specific provisions of the Constitution has changed over time.'Excellent... valuable and judicious.'-Jill Lepore, The New Yorker

This book brings together a unique collection of papers concerning the protection of human rights under Bills of Rights in Commonwealth Caribbean Countries and under regional and international human rights treaties. The papers have been prepared by distinguished judges, legal practitioners, government officers and members of non-governmental human rights organisations. The work demonstrates the relevance of international human rights law in domestic cases, and considers practical ways of strengthening effective protection of human rights through constitutional and international laws and mechanisms. The book is arranged on a thematic basis, with each chapter being devoted to papers and discussions on a particular human rights issue. The issues covered are: the use of available remedies; liberty and security of the person; the right to a fair trial; access to court; the right to life and human dignity; freedom of expression; equality before the law; freedom of association; the role of Governments and of non-governmental organisations in the protection and the promotion of human rights.

Volume 19 in the'Research in Political Sociology'series is devoted to health problems, challenges and accomplishments in democratic societies. It includes papers addressing health systems, health policies, obstacles to societal healthy behaviors, and/or health conditions that are experienced in democratic societies in the world. The democratic society is understood in a broadly defined term. It includes developed Western democracies, as well as less developed or underdeveloped countries that have democratic system. According to such definition, the category'democracies'includes democratic countries that have well established democratic system and respect broad network of people rights, as well as democracies that are formally consider democratic states but de facto respect only a few rights or their governments are guided by limited democratic principles. Therefore, the collection of the 19th volume of'Research in Political Sociology'includes papers addressing these issues in a broad spectrum of countries from India, Sri Lanka and Tanzania, to Sweden, Canada and the United States.

Published serially in several New York papers between October 1787 and August 1788, the eighty-five Federalist Papers written by Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay under the pseudonym “Publius” advocated ratification of the proposed U.S. Constitution. Together these articles constitute one of the greatest American contributions to political thought. In his introductory essay, Cass R. Sunstein argues that in rejecting the claims of classical republicanism Publius embraces deliberative democracy, and reminds us that Publius's arguments bear on current debates and “offer lessons for making war and making peace, and for domestic emergencies of many different kinds.” The John Harvard Library text reproduces that of the first book edition (1788), modernizing spelling and capitalization.

Long relegated to the shadows of George Washington and Thomas Jefferson, the role of James Madison in shaping America, its ideals, and its institutions resonates in the very soul of our nation. A lifelong public servant, Madison was a critical – if underappreciated – architect of the American Republic. Gary L. Rose's James Madison, Public Servant shines an essential light on Madison's wide-ranging legacy. An accomplished presidential scholar and political commentator, Rose begins with a brief treatment of the Madison family's roots and early life in the Piedmont region of Virginia and his time as a student at the College of New Jersey (later Princeton University). It was there that Madison's values of democratic government and personal liberty became ingrained thanks to the teachings of that institution's president, the renowned scholar John Witherspoon.Rose presents Madison's captivating journey through the War of Independence, including his roles as a delegate to Virginia's constitutional convention, appointment to the Governor's Council, and selection as a member of the Continental Congress. Readers will learn of Madison's essential role at the national Constitutional Convention in 1787, which immortalized him as “The Father of the Constitution.” As a co-author of the Federalist Papers, along with his skillful argumentation at Virginia's ratifying convention, Madison was instrumental in securing the Constitution's ratification by the states. Three public offices followed: four terms as a member of the U.S. Congress, during which time he authored the Bill of Rights; eight years as Thomas Jefferson's Secretary of State, and two terms as our nation's fourth president. Madison's presidency included a declared war against the United Kingdom, referred to by his political adversaries as “Mr. Madison's War.” He also left a profound legacy in the formation of a political party committed to the principles of Jeffersonian republicanism.Rose's concise treatment of James Madison's public service is essential reading for anyone invested in our nation's political norms and institutions.

Humanizing Humanity is distinctively framed advocacy of the ways in which the concept of humanity has been defended by various ideologues of India like Tagore, Gandhi, and Ambedkar. By grounding itself in the epistemology of intellectual history, the book delineates how these three major thinkers visualised the ways in which society can be better humanized. Such a process of humanization for these thinkers forms the bedrock of the trajectory in which humanity may be preserved, amidst intense authoritarianism and the violent quest for power by a small minority in the society. The book is an attempt at exploring the strands of inter-textuality that exist when Tagore, Gandhi and Ambedkar's thinking is situated in the ontic and epistemic context of a few humans'tendency to destroy humanity and the efforts of another section to create conditions for its preservation. Bidyut Chakrabarty does this by comparing the ways in which the Federalist Papers of the United States of America and the Indian Constitution manifest as quintessential texts that uphold the principles of liberty, equality, justice, and the protection of the weaker sections of society from structured strands of domination and exploitation.

The American philosopher John Dewey transformed how people around the world view the purposes of schooling. In Democracy and Education (1916), Dewey opposed the model of education in which adults lecture at students and students follow strict rules. Instead, Dewey called upon schools to provide children with experiences such as gardening, sewing, building structures, conducting experiments in laboratories, and performing in school plays. For Dewey, democratic education teaches young people to become creative individuals who contribute to society.This edition makes Democracy and Education come alive for a new generation of readers. The editor's introduction explores the main themes of the book and how Dewey's ideas contribute to debates about education standards, testing, accountability, school choice, free school lunch, recess, student discipline, and education technology. Each chapter begins with a brief overview clarifying the argument and its present-day relevance and ends with questions to prompt conversations and research papers. Drawing on more than a century of secondary literature on Dewey's philosophy, this new edition will become the standard for scholars, teachers, and students.

Exposes the destruction of academic careers—and the complicity of educational institutions—in McCarthy's AmericaThe Prosecution of Professor Chandler Davis tells the true tale of a mathematician who found himself taking an involuntary break from chalking equations to sit opposite a row of self-righteous anti-Communist congressmen at the height of the McCarthy era. Courageously asserting the First Amendment to confront a system rapidly descending into fascism, Davis testified before the House Un-American Activities Committee (HUAC). He became one of a small number of left wingers who served time for contempt of Congress.In this fascinating and disturbing narrative, author Steve Batterson takes a deep dive into extant archival records generated by the FBI, HUAC, the University of Michigan, and repositories holding the papers of former Supreme Court justices. He examines the plights of six faculty and graduate students—including three future members of the National Academy of Sciences—whose careers were disrupted by the anticommunist actions of a wide range of personnel at the University of Michigan. He focuses on the seemingly conflicting Supreme Court decisions on labor leader John Watkins and Vassar College Psychology instructor Lloyd Barenblatt. And he examines the role played in the trial by Felix Frankfurter, a longtime Associate Justice on the Supreme Court, close advisor of Franklin D. Roosevelt, and co-founder of the ACLU. In the process, Batterson exposes the ways that McCarthy's righteous emissaries relied on all kinds of institutions in 1950s America—from Hollywood studios to universities—to sabotage the careers of anyone with a trace of “Red.”

International relations scholarship and the popular media tend to portray China as a great power with hegemonic designs for Southeast Asia. Moreover, studies on Chinese influence in Southeast Asia predominantly focus on the Chinese state. This paper argues that Chinese non-state actors and their daily encounters with local communities in Southeast Asia deserve equal attention as these interactions evidently produce friction at both the society-to-state and state-to-state levels. The influence of Chinese non-state actors in Southeast Asia can be illustrated with three examples, namely, Chinese tourism operations in Thailand, Chinese market demand and agricultural transformations in Myanmar, and Chinese gangs within the casino economy in Cambodia. Thailand has recently become a top tourist destination for Chinese nationals. This has cultural implications as those involved in the tourism industry need to have Chinese language skills. The economic implications include increased competition and decreased accountability as Chinese tour companies have set up in Thailand using Thai locals as nominees. Bilateral relations also soured after a boat carrying Chinese tourists capsized in Thailand. As global prices of corn rose in 2011 and 2012, areas in Myanmar close to the Chinese border have increased corn cultivation to meet Chinese demands for that crop. This has led to deforestation in these areas. Chinese gangsters fleeing their government's crackdown in China have settled down to operate in the casino economy in Cambodia. Consequentially, there has been a rise in crime rate involving online scams and deteriorating public security. Despite the Chinese government encouraging the Cambodian government to enforce a ban on online gambling, the actions of non-state actors from China continue to be associated with the Chinese state as a whole and there is rising resentment towards the Chinese in Cambodia. The COVID-19 pandemic has temporarily halted cross-border trade between China and mainland Southeast Asia. This has negatively affected local farmers who are dependent on the Chinese market.

This book brings together 13 papers published by the author over the past 50 years, arranged chronologically, so the reader can follow the unfolding development of the author's thinking on the issues discussed here. The essays primarily investigate the role intellectuals in the dramatic changes in China since the fall of the old imperial order, with an emphasis on the tension between the urge towards utopian dreams and the quest for human rights and democracy. The earlier pieces are two chapters from the author's 1969 Columbia University PhD dissertation dealing with the Chinese Communist Party leadership methods and the conflict between the Party and the peasants during the time of the People's Commune Movement. Several other essays on the question of human rights date from the 1980s and 1990s. The last two essays go beyond China to take up the debate on Asian values and the concept of peace in Asia.Given the unique perspective which differs from that of the ruling party and government in China, as well as the usual political realist perspective of the Western press, this book will contribute to a better understanding of the complex and entangled role of the intellectuals and the political process on both sides of the Taiwan Strait. It will be helpful to both the academic community and the well-educated general public.

The Social-Democratic Federation (SDF) was the first organisation in Britain to promote Karl Marx's socialism. Yet it was as much latter-day Chartist as Marxist. Its predecessor, the Democratic Federation, began its programme with a demand for'Adult Suffrage'and the SDF programme soon featured proportional representation and direct democracy; a total transformation of the political system. In 1911, as many of the'Old Guard'very much regretted later, it merged with others on the Left to form the British Socialist Party (BSP). The SDF was already divided over Hyndman's'German menace'warnings and after the outbreak of war, the irreconcilable'pro-Ally'and'internationalist'BSP factions became irreconcilable. When the latter achieved control in 1916 the former – largely made up of the self-described'Old Guard of the SDF – left. But they kept control of the weekly paper Justice. In the 20th century, interest inevitably focussed almost exclusively on the continuing BSP which went on to form the largest segment of the Communist Party. This book explores the politics of their uncompromising rivals – largely the'Old Guard'– who adamantly rejected the notion that the Bolsheviks had accomplished any sort of socialist revolution. They insisted that socialism could only be achieved via democracy. Nothing worthy of being called socialism was possible without it. While relatively few on the Left were prepared to throw their lot in with Communism, even those most critical of Communist autocracy and oppression tended to acknowledge that at least'private capitalism'had been abolished. But the revived SDF became the most ardent rejecters of everything Lenin and Co stood for from the forcible crushing of the Constituent Assembly onwards. But it failed to recruit many younger people as the'Old Guard'began to die out. They had many shortcomings, made many serious mistakes and missed many opportunities. It is time now to re-examine its politics, critically but not totally dismissively.

For some time, Australia's democracy has been slowly sliding into disrepair. The nation's major policy challenges go unaddressed, our economic future is uncertain and political corruption is becoming normalised. It's tempting, but distracting, to point to the usual list of reasons, from the declining calibre of the political class to the growing polarisation of politics. But we can't understand the current predicament of our democracy without recognising the central role of Murdoch's national media monopoly. In Queensland, where national elections are determined, he owns thirteen of the state's fourteen newspapers. All his papers are loss-making and retained for political influence only; nationally, they act as a Liberal Party protection racket, providing zero accountability on Coalition corruption and incompetence. Together with the Liberal Party, the Murdoch media cultivates a climate of national anxiety, fear and anger through relentless campaigns on deficit, debt and the threat to Australia from ever-changing but always nefarious foreign interests. Their goal is an anxious Australia, reinforced by the latest campaign applications of political neuroscience, permanently predisposing the electorate towards the reassurance of having conservatives in power. For these reasons, there is no longer a level playing field in Australian politics. We won't see another progressive government in Canberra until we deal with this cancer in our democracy. Three more things must change for Labor to be returned to office. Labor must significantly broaden its political base; demolish the entire rationale for the conservative political project now that the Liberal Party has abandoned its position on debt, deficit and government intervention in the economy; and put forward a clear plan dealing with the challenges ahead: recurring pandemics; demographic decline; technological disruption undermining economic competitiveness and employment; the rise of China; and the continued economic and environmental devastations of climate change. All four tasks are essential. All four will require great political courage to bring about fundamental change. And now is the time for women and men of courage to act. In the National Interest is a new series in the Monash University Publishing list that is focused on the challenges Australia confronts. The series informs, influences and inspires public discourse. Showcasing experts both from within Monash and beyond, these short, thought-provoking and accessible books will address the major issues of our times, from public policy to governance and government.

The right to vote in regular elections is a fundamental principle of democracy. It constitutes a familiar civic ritual all over the world, yet few participants are probably aware of its long and controversial history. This was especially true of France, the country chosen for this study, which explores a wide range of issues surrounding voting in the context of a specific society. Casting a ballot does not come naturally and learning to vote is a lengthy process, like the achievement of free and fair elections which are open to all adults. An unprecedented experiment with mass voting for males was initiated in France in 1789, only for recurrent upheaval to ensure that the question of who could vote, including women besides men, and how they did so, was frequently addressed and amended. The entire electoral system was a constant source of partisan conflict, popular protest and innovation, throwing issues around the franchise, electoral corruption, spoiling papers and the problem of non-voting into especially sharp focus. This is the first book to explore these practices in a comprehensive fashion, from the perspective of ordinary people, beginning before the French Revolution and concluding with the present day, while according significant space to local as well as national elections. A thematic analysis will assist an understanding of those countries where democracy remains in its infancy, while also offering insight into widespread contemporary concern over declining turnout.

This book is based upon the papers written by a group of leading international scholars on the'constitution of social democracy', delivered at a conference to celebrate Professor Keith Ewing's scholarly legacy in labour law, constitutional law, human rights and the law of democracy. The chapters explore the development of social democracy and democratic socialism in theory and political practice from a variety of comparative, legal, and disciplinary perspectives. These developments have occurred against a backdrop of fragmenting'traditional'political parties, declining collective bargaining, concerns about'juristocracy'and the displacement of popular sovereignty, the emergence of populist political movements, austerity, and fundamental questions about the future of the European project. With this context in mind, this collection considers whether legal norms can and should contribute to the constitution of social democracy. It could not be more timely in addressing these fundamental constitutional questions at the intersection of law, democracy, and political economy.

Ensure that students understand recent issues and debates in Scotland and the UK - and know how to use these examples effectively in the National 5/Higher Modern Studies and Higher Politics exams.> Review the key developments in Scottish and UK politics in 2019, with expert analysis that supports revision, the assignments and the question papers> Consolidate understanding and practise for the exams with short knowledge-check questions at the end of every article> Easily see how each article links to the National 5/Higher Modern Studies and Higher Politics specifications so you know how and when to reference themTopics covered:> Citizens'Assemblies - Are they a good way to clear political logjams?> The Scottish Parliament - Is it a failing institution?> Extinction Rebellion - Do single-issue pressure groups undermine democracy?> Scottish electoral systems - Are they fit for purpose?> Brexit - Is it'the UK's constitutional time-bomb'?> Education policy in Scotland - Addressing the attainment gap or widening it?> Independence for Scotland - Is it getting closer and what would it look like?> The 2019 General Election - Why did it happen and what did it tell us?

An “illuminating” account of the largest act of civil disobedience in US history “that resonates today, when our democracy is again being challenged” (Larry Tye, New York Times–bestselling author of Demagogue).They surged into Washington by the tens of thousands in the spring of 1971. Fiery radicals, flower children, and militant vets gathered for the most audacious act in a years-long movement to end America's war in Vietnam: a blockade of the nation's capital. And the White House, headed by an increasingly paranoid Richard Nixon, was determined to stop it.Washington journalist Lawrence Roberts, drawing on dozens of interviews, unexplored archives, and newfound White House transcripts, recreates these largely forgotten events through the eyes of dueling characters. Woven into the story too are now-familiar names including John Kerry, Jane Fonda, and Daniel Ellsberg, leaker of the Pentagon Papers. It began with a bombing inside the US Capitol—a still-unsolved case to which Roberts brings new information. To prevent the Mayday Tribe's guerrilla-style traffic blockade, the government mustered the military. Riot squads swept through the city, arresting more than 12,000 people. As a young female public defender led a thrilling legal battle to free the detainees, Nixon and his men took their first steps down the road to the Watergate scandal and the implosion of the presidency. Mayday 1971 is the ultimately inspiring story of a season when our democracy faced grave danger, and survived.“Award–winning investigative reporter Lawrence Roberts tells the story superbly from start to finish... presents a lot of new and overlooked material.” —The Wall Street Journal“Fast-moving, and fascinating.” —Christian Science Monitor

The gripping story of an explosive turning point in the history of modern IndiaOn the night of June 25, 1975, Indira Gandhi declared a state of emergency in India, suspending constitutional rights and rounding up her political opponents in midnight raids across the country. In the twenty-one harrowing months that followed, her regime unleashed a brutal campaign of coercion and intimidation, arresting and torturing people by the tens of thousands, razing slums, and imposing compulsory sterilization on the poor. Emergency Chronicles provides the first comprehensive account of this understudied episode in India's modern history. Gyan Prakash strips away the comfortable myth that the Emergency was an isolated event brought on solely by Gandhi's desire to cling to power, arguing that it was as much the product of Indian democracy's troubled relationship with popular politics.Drawing on archival records, private papers and letters, published sources, film and literary materials, and interviews with victims and perpetrators, Prakash traces the Emergency's origins to the moment of India's independence in 1947, revealing how the unfulfilled promise of democratic transformation upset the fine balance between state power and civil rights. He vividly depicts the unfolding of a political crisis that culminated in widespread popular unrest, which Gandhi sought to crush by paradoxically using the law to suspend lawful rights. Her failure to preserve the existing political order had lasting and unforeseen repercussions, opening the door for caste politics and Hindu nationalism.Placing the Emergency within the broader global history of democracy, this gripping book offers invaluable lessons for us today as the world once again confronts the dangers of rising authoritarianism and populist nationalism.

This book is the author's voice raised against the'groupthink'Soviet-style cult of personality that surrounds the Queen, her heirs and successors. He's calling for an end to the corruption of Queen's consent, sovereign's protection and the deals she and her family do behind closed doors. These he calls the'evil trinity', which the revelation of the Paradise Papers has made four. This book is his chance to open people's eyes to what goes on and to say don't allow deference and the best propaganda machine in the world to cloud your vision.'The job of head of state is too important to let hereditary nepotism choose who should hold that post. I want the right to vote for my head of state.'

This volume provides the nexus between language and politics in Nigeria, the world's most populous Black nation, where civilian rule is slowly but steadily morphing into deliberative democracy. Using a combination of traditional and new models, the contributions adopt linguistic and literary perspectives to analyse and discuss different socio-discursive engagements in the Nigerian democratic experience. New approaches from Digital Humanities show the impact of the ongoing digital revolution and developments in the Humanities. More traditional papers offer compelling insights on both the discursive and non-discursive habits of the contemporary Nigerian political actors in an effort to more fruitfully profile their identity while defining their attitude and level of commitment to delivering ‘dividends of democracy'. This volume is an ambitious scholarly effort to critically comment on emerging themes and discursive practices in today's Nigerian political space, which may be relevant in other socio-political contexts.

Anne Applebaum, Garry Kasparov, Richard North Patterson, and a constellation of other thinkers make the urgent case for liberal democracy -- reinvigorating its central values in an age of doubt and discord. Liberal democracy is in crisis around the world, besieged by authoritarianism, nationalism, and other illiberal forces. Far-right parties are gaining traction in Europe, Vladimir Putin tightens his grip on Russia and undermines democracy abroad, and America struggles with poisonous threats from the right and left. But the defenders of democracy are strong too. Taking their cues from the 1788 Federalist Papers, the Renew Democracy Initiative is a collective of pro-democracy advocates from across the political spectrum, including Anne Applebaum, Garry Kasparov, Max Boot, Bret Stephens, Ted Koppel, and Natan Sharansky. This book is their foundational document, a collection of essays that analyze the multi-pronged threats to liberal democracy in the U.S. and abroad, and offer solutions based on fundamental democratic principles such as freedom of speech, a free press, and the rule of law. Fight for Liberty is a roadmap for the struggle against the rising tide of extremism and a cri de coeur in defense of the liberal world order, which sees itself threatened as never before today.

First published in 1999, the essays in this book examine the context and conduct of a series of watershed elections held in Anglophone Africa in the first half of the 1990s. These elections crystallized a wider process of democratization, underway in much of sub-Saharan Africa during the last decade, in which attempts were made to shift from various forms of authoritarian rule (colonial or racial oligarchies, military regimes, one-party states, or presidential rule) to pluralist parliamentary politics. This volume brings together for the first time, studies of these events in countries sharing a comparable legacy of British colonialism, an acquaintance with the Westminster constitutional tradition and related experiences of decolonization and democratic struggle. Written from a variety of perspectives by contributors with first-hand knowledge and long experience of research in Africa, the papers situate each election in its wider political context, examining the political forces at work and the events which gave rise to reform. All indicate that, despite Western pressure for reform and the influence of the collapse of the Soviet Bloc in Eastern Europe, internal African demands for democracy provided the primary driving force for change. Not all the elections fulfilled the hopes invested in them. In Nigeria, they were annulled before all the votes had been counted. In Kenya, the disarray of the opposition ensured the return to power of the old order. Even where they produced a successful regime transition, the democratic credentials of the new governments were sometimes seriously flawed. Yet for all these limitations, these watershed elections signalled important progress for African democracy. They brought a formal end to colonial rule in Namibia and to three centuries of racial discrimination in South Africa. They brought changes of government through the ballot box in Zambia and Malawi, among the first instances in Africa of such change being accomplished without the use of force. Above all, they provided African electorates with an opportunity to pass judgement on long-serving authoritarian regimes – with unequivocal results: in every case, when given the chance to vote, Africans voted for democracy.

This book makes an attempt to understand and explain the way Indian democracy has taken shape in recent years. It seeks to provide insights into different dimensions of India's democratic experiment. Although covering the various issues relating to democratic challenges in Indian Polity is a herculean task, in this volume an effort has been made to incorporate papers focusing on various dimensions of Indian polity. It also tends to unravel and explain the myriad challenges that have emerged before the Indian state particularly in the post-liberalized era. However, it has also dealt with many such issues which have been haunting Indian State since Independence like secularism, group rights etc. Covering as vast subject as Indian Politics in a single volume is a gargantuan task and therefore many issues could not be covered due to paucity of time and space. However, effort has been made to make it distinct from the books that are available in the market and therefore many new and unexplored aspects of Indian democracy have been covered in this book. It has tried to explain the various socio-economic and political transformations that have take place in India over a period of time and how this has impacted political institutions.

In the past decade there have been significant changes in the operations of security and intelligence agencies throughout Europe. Those in the former Eastern Europe have undergone the most obvious changes in their targets and the legal context within which they operate, but these changes have affected all the agencies to some extent. It is these changes that will provide the context of structures and processes through which the agencies will respond to the September 11, 2001 attack on New York and Washington. This edited collection of papers by an international group of experts in the study of security and intelligence examines recent and current developments in the light of the rule of law and democracy and specifically addresses a number of common themes. Firstly, security and intelligence agencies are placed within the broader context of their parent state, including whether their powers originate in legislation or executive decree and the form of oversight. Secondly, the types of agency - civilian, military, foreign and domestic - are considered in the context of their historical development, including the transition from authoritarian to liberal state forms. Thirdly, the changes in their mandate and targets are discussed, in particular, towards'terrorism','transnational organized crime'and economic intelligence. Finally, each author considers the enduring issue of how the impact of security and intelligence agencies is to be assessed in terms both of security and human rights. This book represents the first systematic attempt to present a collection of contemporary studies on the shifts in this crucial aspect of the operation of all states, and to do so within a framework of common themes. Although significant differences remain in the operation of security intelligence, all the authors highlight the common dilemmas that accompany the attempt to provide security but to do so democratically.

This volume reflects the up-and-coming academic interest in sortition. It is based on contributions to the first international conference dedicated to the subject held at the University of Political Science (Sciences-Po) in Paris in November 2008. The papers explore important theoretical questions such as how we should recognise and define differing lottery forms; the relationship between sortition and different aspects and forms of democracy; and its potential benefits to current political and commercial practice. Contributors include: Hubertus Buchstein, Gil Delannoi, Oliver Dowlen, Gerhard Göhler, Barbara Goodwin, Michael Hein, Yves Sintomer, Peter Stone and Antoine Vergne.

Even in well-established democratic societies, the political system currently faces a crisis of civic engagement and participation. Increasingly, this lack of engagement and the accompanying erosion of institutional legitimacy result in antidemocratic, populist currents gaining ground. It is an important challenge for both the humanities and the social sciences to analyse this crisis and discuss possible answers that may contribute to strengthening the position of the democratic public sphere in the political process, thus emphasising the crucial role of civic engagement and participation in renewing democracy. The articles in this volume seek the sources for such democratic innovations in a variety of existing, less formalised practices and experiences in public space: in citizens'forums and other concrete arenas for democratic debate and participation in the media in general, including social media and other digital platforms; in social movements; and in artistic interventions in the public sphere. The volume presents selected and edited papers and keynote lectures from the international research conference The Democratic Public Sphere - Current Challenges and Prospects, which was held at Aarhus University on November 5-7, 2015. It includes contributions by keynote speakers Mark E. Warren, Nick Couldry, Donatella della Porta, and Stephen Duncombe.

The papers presented in this volume analyze the civil uprising known as Euromaidan that began in central Kyiv in late November 2013, when the Ukrainian president Viktor Yanukovych opted not to sign an Association Agreement with the European Union, and continued over the following months. The topics include the motivations and expectations of protesters, organized crime, nationalism, gender issues, mass media, the Russian language, and the impact of Euromaidan on Ukrainian politics as well as on the EU, Russia, and Belarus. The goal of the book is less to offer a definitive account than one that represents a variety of aspects of a mass movement that captivated world attention and led to the downfall of the Yanukovych presidency. The authors comprise well known and younger scholars who work on contemporary Ukraine and its neighbors.

“We the People of the United States, in order to form a more perfect union... ” — The U.S ConstitutionThe U.S. Constitution and Other Key American Writings is part of the Word Cloud Classics series and a collection of the crucial documents that established the United States. In addition to the Constitution, readers can study supplementary texts like the Declaration of Independence, the Articles of Confederation, the Federalist Papers, and even important speeches by early presidents. The Founding Fathers'inspirational and revolutionary ideals are all included in these doctrines, and this is a perfect volume for anyone who finds the history of America to be a fascinating and enlightening journey.

'Benjamin Hedin went looking for the civil rights movement's past, but he also ran smack into the present, which can suddenly look like the past and then just as suddenly look totally different. By bringing stirring people like Septima Clark into focus, Hedin does what good historians do, but by entwining history with current events, he does a lot more. Here is a haunting meditation on living in history as well as with it.'--Sean Wilentz, author of The Rise of American Democracy: Jefferson to Lincoln'In Search of the Movement is a true marvel. Benjamin Hedin's insightful combination of reportage and history of the Civil Rights movement allows us to see the era with fresh eyes. By tracing the continued legacy of the black freedom struggle from the 1960s to the present, this gem of a book wonderfully illuminates how the movement is living and thriving in our own time.'--Peniel Joseph, author of Stokely: A Life and Waiting'Til the Midnight Hour: A Narrative History of Black Power in America'Beloved community and the exuberant humanism of the Civil Rights movement have never been so vividly rendered. Carry this book with you as a guide through our own anxious age. Beautifully written, sharply observed, whimsical and tender, In Search of the Movement is a road trip into America's better self.'--Charles Marsh, author of God's Long Summer: Stories of Faith and Civil RightsIn March of 1965, Martin Luther King led thousands in an epic march from Selma, Alabama to the state capital in Montgomery, in what is often seen as the culminating moment of the Civil Rights movement. The Voting Rights Act was signed into law that year, and with Jim Crow eradicated, and schools being desegregated, the movement had supposedly come to an end. America would go on to record its story as an historic success.Recently, however, the New York Times featured an article that described the reversion of Little Rock's schools to all-black or all-white. The next day, the paper printed a story about a small town in Alabama where African Americans were being denied access to the polls. Massive demonstrations in cities across the country protest the killing of black men by police, while we celebrate a series of 50th-anniversary commemorations of the signature events of the Civil Rights movement. In such a time it is important to ask: In the last fifty years, has America progressed on matters of race, or are we stalled--or even moving backward?With these questions in mind, Benjamin Hedin set out to look for the Civil Rights movement.'I wanted to find the movement in its contemporary guise,'he writes,'which also meant answering the critical question of what happened to it after the 1960s.'He profiles legendary figures like John Lewis, Robert Moses, and Julian Bond, and also visits with contemporary leaders such as William Barber II and the staff of the Dream Defenders. But just as powerful--and instructional--are the stories of those whose work goes unrecorded, the organizers and teachers who make all the rest possible.In these pages the movement is portrayed as never before, as a vibrant tradition of activism that remains in our midst. In Search of the Movement is a fascinating meditation on the patterns of history, as well as an indelible look at the meaning and limits of American freedom.Benjamin Hedin has written for the New Yorker, Slate, the Nation, and the Chicago Tribune. He's the editor of Studio A: The Bob Dylan Reader, and the producer and author of a forthcoming documentary film, The Blues House.

Daniel Patrick Moynihan (1927-2003) may be best known as a statesman. He served in the administrations of presidents Kennedy, Johnson, Nixon, and Ford; was ambassador to India and the United Nations; and represented New York in the U.S. Senate for four terms. But he was also an intellectual of the first order, whose books and papers on topics ranging from welfare policy and ethnicity in American society to international law stirred debate and steered policy. Moynihan was, journalist Michael Barone remarked,'the nation's best thinker among politicians since Lincoln and its best politician among thinkers since Jefferson.'He was, Greg Weiner argues, America's answer to the 18th-century Anglo-Irish scholar-statesman Edmund Burke. Both stood at the intersection of thought and action, denouncing tyranny, defending the family, championing reform. Yet while Burke is typically claimed by conservatives, Weiner calls Moynihan a'Burkean liberal'who respected both the indispensability of government and the complexity of society. And a reclamation of Moynihan's Burkean liberalism, Weiner suggests, could do wonders for the polarized politics of our day. In its incisive analysis of Moynihan's political thought, American Burke lays out the terms for such a recovery. The book traces Moynihan's development through the broad sweep of his writings and career.'The central conservative truth is that it is culture, not politics, that determines the success of a society,'Moynihan once wrote.'The central liberal truth is that politics can change a culture and save it from itself.'In his ability to embrace both of these truths, this'American Burke'makes it bracingly clear that a wise political thinker can also be an effective political actor, and that commitments to both liberal and conservative values can coexist peaceably and productively. Weiner's work is not only a thorough and thoroughly engaging intellectual exploration of one of the most important politicians of the twentieth century; it is also a timely prescription for the healing of our broken system.

This volume, first published in 1984, contains the principal papers from a distinguished colloquium held in 1982. Its avowed purpose is to investigate further the notion of'totalitarian democracy'and to look at its repercussions in the contemporary world.

This paper discusses the Democratic Republic of São Tomé and Príncipe's First Review under the Extended Credit Facility Arrangement. The economy remains vulnerable to external and domestic shocks. Growth decelerated to 4 percent in 2012, reflecting persistent global uncertainties, particularly in Europe, which contributed to a slowdown in foreign direct investment, and in the execution of the foreign-financed public investment program. Commercial banks profitability and capital-to-risk weighted assets ratio declined in 2012, reflecting more challenging lending conditions. The central bank continues to strengthen its banking supervision function through on-site inspections and enforcement of banking regulation.

So much of the debate about the Second Amendment is in scholarly journals and academic papers written by scholars and judges, or directed towards other scholars, law professors, attorneys, and judges. Trying to wade through the extensive footnotes and references to legal cases and historical precedents known only to the academic elite is more than enough to make anyone feel hopeless.With The Second Amendment Primer, Les Adams finally provides an accessible discussion of the Second Amendment. It is a “primer” because it is elementary. Chronologically arranged, it traces the development of the right to keep and bear arms from its birth in ancient Greece to its addition in the U.S. Constitution. Supplemental essays discuss the Second Amendment's interpretation in today's world from the viewpoints of both firearms enthusiasts as well as those who would limit the amendment's purview.Although The Second Amendment Primer is aimed at the average reader, Adams's facts are detailed and well-documented. Reference margin notes, an extensive bibliography, and a comprehensive subject index showcase the author's research and show more curious readers how to continue on their path to understanding exactly what the Second Amendment is saying. Using this “citizen's guide” as a stepping stone, anyone can become a successful scholar of the right to bear arms.

The Will of the People is an incisive, in-depth look at Winston Churchill's lifelong commitment to parliamentary democracy. First elected at twenty-five, Churchill was still in the House of Commons sixty-four years later. By far the largest part of his life – of his working days and nights – was spent in the cut and thrust of debate in the service of the people, whose instrument he believed Parliament to be. “I am a child of the House of Commons,” he told a joint session of the US Congress in December 1941. “I was brought up in my father's house to believe in democracy. Trust the people – that was his message….”Throughout his career, Churchill did his utmost to ensure that Parliament was effective and that it was not undermined by either adversarial party politics or by elected members who sought to manipulate it. Even the defeat of the Conservative Party in the General Election of 1945, which ended his wartime premiership, in no way altered his faith in parliamentary democracy. “It is the will of the people,” he told a small gathering of friends and family the day after the results were announced. And he meant it. Reflecting on the importance of the Second World War as a means of restoring democracy, Churchill told the House of Commons: “At the bottom of all the tributes paid to democracy is the little man, walking into the little booth, with a little pencil, making a little cross on a little bit of paper – no amount of rhetoric or voluminous discussion can possibly diminish the overwhelming importance of that point.”Today's readers will readily compare Churchill's regard for democracy and the importance of that “little man” with the attitudes of contemporary leaders, and of those who seek leadership.

The Concepts of Democracy and Governance Akindele and Adeyemo give apt theoretical perspectives on the concepts of democracy and good governance. They also emphasize that democracy provides the bedrock for good governance; and succinctly positing democracy and good governance to be inter-related in such a way that the absence of one spells doom for the other. Grassroots Democracy: A Theoretical Discourse Awotokun depicts that grassroot democracy is a mass participatory democracy, which encourages good governance, as people are deeply involved in the governance processes. He opines that it doesn't only take the government closer to the people but also enables the government to know and serve them better. He emphasizes that unsustainable grassroot democracy can invariably lead to failed democracy. Conceptual Analysis of Accountability and Transparency in Governance Adeyemo and Ihemeje reveal the concept of accountability in the ethics of governance provoke several meanings ranging from responsibility, responsiveness, answerability, enforcement, blameworthiness, liability and other associated terms. They however argue that Governance in its broad context goes beyond leadership and control of people and properties. Also, claims were made on the appearance of transparency in making organizational bodies visible; hence Gerry Stoker theoretical framework was established to furnish the subjects. They further opine that the barriers in Governance viz-a-viz accountability and transparency, and as such, the duo suggested robust principles to enhance better performance viz; public accountability, publicly understandable and acceptability and by extension a comprehensive strategies. This paper examines the concepts of democracy and governance and their affinity or otherwise in our society. It is divided into five parts viz: the introduction, concept of democracy, concept of governance, the relationship between democracy and governance and finally the conclusion.

In this spirited survey of liberal lies and dirty tricks, Brad Miner, one of America's leading conservative insiders, offers a look at the American liberal tradition of slander, insult, and character assassination throughout history. Smear Tactics mines both today's papers and the classic campaigns of history for tales of liberal deception and manipulation. Tracing smears from the early days of our nation right through the run-up to the 2008 elections, Miner highlights the Left's most atrocious campaigns against:Soldiers: The media's attacks on our troops, from Vietnam to IraqThe Faithful: The Left's campaign to vilify Christians in American lifeEntrepreneurs: Is the American Dream dead? The Left says yes, and Girl Scout cookies, Wal-Mart, and Legos have all played a part.President Bush: He caused global warming and Hurricane Katrina? Smears against the man the Left loves to hate. As Brad Miner shows, American politics has never been a sport for gentlemen—but recent campaigns have proven dirtier than ever, full of negative ads, rumormongering, and worse. With the coming election a wide-open race, full of polarizing candidates of all stripes, the mud is about to start flying across the American landscape, and in Smear Tactics Brad Miner returns the fire—with a vengeance.

A topical discussion of the critical role of religion in the development of democratic institutions in Afghanistan and Iraq

This e-book is devoted to an analysis of progress in electronic government. It contains a series of papers by experts in the field who report on a range of real world e-government projects and associated evaluative studies. These cover the analysis of parliamentary and central government web sites, and a variety of more specialized national and local e-government initiatives, and finally the use of web sites in election campaigns.

This series, running into five volumes, reflects the general attitude of people towards non-violence as a means to resolve various kinds of conflicts and to bring about peace and harmony in the world. Prepared under the joint auspices of Delhi Society of Non-violence, New Delhi, and International Centre of Gandhian Studies and Research, Gandhi Darshan, New Delhi, it addresses a host of issues pertaining to Gandhian World Order, nonviolence in action, socio-political thoughts of Gandhi, his concept of economy, and his views on education as well as self-realisation. Volume five, containing eleven papers, tries to analyse the scheme of education envisaged by Mahatma Gandhi and look for answers to the present-day problems relating to education within the Gandhian framework. It discusses at length the Gandhian guidelines for mass education, naturalistic trends, educational physiology, principles and practice of basic education, and Gandhian philosophy of higher education. It also takes stock of research and extension to promote Gandhian thought.

This series, running into five volumes, reflects the general attitude of people towards non-violence as a means to resolve various kinds of conflicts and to bring about peace and harmony in the world. Prepared under the joint auspices of Delhi Society of Non-violence, New Delhi, and International Centre of Gandhian Studies and Research, Gandhi Darshan, New Delhi, it addresses a host of issues pertaining to Gandhian World Order, nonviolence in action, socio-political thoughts of Gandhi, his concept of economy, and his views on education as well as self-realisation. Volume two, containing 15 papers, explains Gandhian concept of non-violence as well as its significance and functioning in the present-day world. Giving an account of Gandhi's experiences of non-violent struggle, it discusses at length the different stages of love development: embryonic, maternal, youthful, adolescent, adult and mature. Various issues concerning nuclearisation, Sarvodaya and Satyagraha have also been analysed.

The TCGOV 2005 international conference on e-government was held at the Free University of Bozen-Bolzano during March 2–4, 2005. The conference was initiated by the working group “Towards Electronic Democracy” (TED) of the European Science Foundation and was jointly organized by the Free University ofBozen-Bolzano,theMunicipalityofBozen-Bolzano,theTEDWorkingGroup, and the IFIP Working Group 8.5. The conference addressed a large spectrum of issues that are relevant and have to be investigated for a successful transition from the traditional form of government to a new form known as e-government. The main focus was on the following topics: – improving citizen participation and policy making (e-democracy) – government application integration – semantic Web technologies for e-government – security aspects for e-government services Two sessions were dedicated to e-democracy, an emerging area within- government that seeks to enhance democratic processes and provide increased opportunities for individuals and communities to be involved in governmental decisions.Thecontributionsofthesetwosessionscovermorefundamentalresults and insights as well as experiences from di?erent countries. Another focus was on government application integration and the use of - mantic Web technologies, which are important technical aspects on the agenda of e-government research. Di?erent architectures for the integration and orch- tration of distributed services and processes were presented along with two case studies. Three papers about Semantic Web technologies discussed the use of ontologies in e-government.

The Democracy Sourcebook offers a collection of classic writings and contemporary scholarship on democracy, creating a book that can be used by undergraduate and graduate students in a wide variety of courses, including American politics, international relations, comparative politics, and political philosophy. The editors have chosen substantial excerpts from the essential theorists of the past, including Jean-Jacques Rousseau, John Stuart Mill, Alexis de Tocqueville, and the authors of The Federalist Papers; they place them side by side with the work of such influential modern scholars as Joseph Schumpeter, Adam Przeworski, Seymour Martin Lipset, Samuel P. Huntington, Ronald Dworkin, and Amartya Sen.The book is divided into nine self-contained chapters:'Defining Democracy,'which discusses procedural, deliberative, and substantive democracy;'Sources of Democracy,'on why democracy exists in some countries and not in others;'Democracy, Culture, and Society,'about cultural and sociological preconditions for democracy;'Democracy and Constitutionalism,'which focuses on the importance of independent courts and a bill of rights;'Presidentialism versus Parliamentarianism';'Representation,'discussing which is the fairest system of democratic accountability;'Interest Groups';'Democracy's Effects,'an examination of the effect of democracy on economic growth and social inequality; and finally,'Democracy and the Global Order'discusses the effects of democracy on international relations, including the propensity for war and the erosion of national sovereignty by transnational forces.

Die Verfassung der USA ist die älteste und einflußreichste'moderne'Verfassung. Der U. S. Supreme Court hat die Rechtsprechung westlicher Verfassungsgerichte maßgeblich geprägt. In der weltweiten Konstitutionalisierungsbewegung seit dem Zusammenbruch des Kommunismus konkurriert das amerikanische Modell inzwischen mit anderen westlichen Verfassungsordnungen um Einfluß. Dazu zählt nicht zuletzt das Modell des Grundgesetzes und des Bundesverfassungsgerichts. Der Autor informiert über die wichtigsten Legitimationskriterien und Strukturen der US-Verfassung und vergleicht an vielen Stellen den amerikanischen mit dem deutschen Konstitutionalismus. So kommen die Streitpunkte des modernen Konstitutionalismus und der Verfassungsgerichtsbarkeit zur Sprache: Demokratische Organisationsverfassung oder materiale Werteverfassung? Grundrechte nur als Abwehrrechte oder auch als objektive, pflichtenbegründende Werte? Begrenzung der Verfassungsgerichtsbarkeit auf Anwendung klaren Verfassungsrechts oder Optimierung der Verfassung durch Repräsentationsverstärkung oder gar Ergebniskontrolle aufgrund der Generalklauseln der Verfassung? Soll es eher Aufgabe der Politik oder der Gerichte sein, die Verfassung'auf dem laufenden'zu halten? Neben diesen konzeptionellen Hauptfragen des modernen Konstitutionalismus analysiert Winfried Brugger viele streitige Fälle: Abtreibung als Grundrecht oder als Unrecht; Umfang des Schutzes für Homosexualität; Grenzen der Redefreiheit etwa bei Haßrede; Gleichheitsrechte und Rassengleichberechtigung. Ein Rückblick auf die Federalist Papers erhellt konkurrierende Strategien politischer Einigung, die auch der europäischen Einigung zugrunde liegen.