Search

Scholars and practitioners usually regard the nuclear non-proliferation regime as composed of two categories of countries – those with and those without nuclear weapons. The latter are regarded as the core designers of that regime, while the former have their prominence in shaping non-proliferation institutions eclipsed or ignored. This book proposes to go beyond that duality by focusing on a usually neglected group of states: latent nuclear countries. Those are the countries that possess advanced nuclear capabilities but no weapons. This book shows that latent nuclear countries not only participate actively in non-proliferation institutions but also promote the creation of new frameworks highlighting concerns and perspectives different from their nuclear-weapon and nuclear-free counterparts. The author makes this argument through an intricate combination of quantitative and qualitative methods, with an in-depth analysis of Brazil and Germany as sources for case studies. He makes the case to understand the nuclear non-proliferation regime as an inclusive and refined approach that takes into consideration countries'nuclear capabilities, identities, role conceptions, and domestic structures.

This book explores how non-governmental organizations (NGOs), with their sphere of influence within the State and beyond, enrich the international community by working on critical areas affecting people's lives and expectations, to facilitate a more humanising international law. It provides ideas, highlights issues, and identifies actors, actions, and the scope of NGOs in international law. It charts possibilities and limitations of NGOs within the legal framework of a State and its evolution over the years. The book highlights how NGOs, having obtained'consultative status'from the UN Economic and Social Council, have now extended their access and area of influence to international actors like inter-governmental organisations, international courts and tribunals. It provides an overview of NGO's performance and the important role they play in the making of human rights, protection of environment and business ethics. The book is primarily doctrinal containing case studies of important NGOs. The purview is an inquiry, analysis and overview of literature of NGOs in international law from a wide range of sources. The book will help shape the debate over power and functions of NGOs in the background of new loci of NGOs'work. It is useful for students, research scholars, the NGO community, corporations'CSR departments, and concerned governmental agencies. Additionally, being interdisciplinary in nature, it caters to the demands of politics, sociology, management, public policy and social work apart from law.

This book seeks to answer a number of key questions about the relationship between the IMF, developing states and the impact of financial crises on human rights abuses, including: Why do some but not other IMF-assisted developing states experience the joint outbreak of currency and sudden reversal crises under the Fund's program?; What are some of the short-term political ramifications of such crises?; Why do human rights violation by governments increase sharply in the wake of twin currency and sudden reversal crisis in some but not all crisis-affected countries?

In the years since Independence in 1962, Jamaica's foreign policy has reflected the flux and reflux of international affairs. There has been continuity in the midst of change; and while the country has sought to deepen its traditional friendships and widen its network of allies, it has also experienced occasions of externally determined crisis and major disagreement both within the Caribbean and in the wider world. Bearing in mind the profound changes which have taken place in the international sphere since independence, this book examines some of the main initiatives and responses which have characterised Jamaican foreign policy over the last sixty years.

The book is about the role of religious leadership in settling disputes of a legal nature within religious communities and the effects of this process on immigrant integration in Canada and the USA. The community-based practice of law in Jewish (Orthodox, Conservative and Reform) & Muslim (Sunni) communities in Canada and the USA are the communities studied here. The role of religious leadership, the gender implications of this type of dispute resolution and the implications for immigrant integration are all explored among a number of other topics.

This text provides a thorough overview of how states pursue security against violence, and how this pursuit paradoxically creates greater insecurity at the national, international, and individual levels. The traditional insistence that states are the primary and most important actors makes security, ultimately, elusive. This argument provides a compelling framework for students to understand the breadth and nuance of security at each level. Case studies throughout the text bring life to the concepts. This fully revised third edition includes discussion of the Russian invasion of Ukraine, China and the Uyghurs, the Covid-19 pandemic, the January 6th Capitol insurrection, Trump's attempt to overturn the 2020 election; Mexico's use of its military in internal security, the coup in Myanmar, Orbán's Hungary, China and Taiwan, India and Pakistan, US-China competition, China's Belt and Road Initiative, Russia's Wagner Group, North Korea's missile testing, refugees in Poland, and numerous other examples, large and small. The third edition features:Highlighted cases to illustrate new security threats across the globe, now listed at the start of each chapterBeginning-of-chapter Learning Objectives and End-of-chapter Discussion Questions that reinforce student learning and engagementThe unique framework arguing that security remains elusive because of the ethic insisting that states are the most important actors.

Human rights — and the international institutions that strive to protect them — are under increasing attack from powerful actors on the global stage, from recent political trends even within established democracies and from new technologies. Together, these threats have undermined what had been a fragile international consensus as recently as two decades ago about the importance of concerted international action to protect human rights and punish those who abuse them.China, Russia, and other nondemocratic regimes have become increasingly bold in acting as if agreed-upon international human rights standards no longer exist, or at least do not apply to them. More broadly, domestic political movements based on nationalism, religion, and populism are challenging human rights norms on nearly every continent. And new technologies — including autonomous weapons systems and relentless digital surveillance — have given national leaders new ways to control or even abuse their citizens with impunity.This book examines these new challenges to international and regional human rights in Africa, Europe, Latin America, and the Middle East. It is the result of a year of workshops with human rights activists and young leaders from around the world, with chapters written by a diverse group of leading scholars. Beyond describing the challenges to human rights, the book offers targeted, practical recommendations for national and multilateral policymakers, activists, and scholars for concrete actions to protect human rights as well as improve public understanding of why doing so is essential.Reclaiming Human Rights in a Changing World Order will interest scholars of international relations and human rights law, domestic and international activists involved in human rights — indeed, anyone wanting to understand the implications for the liberal international order of the new geopolitical competition, modern technology, and political and social movements.

Global Development, Ethics, and Epistemic Injustice: Rethinking Theory and Practice presents a critical analysis of global development from a perspective that is both theoretical and practical, addressing both ethical and epistemic issues. Offering a unique perspective from having worked as a practitioner in global development for several years, then left the practice to ponder the deep ethical issues that shadow global development, Anna Malavisi argues that one of the problems in global development today is the absence of an ethical analysis; ethics in development today is overshadowed by economic and political interests, as well as national self-interest. The book describes how Chagas diseases, as a Neglected Tropical Disease, continues to plague vulnerable populations in poorer countries such as Bolivia due to a very limited way in how it has been conceived, understood, and addressed. Malavisi offers a strong ethical approach, comprising a feminist methodology, a social ethical praxis, political responsibility, epistemic justice, and deep-green theory. A strong ethical approach is necessary to address Chagas Disease as well as other development problems in a more effective way.

This book provides an expanded conceptualization of legalization that focuses on implementation of obligation, precision, and delegation at the international and domestic levels of politics. By adding domestic politics and the actors to the international level of analysis, the authors add the insights of Kenneth Waltz, Graham Allison, and Louis Henkin to understand why most international law is developed and observed most of the time. However, the authors argue that law-breaking and law-distorting occurs as a part of negative legalization. Consequently, the book offers a framework for understanding how international law both produces and undermines order and justice. The authors also draw from realist, liberal, constructivist, cosmopolitan and critical theories to analyse how legalization can both build and/or undermine consensus, which results in either positive or negative legalization of international law. The authors argue that legalization is a process over time and not just a snapshot in time.

Book of the Disappeared confronts worldwide human rights violations of enforced disappearance and genocide and explores the global quest for justice with forceful, outstanding contributions by respected scholars, expert practitioners, and provocative contemporary artists. This profoundly humane book spotlights our historic inhumanity while offering insights for survival and transformation.

The Death and Life of State Repression addresses a problem that dates back at least 75 years, if not before. Since World War II, individuals and institutions from around the world have been concerned with state repression/human rights violations and since about 1990, a robust empirical literature has emerged to investigate what drives this behavior up or down (i.e., exploring variation). While useful, this work has generally ignored important aspects of the'Death/Life cycle'of state repression: i.e., its onset, escalation, termination and recurrence. Such an approach is important because different explanations and policies might be relevant for different parts of the cycle. Exploring a new database of repressive spells from 1976-2006 and new theory regarding spells, The Death and Life of State Repression breaks new ground in a variety of different ways. The book argues that repression is a sticky process that is largely slow-moving and non-adaptive. Consequently, change in this behavior is rare unless the ruling cohort is perturbed in some manner. What perturbs is somewhat surprising. The authors do not argue or find support for the predominant variables/policies advanced by the international community (i.e., naming/shaming, international law, military intervention and economic sanctions). Rather, their research advances and finds that political democratization plays a crucial role in reducing and stopping most aspects of repressive spells, and democratization itself is influenced by non-violent direct action. The book has major implications for those who wish to study state repression, as well as those who have an interest in trying to reduce and stop it from occurring across the Death/Life cycle. The path to less repressive behavior has never been clearer.

Why should we in Australia, or any country, care about poverty, human rights atrocities, health epidemics, environmental catastrophes, weapons proliferation or any other problems afflicting faraway countries, when they don't, as is often the case, have any direct or immediate impact on our own safety or prosperity? Gareth Evans'answer is the approach he adopted when Australia's foreign minister. He argues that to be, and be seen to be, a good international citizen—a state that cares about other people's suffering, and does everything reasonably possible to alleviate it—is both a moral imperative and a matter of hard-headed national interest. The case for decency in conducting our international relations is based both on the reality of our common humanity, and a national interest just as compelling as the traditional duo of security and prosperity.Four key benchmarks matter most in assessing any country's record as a good international citizen: its foreign aid generosity; its response to human rights violations; its reaction to conflict, mass atrocities, and the refugee flows that are so often their aftermath; and its contribution to addressing the global existential threats posed by climate change, pandemics and nuclear war. Measured against them, Australia's overall record has been patchy at best, lamentable at worst, and is presently embarrassingly poor. The better news is that, on all available evidence, the problem lies not with the negative attitudes of our people, but our governments. Those in office might prefer Berthold Brecht's solution: ‘dissolve the people and elect another.'But the right course for the rest of us is to persuade our political leaders, on both moral and national interest grounds, to change their ways, and to vote them out if they don't.

Human security refers in its broadest sense to the protection of individuals from harm. Human Security: Theory and Action explores the theory and application of concepts central to this notion of security. It examines the conceptual roots of human security, connecting its origins to its applications and challenges in war and peacetime. With a unique focus on the evolving notion of responsibility for security, the text introduces the critical questions and priorities that underpin policies and actions.The text is organized around four sections. The introduction offers an overview of human security and its basic tenets and historical foundations. The second section focuses on human security in armed conflict and post-conflict reconstruction, discussing such issues as the doctrine of Responsibility to Protect, racial inequality, peacekeeping and peace negotiation processes, and humanitarian assistance. The third section identifies the long-term issues that are necessary for a durable human security, including human rights, food security, poverty, gender equality, health security, and environmental sustainability. The final section applies the concepts introduced in the book to twenty-first century concerns and offers insights on turning theory into action.Integrated into the text are many case studies to broaden the student's awareness beyond the conflicts and issues that dominate the media. By balancing theoretical explanations with concrete illustrative cases, both historical and contemporary, the text provides intellectually challenging and intrinsically interesting material and offers a unique, comprehensive introduction human security in war and peace. The second edition of Human Security: Theory and Action examines the conceptual roots of human security, connecting its origins to its application in a time of conflict, inequality, environmental stress, and the aftermath of a global pandemic.

This book provides a comprehensive picture of the human rights diplomacy of the sub-Saharan African states, Asian states, Muslim states, the European Union, and the Latin American and Caribbean states. The book is based on the assumption that the religious and cultural norms of all important civilizations/cultures/religions can be reconciled, within certain limits, with the international human rights standards. The book explodes the myth that the UN Human Rights Council has become a platform for a “clash of civilizations”.

Drawing on the personal experience of a leading international jurist, this book provides insights into the workings of international law and human rights from a global perspective that transcends the traditional divide between the West and the East, and the Global South and Global North. The work follows the author's remarkable journey from a simple village in Nepal to becoming an international jurist acclaimed for his innovative academic and influential practical legal work and nomination for the Nobel Peace Prize. It offers insights into the powers bearing on international policymaking, the dynamics of human rights negotiations with governments, and the effects of their outcomes on the lives of their citizens. While much has been written on international human rights law, this inspirational memoir casts a new light on the working of human rights, law, and justice through the eyes of a leading actor. It provides a valuable contribution to the study of justice and human rights and the importance of individual action. As such, the book presents an accessible source for current debates around the development and effectiveness of international law and human rights and practices for decolonising these debates. The book will provide inspiration and practical guidance for students, academics, international lawyers, jurists, and human rights advocates.

Why should we in Australia, or any country, care about poverty, human rights atrocities, health epidemics, environmental catastrophes, weapons proliferation or any other problems afflicting faraway countries, when they don't, as is often the case, have any direct or immediate impact on our own safety or prosperity? Gareth Evans'answer is the approach he adopted when Australia's foreign minister. He argues that to be, and be seen to be, a good international citizen — a state that cares about other people's suffering, and does everything reasonably possible to alleviate it — is both a moral imperative and a matter of hard-headed national interest. The case for decency in conducting our international relations is based both on the reality of our common humanity, and a national interest just as compelling as the traditional duo of security and prosperity. Four key benchmarks matter most in assessing any country's record as a good international citizen: its foreign aid generosity; its response to human rights violations; its reaction to conflict, mass atrocities, and the refugee flows that are so often their aftermath; and its contribution to addressing the global existential threats posed by climate change, pandemics and nuclear war. Measured against them, Australia's overall record has been patchy at best, lamentable at worst, and is presently embarrassingly poor. The better news is that, on all available evidence, the problem lies not with the negative attitudes of our people, but our governments. Those in office might prefer Berthold Brecht's solution: ‘dissolve the people and elect another.'But the right course for the rest of us is to persuade our political leaders, on both moral and national interest grounds, to change their ways, and to vote them out if they don't.

This Handbook represents an unprecedented exploration of the positive peace platform. It permits a comprehensive appreciation of the breadth of positive peace that engages with nonviolence, environmental sustainability, social justice and positive relationships scholarship.The work serves as a one-stop shop for scholar/practitioners interested in locating their inquiry and outputs in the field of positive peace and provides readers from a multitude of disciplines and academic departments with a comprehensive overview of the multiplicity of positive peace research in one location. In doing so, the Handbook of Positive Peace securely demarcates and recognizes the positive peace platform in social scientific and humanities academic disciplines.

In an age of intolerance where religious persecution is widespread, Barbara Ann Rieffer-Flanagan explores how societies can promote freedom of religion or belief as a fundamental right of citizensExamining the extent of religious persecution throughout the world, this cutting-edge book explores mechanisms to address religious intolerance and develop religious freedom, outlining the necessary factors to measure progress on the protection of this fundamental human right. Chapters explore how freedom of religion or belief can be institutionalized in dispositions, laws, and policies through efforts which limit negative depictions of the religious (or non-religious) Other in public discourse. Rieffer-Flanagan demonstrates how reforms that enhance the ability of civil society actors to operate can also promote freedom of religion or belief, and how states and IGOs can support these efforts. Ultimately, this innovative book proves that reforms must be continually nurtured for freedom of religion or belief to exist in society.With interview-based research and a diverse range of regional case studies, this will be a vital resource for students and scholars of philosophy, religion, human rights law and political science. Considering the role of leaders in the promotion of religious tolerance, the book will also prove invaluable to policymakers concerned with human rights and freedom of religion or belief.

The Rights Track: Sound Evidence on Human Rights and Modern Slavery uses rich content from The Rights Track podcast [www.rightstrack.org] in an innovative book that enhances and enriches our understanding of the human rights challenges facing the world today. This book showcases the important role of evidence in tackling those challenges and explores the medium of podcasting as a tool for discussing how research evidence is used to protect and promote human rights. The book is situated in the context of the post-9/11 era and the many geo-political changes that have taken place over the first two decades of the twenty-first century. Its motivation is to (1) demonstrate the healthy and inspiring work being carried out on multiple dimensions of human rights, (2) capture the different kinds of insights and knowledge about human rights through the dialogic and conversational format of podcasts, and (3) illustrate the enduring importance of human rights, particularly during increasingly challenging times. Each series of the podcast has been structured around big questions in the field of human rights, which have evolved thematically over six years (2015-2021). The book also groups these big questions thematically, where the text is written for a general audience and in a user-friendly style. Part I provides the background and context for the content. Part II addresses significant human rights themes ranging from human rights mobilisation to human rights in times of the COVID-19 pandemic. Part III addresses the global challenge of modern slavery, a United Nations Sustainable Development Goal aimed to help more than 40 million enslaved people in the world today. Part IV provides a stock take and projection for the future of human rights. The dialogic and conversational format of the podcasts provide a rich source of human rights content that stays close to the voice of the very people seeking to advance human rights.

This book offers a critical examination of certain ideas and values—such as remembering, forgiveness, story-telling through Truth and Reconciliation Commissions, etc.—that under-gird the transitional practices and mechanisms of societies emerging from conflicts. It does so by making the survivors'experience the supreme and ultimate judge of the legitimacy of such practices. While many scholars have dealt with these topics, this book provides a unique perspective on them by using personal stories, narratives and memoirs of the survivors as a checking point of the theoretical elaboration of these ideas and values. By means of an existential phenomenological analysis of the situation of survivors of gross human rights violations, the book assesses how many resources are still available to them, so that they can contribute to the processes of reconstruction and reconciliation of their societies. This analysis constitutes the background for reading the rest of the book, which challenges some assumptions and presumptions of transitional practices such as healing through truth-telling, or providing justice through reparations. It does so by presenting nuanced suggestions on the ways survivors can participate in the reconstruction-reconciliation processes, without jeopardizing their own well-being.

The speed of technological development, from cell phones to artificial intelligence, opens up exciting new opportunities for promoting human flourishing. It also raises grave risks, threatening not only personal privacy and dignity but also our collective survival. Technologies of Human Rights Representation brings together three fields of research critical to securing our future: changing technologies, human rights, and representation. For each of these fields, this book asks key questions: How can we open the black box of technological advances so that we can more fully understand their effects upon our lives? What can we do to make sure that these effects align with the values of human rights? And how does the way we talk about technology and rights—from military reports and corporate marketing to human rights reports and poetry—amplify or diminish our capacity both to understand and to control what happens next? Contributors from anthropology, communications, criminology, global studies, law, literary and cultural studies, and women and gender studies bring diverse methodological approaches to these crucial questions.

This book offers a unique and timely political analysis of war, international law and human rights, and the important interconnections among them. It questions why war features as a foundational problem in ​contemporary world affairs and explores how international law is used to manage this and other types of political violence. Challenging conventional thinking that understands war as a problem to be solved and law as an antidote to organized but unruly violence, this book situates the promotion and protection of human rights within the wider context of the modernist project, particularly during the epoch of the Anthropocene. Taking a critical perspective that draws on concepts found in the work of Michel Foucault, Pierre Bourdieu and Bruno Latour, this book casts new light on the ways in which the politics of war, law and rights produces profound insecurities for the human species as well as for other life forms and life systems on this planet.

Persistent international conflicts, increasing inequality in many regions or the world, and acute environmental and climate-related threats to humanity call for a better understanding of the processes, actors and tools available to face the challenges of achieving global justice. This book offers a broad and multidisciplinary survey of global justice, bridging the gap between theory and practice by connecting conceptual frameworks with a panoply of case studies and an in-depth discussion of practical challenges. Connecting these critical aspects to larger moral and ethical debates is essential for thinking about large, abstract ideas and applying them directly to specific contexts. Core content includes: Key debates in global justice from across philosophy, postcolonial studies, political science, sociology and criminology The origins of global justice and the development of the human rights agenda; peacekeeping and post-conflict studies Global poverty and sustainable development Global security and transnational crime Environmental justice, public health and well-being Rather than providing a blueprint for the practice of global justice, this text problematizes efforts to cope with many justice related issues. The pedagogical approach is designed to map the difficulties that exist between theory and praxis, encourage critical thinking and fuel debates to help seek alternative solutions. Bringing together perspectives from a wealth of disciplines, this book is essential reading for courses on global justice across criminology, sociology, political science, anthropology, philosophy and law.

An innovative framework for advancing human rights Human rights are among our most pressing issues today, yet rights promoters have reached an impasse in their effort to achieve rights for all. Human Rights for Pragmatists explains why: activists prioritize universal legal and moral norms, backed by the public shaming of violators, but in fact rights prevail only when they serve the interests of powerful local constituencies. Jack Snyder demonstrates that where local power and politics lead, rights follow. He presents an innovative roadmap for addressing a broad agenda of human rights concerns: impunity for atrocities, dilemmas of free speech in the age of social media, entrenched abuses of women's rights, and more.Exploring the historical development of human rights around the globe, Snyder shows that liberal rights–based states have experienced a competitive edge over authoritarian regimes in the modern era. He focuses on the role of power, the interests of individuals and the groups they form, and the dynamics of bargaining and coalitions among those groups. The path to human rights entails transitioning from a social order grounded in patronage and favoritism to one dedicated to equal treatment under impersonal rules. Rights flourish when they benefit dominant local actors with the clout to persuade ambivalent peers. Activists, policymakers, and others attempting to advance rights should embrace a tailored strategy, one that acknowledges local power structures and cultural practices.Constructively turning the mainstream framework of human rights advocacy on its head, Human Rights for Pragmatists offers tangible steps that all advocates can take to move the rights project forward.

Volume 26 in the Procedural Aspects of International Law Monograph Series The Law and Process of the U.N. Human Rights Committee focuses attention how the Committee functions as a decision-making body and brings to light troubling flaws in the Committee's operations that may undermine its ability to induce compliance. Published under the auspices of the Procedural Aspects of International Law Institute (PAIL). For more information about PAIL please go to Pail-Institute.org.Published under the Transnational Publishers imprint.

From 2000 to 2015 the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs) mobilized external aid to finance life-changing services in the global South. However, in doing so, the organization failed to meet the challenges often associated with human rights initiatives, which are to make underprivileged communities independently prosperous, equitable, and sustainable. In Global Development and Human Rights, Paul Nelson assesses the current thirty-year effort to make transformative changes in the global South by exploring how this disconnect from human rights weakened the MDGs reputation as a successful aid organization. To overcome the failings of the MDGs, the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) were formed in 2016 with the intention of managing the issues fundamentally ignored by the MDGs. Drawing on twenty-five years of research on development goals, human rights, and the organizations that promote them, Nelson reasons that transformative change arises out of national and local movements, and shows how human rights can offer leverage and political support that help drive transformative national initiatives.

A look at the duty of nations to protect human rights beyond borders, why it has failed in practice, and what can be done about itThe idea that states share a responsibility to shield people everywhere from atrocities is presently under threat. Despite some early twenty-first century successes, including the 2005 United Nations endorsement of the Responsibility to Protect, the project has been placed into jeopardy due to catastrophes in such places as Syria, Myanmar, and Yemen; resurgent nationalism; and growing global antagonism. In Sharing Responsibility, Luke Glanville seeks to diagnose the current crisis in international protection by exploring its long and troubled history. With attention to ethics, law, and politics, he measures what possibilities remain for protecting people wherever they reside from atrocities, despite formidable challenges in the international arena.With a focus on Western natural law and the European society of states, Glanville shows that the history of the shared responsibility to protect is marked by courageous efforts, as well as troubling ties to Western imperialism, evasion, and abuse. The project of safeguarding vulnerable populations can undoubtedly devolve into blame shifting and hypocrisy, but can also spark effective burden sharing among nations. Glanville considers how states should support this responsibility, whether it can be coherently codified in law, the extent to which states have embraced their responsibilities, and what might lead them to do so more reliably in the future.Sharing Responsibility wrestles with how countries should care for imperiled people and how the ideal of the responsibility to protect might inspire just behavior in an imperfect and troubled world.

The problem of preventing mass human-rights violations and atrocity crimes is one of the key issues in international relations. The book presents the capacity of the international community in the field. The available instruments of early warning, preventive diplomacy as well as legal, economic, and military measures of prevention are included. Cases of Chechnya, Rwanda, Côte d'Ivoire and Libya allowed the analysis of international engagement in typical situations involving mass human-rights violations and atrocity crimes related to self-determination, ethnic tensions, power struggles and attempts to overthrow a dictatorship. They show that although the international community has significantly increased its capacity to prevent, it has not created a coherent system of prevention.

This book explores a new way of doing diplomacy through the engagement with non-governmental organizations, here referred to as hybrid diplomacy. Today's global politics is played out most successfully by the combined actions of different actors. A specific type of partnership is that between governments (namely Ministries of Foreign Affairs) and civil society organizations. While not the only type of global partnership at work, this is particularly effective in advancing new issues and promoting the norm changes that have been discussed at length in international relations and sociological literature. The author has chosen Italy as a case study because of the country's prolonged deployment of such policy. Being a middle power, with a strong non-profit sector, and hosting the central node of catholic global network, Italy is well positioned to take advantage of this new diplomatic mode. Through presenting a new reading of the Italian contribution to international affairs, this book contributes to broadening the scholarship in foreign policy analysis and transnational activism.

This study examines and compares the important work on global human rights advocacy done by religious NGOs and by secular NGOs. By studying the similarities in how such organizations understand their work, we can better consider not only how religious and secular NGOs might complement each other but also how they might collaborate and cooperate in the advancement of human rights. However, little research has attempted to compare these types of NGOs and their approaches. NGOs and Human Rights explores this comparison and identifies the key areas of overlap and divergence. In so doing, it lays the groundwork for better understanding how to capitalize on the strengths of religious groups, especially in addressing the world's many human rights challenges. This book uses a new dataset of more than three hundred organizations affiliated with the United Nations Human Rights Council to compare the extent to which religious and secular NGOs differ in their framing, discussion, and operationalization of human rights work. Using both quantitative analysis of the extensive data collected by the authors and forty-seven in depth interviews conducted with members of human rights organizations in the sample, Charity Butcher and Maia Carter Hallward analyze these organizations'approaches to questions of culture, development, women's rights, children's rights, and issues of peace and conflict.

An expanded and updated edition of a classic work on human rights and global justiceSince its original publication, Basic Rights has proven increasingly influential to those working in political philosophy, human rights, global justice, and the ethics of international relations and foreign policy, particularly in debates regarding foreign policy's role in alleviating global poverty. Henry Shue asks: Which human rights ought to be the first honored and the last sacrificed? Shue argues that subsistence rights, along with security rights and liberty rights, serve as the ground of all other human rights. This classic work, now available in a thoroughly updated fortieth-anniversary edition, includes a substantial new chapter by the author examining how the accelerating transformation of our climate progressively undermines the bases of subsistence like sufficient water, affordable food, and housing safe from forest-fires and sea-level rise. Climate change threatens basic rights.

Fully updated, the sixth edition of International Human Rights examines the ways in which states and other international actors have addressed human rights since the end of World War II. This unique textbook features substantial attention to theory, history, international and regional institutions, and the role of transnational actors in the protection and promotion of human rights. Its purpose is to explore the difficult and contentious politics of human rights, and how those political dimensions have been addressed at the national, regional, and especially international levels.Key features include: substantially revised throughout, including new material on LGBTQ rights in Africa, Indigenous peoples'rights in Guatemala, the Rohingya crisis in Myanmar, and a new chapter on human rights and development; in-text features such as discussion questions, suggested readings, case studies, and'problems'to promote classroom discussion and in-depth examination of topics; concise yet clearly organised and comprehensive coverage of the topic. International Human Rights is essential reading for courses and modules in human rights, politics and international relations, law, criminal justice, sociology, social work, public administration, and international development.

Proyecto/Trabajo fin de carrera del año 2020 en eltema Política - Generalidades y teorías de la política internacional,, Idioma: Español, Resumen: Se estudia a una de estas ONG's de la sociedad civil, concretamente a la Fundación Red Inmigrante (REDIN), localizada en el sur de Chile, analizando sus acciones y movimientos humanitarios para poder crear un cuadro comparativo de esta disputa entre sociedades civiles e instituciones por la libre participación y salvaguardar los Derechos Humanos de los migrantes. Los Derechos Humanos cada vez son más vulnerados dentro del contexto geográfico latinoamericano, y se han creado distintos organismos multilaterales para ayudar ante estas crisis humanitarias. La Conferencia Suramericana de Migraciones (CSM) es un espacio creado para que los países de la región puedan abordar las temáticas que involucran a las poblaciones migrantes vulneradas, no obstante, no es suficiente para ofrecer una solución a las vulneraciones que viven las personas que, la mayoría de las veces, arriesgan incluso su propia vida con tal de encontrar un mejor destino. Aquí entra en juego el rol de las ONG's y la sociedad civil, en un campo naturalmente dominado por los estados y las instituciones internacionales, donde ponen su grano de arena para mejorar las vidas de estas personas deshauciadas e intentan comprometerse a nivel institucional y de forma directa con la CSM.

This book analyzes human rights and crime prevention challenges from the perspective of the 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the 2030 United Nations Sustainable Development Agenda, in particular its goal 16 on promoting peaceful, inclusive and just societies, the creation and development of which depend on the interplay between various secular and non-secular (f)actors. The book reflects on the implementation of these two legal instruments from a “back to the future” standpoint, that is, drawing on the wisdom of contributors to the 2030 Agenda from the past and present in order to offer a constructive inter-disciplinary and intergenerational approach. The book's intended readership includes academics and educationists, criminal justice practitioners and experts, diplomats, spiritual leaders and non-governmental actors; its goal is to encourage them to pursue a socially and human rights oriented drive for “larger freedom,” which is currently jeopardized by adverse political currents.

This book provides a short, comprehensive, critical analysis of trafficking in human beings. Despite the size and scope of this criminal activity, there remains a need for an accurate, objective, contemporary examination of this threat as the nature of this crime and the strategies developed to counter it are fluid. Trafficking harms not only the lives of those trafficked but equally families and communities, as well as national economies and social cohesion. As this crime spans the spectrum of social science disciplines and fields of study, together with its increasing exposure in the media, this has led to a sharp increase in interest in this topic within the academic community and amongst policy makers, criminal justice practitioners and the wider public. This book draws on current research, the authors'expert knowledge and insight into current counter-trafficking practices to provide a critical analysis of the crime and strategies to counter its prevalence.

This book describes the potential and challenges of cosmopolitanism from a philosophical and historical point of view. Through the prism of cosmopolitanism, this book considers how the recent surge in migration is affecting our current reality, while also taking stock of the contemporary potential of cosmopolitan ideas. It considers and compares the significance of religion and culture for the wider societal acceptance or rejection of refugees. Moreover, the book examines the European Court of Human Rights jurisprudence on immigration policies, non-refoulement, humanitarian law and gender. It presents empirically based research of a quantitative, qualitative and comparative nature regarding the determinants of attitudes towards cosmopolitanism and more generally concerning public opinion on migration issues, and reflects on conceptions of and attitudes towards citizenship, while also imagining new forms of citizenship. This book serves as a comprehensive overview and resource for migration scholars from the social sciences and the humanities, as well as students and other stakeholders in the fields of migration and human rights.

This book examines how and why, in the context of International Relations, children's subjecthood has all too often been relegated to marginal terrains and children themselves automatically associated with the need for protection in vulnerable situations: as child soldiers, refugees, and conflated with women, all typically with the accent on the Global South. Challenging us to think critically about childhood as a technology of global governance, the authors explore alternative ways of finding children and their agency in a more central position in IR, in terms of various forms of children's activism, children and climate change, children and security, children and resilience, and in their inevitable role in governing the future. Focusing on the problems, pitfalls, promises, and prospects of addressing children and childhoods in International Relations, this book places children more squarely in the purview of political subjecthood and hence more centrally in IR.

International human rights have been an important matter for study, policy, and activism since the end of World War II. However, as William H. Meyer observes, global governance is not only a relatively new topic for students of interational relations but also a widely used yet often contested concept. Despite the conflicting and often politicized uses of the term, three key dimensions of global governance can be identified: the impact of diplomatic international organizations such as the International Criminal Court, the importance of nonstate actors and global civil society, and global political trends that can be gleaned from empirical observation and data collection. In Human Rights and Global Governance, Meyer defines global governance generally as the management of global issues within a political space that has no single centralized authority.Employing a combination of historical, quantitative, normative, and policy analyses, Meyer presents a series of case studies at the intersection of power politics and international justice. He examines the global campaign to end impunity for dictators; the recognition, violation, and protection of indigenous rights; the creation and expansion of efforts to ensure corporate social responsibility; the interactions between labor rights and development in the Global South; just war theory as it applies to torturing terrorists, war crimes in Afghanistan and Iraq, and the drone wars; and the global strategic environment that best facilitates the making of human rights treaties. Meyer concludes with an evaluation of the successes and failures of two exemplary models for the global governance of human rights as well as recommendations for public policy changes and visions for the future.

This book analyses the debates on colonial genocide in the 21st century and introduces cases where states are reluctant to acknowledge genocides. The author departs from traditional studies of the work of Raphael Lemkin or U.N. definitions of genocide so that readers can examine genocide recognition as a political act that is bound up in partial perceptions and political motivations. The study looks at the Tasmanian genocide, Al-Nakba, and several other tragic events. It also looks at the ways that these historical and contemporary debates about colonial genocides are related to today's conversations about apologies and other restorative justice acts. This work will be of interest to a wide range of audiences including researchers, scholars, graduate students, and policy makers in the fields of political history, genocide studies, and political science.

An in-depth look at the historic and strategic deployment of rights in political conflicts throughout the worldRights are usually viewed as defensive concepts representing mankind's highest aspirations to protect the vulnerable and uplift the downtrodden. But since the Enlightenment, political combatants have also used rights belligerently, to batter despised communities, demolish existing institutions, and smash opposing ideas. Delving into a range of historical and contemporary conflicts from all areas of the globe, Rights as Weapons focuses on the underexamined ways in which the powerful wield rights as aggressive weapons against the weak.Clifford Bob looks at how political forces use rights as rallying cries: naturalizing novel claims as rights inherent in humanity, absolutizing them as trumps over rival interests or community concerns, universalizing them as transcultural and transhistorical, and depoliticizing them as concepts beyond debate. He shows how powerful proponents employ rights as camouflage to cover ulterior motives, as crowbars to break rival coalitions, as blockades to suppress subordinate groups, as spears to puncture discrete policies, and as dynamite to explode whole societies. And he demonstrates how the targets of rights campaigns repulse such assaults, using their own rights-like weapons: denying the abuses they are accused of, constructing rival rights to protect themselves, portraying themselves as victims rather than violators, and repudiating authoritative decisions against them. This sophisticated framework is applied to a diverse range of examples, including nineteenth-century voting rights movements; the American civil rights movement; nationalist, populist, and religious movements in today's Europe; and internationalized conflicts related to Palestinian self-determination, animal rights, gay rights, and transgender rights.Comparing key episodes in the deployment of rights, Rights as Weapons opens new perspectives on an idea that is central to legal and political conflicts.

Written from a global perspective, The Institutions of Human Rights examines international human rights institutions and procedures, as well as weighty issues such as the protection of refugee and labor laws. Closely examining international human rights organizations, including the International Labour Organization, the International Criminal Court, and the European Court of Human Rights, this text places a particular focus on how institutions function, arguing that to truly understand human rights affairs one must also understand the politics and motivations at the core of these institutions. Each chapter includes key learning objectives and take-away messages and concludes with discussion questions to promote critical thinking and engagement.

This book explains why there is a pronounced disjuncture between R2P's habitual invocation and its actual influence, and why it will not make the transformative progress its proponents claim. Rather than disputing that R2P is a norm, or declaring that norms are insignificant, Hehir engages with post-positivist constructivist accounts on the role of norms to demonstrate first, that the efficacy of a norm is not directly related to the extent to which it is proliferated or invoked, and second, that in the post-institutionalization phase, norms undergo both contestation and (potentially regressive) reinterpretation. This volume analyses the evolution of R2P, and demonstrates that it has been steadily circumscribed and co-opted, so that today it has no power to meaningfully influence the behaviour of states. It is essential reading for academic audiences in the disciplines of International Relations and International Law.

The relationship between human rights and justice is significant, deep, and ultimately contested. The two terms themselves – human rights and justice – have experienced both conceptual and operational pushback from many quarters in recent years. Although an understanding of justice is inherent in broad human rights discourses, there is no clear consensus on how to integrate and reconcile these concepts – both as a means of advancing knowledge and as a mechanism for the development of sound and effective policy at the global, regional, and national levels. Further, expansions of the boundaries of both human rights and justice make any clear and settled understanding of the relation difficult to ascertain. This volume tackles these issues in a coherent and complementary manner. It examines a range of philosophical, economic, and social perspectives that are key to understanding the nature of the linkages between human rights and justice, written by scholars who are at varying stages of their careers, and whose ongoing work has sparked dialogue and exchange within and across these fields. This work will be of interest to students and scholars of human rights, international relations and ethics.

Carolin Anthes investigates how and why the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO) struggles with systematically integrating a right to food approach in its operations. She analyzes multi-dimensional institutional roadblocks that prevent human rights from being fully mainstreamed. These barriers are shaped by a powerful state of fragmentation and disconnection: a silo culture. The book also offers valuable insights which go beyond the FAO and suggests a fairly unconventional avenue for systemic organizational change in (international) public administrations.

Do international human rights treaties constrain governments from repressing their populations and violating rights? In Contentious Compliance, Courtenay R. Conrad and Emily Hencken Ritter present a new theory of human rights treaty effects founded on the idea that governments repress as part of a domestic conflict with potential or actual dissidents. By introducing dissent like peaceful protests, strikes, boycotts, or direct violent attacks on government, their theory improves understanding of when states will violate rights-and when international laws will work to protect people. Conrad and Ritter investigate the effect of international human rights treaties on domestic conflict and ultimately find that treaties improve human rights outcomes by altering the structure of conflict between political authorities and potential dissidents. A powerful, careful, and empirically sophisticated rejoinder to the critics of international human rights law, Contentious Compliance offers new insights and analyses that will reshape our thinking on law and political violence.

This book offers a materialist critique of mainstream human rights discourse in the period following 9/11, examining literary works, critical histories, international declarations, government statutes, NGO manifestos, and a documentary film. The author points out some of the contradictions that emerge in contemporary rights language when material relations are not sufficiently perceived or acknowledged, and he directs attention to the role of some rights talk in maintaining and managing the accelerated global project of capital accumulation. Even as rights discourse points to injustices—for example, injustices related to labor, gender, the citizen's relationship to the state, or the movement of refugees—it can simultaneously maintain systems of oppression. By constructing subjects who are aligned to the interests of capital, by emphasizing individual “empowerment,” and/or by containing social disenchantment, it reinforces the process of wealth accumulation, supports neoliberal ideologies, and diminishes the possibility of real transformation through collective struggle.

Accessing human rights and justice mechanisms is a pressing issue in global politics. Although an understanding of justice is inherent in broad human rights discourses, there is no clear consensus on how to develop adequate means of accessing them in order to make a difference to people's lives. Further, expansions of the boundaries of both human rights and justice make any clear and settled understanding of the relation difficult to ascertain. This volume tackles these issues by focusing on the dilemmas of accessing and implementing human rights and justice across a range of empirical contexts while also investigating a range of conceptual approaches to, and understandings of, justice, including issues of equality, retribution, and restoration, as well as justice as a transnational professional project. The contributors, representing a range of disciplinary backgrounds and diverse voices, offer empirical examples from Afghanistan, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Syria, Tunisia, and Uganda to explore the issues of accessing and implementing human rights and justice in conflict, post-conflict, and transitional settings. This work will be of interest to students and scholars of international relations, human rights, international criminal justice, and conflict response.

Citizenship within our current international system signifies being fully human, or being worthy of fundamental human rights. For some vulnerable groups, however, this form of political membership is limited or missing entirely, and they face human rights challenges despite a prevalence of international human rights law. These protection gaps are central to hierarchies of personhood, or inequalities that render some people more'worthy'than others for protections and political membership. As a remedy, Lindsey N. Kingston proposes the ideal of'functioning citizenship,'which requires an active and mutually-beneficial relationship between the state and the individual and necessitates the opening of political space for those who cannot be neatly categorized. It signifies membership in a political community, in which citizens support their government while enjoying the protections and services associated with their privileged legal status. At the same time, an inclusive understanding of functioning citizenship also acknowledges that political membership cannot always be limited by the borders of the state or proven with a passport. Fully Human builds its theory by looking at several hierarchies of personhood, from the stateless to the forcibly displaced, migrants, nomadic peoples, Indigenous nations, and'second class'citizens in the United States. It challenges the binary between citizen and noncitizen, arguing that rights are routinely violated in the space between the two. By recognizing these realities, we uncover limitations built into our current international system--but also begin to envision a path toward the realization of human rights norms founded on universality and inalienability. The ideal of functioning citizenship acknowledges the persistent power of the state, yet it does not rely solely on traditional conceptions of citizenship that have proven too flawed and limited for securing true rights protection.

Gregor Peter Hofmann untersucht, wie Gerechtigkeitskonflikte zwischen Staaten die Entwicklung internationaler Normen beeinflussen. Er analysiert hierfür die Debatte über humanitäre Interventionen und das umstrittene Normbündel der internationalen Schutzverantwortung (Responsibility to Protect, R2P). Die R2P hält Staaten dazu an, Völkermord, Verbrechen gegen die Menschlichkeit, Kriegsverbrechen und ethnische Säuberungen zu verhindern. Anknüpfend an die konstruktivistische Normenforschung in den Internationalen Beziehungen, zeichnet der Autor detailliert empirisch nach, wie konträre Vorstellungen über eine gerechte Weltordnung im Spannungsfeld zwischen individuellen Menschenrechten, staatlichen Souveränitätsansprüchen und Forderungen nach prozeduraler Gerechtigkeit das Normbündel der R2P prägen.