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As the strategic rivalry between the United States and China rapidly deepens, growing distrust and fears of China are once again shaping Australian media coverage and public discourse, with potent implications for Australia's China policy. At this crucial historical moment, Engaging China offers a full-throated defence of engagement. This volume brings together a diverse set of Australia's seasoned diplomats, experienced journalists and renowned scholars to assess the current state of Australia–China relations and offer pragmatic advice for how Australia can restore a healthy and stable relationship with China. Over the past five decades, Australia's engagement of China has facilitated a deepening economic relationship alongside expanded cultural, educational and people-to-people exchanges, fostering greater understanding between the two countries and populations. The contributors to this volume share a common vision: Australia and Australians should continue to engage with China and Chinese people for mutual benefit. The chapters take stock of past achievements, identify recent challenges and offer practical suggestions for how the Australian government and Australian firms, institutions and individuals can proactively, productively and securely engage with China. Australia's rich and diverse relations with China extend far beyond the political and economic interactions that tend to dominate news headlines. In explaining how and why an engagement strategy continues to serve Australian interests, Engaging China offers a timely alternative to the prevailing public and policy discourses on Australia's most challenging bilateral relationship.

This gripping account interweaves Nixon and Kissinger's pursuit of the war in Southeast Asia and their diplomacy with the Soviet Union and China with on-the-ground military events and US domestic reactions to the war conducted in Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia. Fire and Rain is a compelling, meticulous narrative of the way national security decisions formed at the highest levels of government affect the lives of individuals at home and abroad. By drawing these connections, Carolyn Woods Eisenberg brings to life policy decisions about Vietnam, Laos, and Cambodia, conveying their significance to a new generation of readers. She breaks fresh ground in contextualizing Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger's decisions within a wider institutional and societal framework. While recognizing the distinctive personalities and ideas of these two men, this study more broadly conveys the competing roles and impact of the professional military, the Congress, and a mobilized peace movement. Drawing upon a vast collection of declassified documents, Eisenberg presents an important re-interpretation of the Nixon Administration's relations with the Soviet Union and China vis a vis the war in Southeast Asia. She argues that in their desperate effort to overcome, or at least overshadow, their failure in Vietnam, Nixon and Kissinger made major concessions to both nations in the field of arms control, their response to the India-Pakistan war, and the diplomacy surrounding Taiwan--much of this secret. Despite policymakers'claims that the Vietnam War was a'national security'necessity that would demonstrate American strength to the communist superpowers and'credibility'to friendly governments, the historical record suggests a different reality. A half-century after the Paris Peace Conference marking the withdrawal of US troops and advisors from Vietnam and foreign troops from Laos and Cambodia, Fire and Rain is a dramatic account of geopolitical decision making, civil society, and the human toll of the war on the people of Southeast Asia.

Follow the Leader, Lose the Region conclusively demonstrates that an understanding of how Asia sees itself should inform Canadian foreign policy in the region.

This book suggests a theoretical framework for the non-democratic and illiberal donors of foreign aid and tests the empirical support of this framework. It aims to examine the foreign aid motivation and preferences of non-democratic and illiberal countries. The study applies the quantitative methodology to understand why nondemocratic and illiberal regimes provide foreign aid and what affects their aid preferences. The findings show that the nature of the relationship between the government and the business elite influences both aid motivation and aid preferences in those countries.

China's Asymmetric Statecraft uncovers the different narratives and paradigms that constitute Chinese foreign policy toward its weaker neighbours, alerting us to a dramatically changing international environment.

When China Attacks is a fire bell in the night—a warning about a war that we are already losing. It offers a frightening, and well-founded, blow-by-blow account of what might happen next.China poses an existential threat to America, warns a veteran intelligence officer, and the window for an effective response is closing fast. Col. Grant Newsham, a former reserve head of intelligence for Marine Forces Pacific, delivers a blow-by-blow account of how the threat has developed, from the growing skill and belligerence of the Chinese military to gray-zone campaigns to hollow out America's will to resist. These efforts that have now reached fruition. You can see the war damage in Baltimore, Erie, Buffalo, and countless other communities across the United States. With decades of experience in Asia, including as a U.S. Marine, a diplomat, and an executive with Morgan Stanley and Motorola in Japan, Col. Newsham brings together the military, political, economic and social to provide insights into how far along we already are, and what needs to be done. Now. The question is not whether the Chinese will attack. They already have. It is trying to kill our economy, our institutions, our way of life, our people. It is dominant in the world economy. It is a master of intellectual property theft. It shows strategic genius at cornering essential markets. It has been staggeringly successful in buying influence among American elites. It is killing us with Fentanyl. And its military buildup is astonishing. So far, China has been waging a mostly covert war on the United States and its allies. But, emboldened by American weakness and perceived decline, the war could soon explode into the open. The flashpoint will be Taiwan—but the war will extend over the entire Pacific Theater and beyond. The results—as Col. Newsham paints in stark detail—will be devastating. America risks a humiliating retreat, with almost unimaginable costs to our economy and security. Will America fight back before the cold war that Communist China is waging against America and its allies goes hot? The conflict is coming. We're not ready. China is already attacking America. Is American defeat inevitable? No, but we must change course immediately. And to do that, we must wake up and heed the sobering message of When China Attacks.

První svazek nové řady přináší edici souhrnných diplomatických zpráv československého vyslanectví u Svatého stolce v éře první republiky. Vychází primárně z fondu Politické zprávy — Vatikán, uloženého v Archivu Ministerstva zahraničních věcí České republiky v Praze, a obsahuje čtyři desítky přepsaných, komentovaných a kontextualizovaných dokumentů z období let 1920 až 1922.

The United States has long been conflicted between promoting a united Western Europe in order to strengthen its defense of the West, and fearing that a more united Western Europe might not submit to American political and economic leadership. The era of wholehearted support for European unity was limited to the immediate postwar era. The stances of the past three U.S. presidents—Bush's unilateralism, Obama's insistence on “leading from behind,” and Trump's overt hostility toward the European Union—were prefigured by Washington's economic and geopolitical strategies of the 1960s and 1970s. Concentrating on the policies of Richard Nixon and Henry Kissinger, Klaus Larres argues that their years in office were the major turning point when “benign hegemony” gave way to an attitude toward Europe that was seldom better than lukewarm, frequently even outright hostile, and that was returned in kind. This book offers an unusually clear and comprehensive examination of transatlantic relations during the Nixon era.

This book explores China's policy towards the European Union, using the case study of four member states from Central Europe: Poland, the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia. Gabriela Pleschová documents China's strategic approach to engaging with these countries bilaterally and multilaterally, through intensified diplomatic and soft-power campaigns, upgrading them to strategic partners, offering loans and promising investments. China in Central Europe outlines how this particular approach has proven to be ineffective. Despite the allocation of significant resources to the development of relations with Central Europe, Pleschová argues that there is limited enthusiasm for China outside of a narrow circle of policy makers and business people who profit from engagement with China. Instead, Chinese influence has stirred criticism and created tensions among other groups, such as between Czech politicians and the local expert community on China, or among Hungarian citizens distrustful of their own government. Pleschová further argues that China has not impacted how Central Europe's representatives vote in the European Parliament and that support from some elites in Central Europe does not translate into wider backing for China in the EU. China can influence Central European countries'policy to some extent; however, if a fundamental issue arises, countries harden their position towards Beijing. Utilizing social science concepts to explain the puzzles from China–Central Europe relations, this book will be a valuable resource for scholars and students of international relations, Chinese studies, EU politics, and international law, as well as political and social scientists more generally. It will also be useful for professionals engaged in foreign policy decision-making.

The Gulf States and the Horn of Africa takes a deep dive into the complexities of power projection, political rivalry and conflict across the Red Sea and beyond. Focusing on the nature of interregional connections between the Gulf and the Horn, it explores the multifaceted nature of relations between states and the two increasingly important subregions. Bringing together scholars working on and in both regions, the book considers strategic competition between Saudi Arabia and Iran, and between the UAE and both Qatar and Turkey, along with other international engagement such as joint anti-piracy operations, counterterrorism cooperation, security assistance, base agreements and economic development.Drawing on a range of subject expertise and field research across case study countries, the volume adds to the sparse literature on the regional and international politics of the Horn of Africa and Red Sea, gleaning specific insights from contemporary reflections across the book. This is essential reading for students and researchers interested in the Horn of Africa and the evolving regional geopolitics of the Gulf.

This major new study examines, for the first time, the US, Canadian, and British policies formulated in reaction to the mass atrocities at the birth of Bangladesh, situating the responses within the nascent 1970s human rights revolution.

The story of the women, financiers, and other unsung figures who helped to shape the post-Napoleonic global orderIn 1814, after decades of continental conflict, an alliance of European empires captured Paris and exiled Napoleon Bonaparte, defeating French military expansionism and establishing the Concert of Europe. This new coalition planted the seeds for today's international order, wedding the idea of a durable peace to multilateralism, diplomacy, philanthropy, and rights, and making Europe its center. Glenda Sluga reveals how at the end of the Napoleonic wars, new conceptions of the politics between states were the work not only of European statesmen but also of politically ambitious aristocratic and bourgeois men and women who seized the moment at an extraordinary crossroads in history.In this panoramic book, Sluga reinvents the study of international politics, its limitations, and its potential. She offers multifaceted portraits of the leading statesmen of the age, such as Tsar Alexander, Count Metternich, and Viscount Castlereagh, showing how they operated in the context of social networks often presided over by influential women, even as they entrenched politics as a masculine endeavor. In this history, figures such as Madame de Staël and Countess Dorothea Lieven insist on shaping the political transformations underway, while bankers influence economic developments and their families agitate for Jewish rights.Monumental in scope, this groundbreaking book chronicles the European women and men who embraced the promise of a new kind of politics in the aftermath of the Napoleonic wars, and whose often paradoxical contributions to modern diplomacy and international politics still resonate today.

Lange hat sich die Forschung nur für solche Gesandtenberichte interessiert, in denen von Bündnissen, Friedensschlüssen oder diplomatischen Verhandlungen die Rede ist. Hier lenkt eine praxeologische Perspektive den forschenden Blick auf die Berichte selbst – auf die Berichte als Artefakte, auf die Praktiken des Berichtens und den Umgang mit den Berichten. Diplomatische Kommunikation kann so von ihrer Alltagspraxis her begriffen werden. Dadurch werden spezifische kommunikative Herausforderungen sichtbar, die das scheinbar so selbstverständliche Berichten für die Schreibenden wie die Lesenden in der Frühen Neuzeit mit sich brachte. Mit seiner ausführlichen Einleitung, den sieben Explorationsstudien und dem pointierten Kommentar leistet der Band folglich einen wichtigen Beitrag zur Vermessung des Untersuchungsfeldes der Neuen Diplomatiegeschichte.

Can one individual influence the course of history? In the example of Churchill and the Middle East during post-World War I, the answer is an irrefutable yes. Winston S. Churchill, first as Secretary for War and Air, and then as Colonial Secretary, both formulated and enacted the British imperial mandate policy for Iraq and Palestine, thereby laying the groundwork for issues that are still relevant today including conflicts in Israel, internal political upheavals in Iraq. The complicated historical intricacies of the postwar period combined with a variety of personal and political confrontations are at the core of Churchill's decisions and finally his parliamentary successes.While most books on Churchill attempt to cover the course of his political and personal career, this volume exclusively focuses on the Middle East during the formative years of 1919-1922 and explores the foundations of some of the Middle East's most problematic issues today.

With the advent of the Trump Administration, relations between Iran and the United States have become increasingly conflictual to the point that a future war between the two countries is a realistic possibility. President Trump has unilaterally withdrawn the US from the historic Iran nuclear accord and has re-imposed the nuclear-related sanctions, which had been removed as a result of that accord. Reflecting a new determined US effort to curb Iran's hegemonic behavior throughout the Middle East, Trump's Iran policy has all the markings of a sharp discontinuity in the Iran containment strategy of the previous six US administrations. The regime change policy, spearheaded by a hawkish cabinet with a long history of antipathy toward the Iranian government, has become the most salient feature of US policy toward Iran under President Trump. This turn in US foreign policy has important consequences not just for Iran but also for Iran's neighbors and prospects of long-term stability in the Persian Gulf and beyond. This book seeks to examine the fluid dynamic of US-Iran relations in the Trump era by providing a social scientific understanding of the pattern of hostility and antagonism between Washington and Tehran and the resulting spiraling conflict that may lead to a disastrous war in the region.

The first meeting of what would come to be known as the Dartmouth Conference took place in 1960 at the height of the Cold War between the United States and the former Soviet Union. Despite the volatile stand-off between the two superpowers, the meeting of citizens from both countries was held with the explicit support of both President Dwight D. Eisenhower and Soviet Chairman Nikita Khrushchev. Sixty years later, the Dartmouth Conference is established as the longest continuous bilateral dialogue between citizens of the Soviet Union/Russia and the United States. Over the course of six decades, the Dartmouth Conference has brought together leading citizens from the two countries to candidly discuss a full range of issues affecting the US-Russia relationship, from political and economic considerations to arms control and the role of the two countries in regional conflicts. Philip Stewart has participated in 120 of the 148 sessions of the Dartmouth Conference. In this book, he recounts how the Dartmouth talks have expanded international policy options, weathered world crises, and evolved into an ambitious exploration of how relations between civil societies in the United States and Russia might help build a more peaceful world.

The history of Britain's complex relationship with Europe, untangled'The best short introduction to both the political realignment that produced the 2016 Referendum result and the immense fallout since.”—CapX,'Books of the Year'(2020)“[A] cool-headed, fair, and judicious analysis of Britain and the EU at a decisive period in history”— Thomas Gallagher, Brexit-Watch.org Is Britain a part of Europe? The British have been ambivalent on this question since the Second World War, when the Western European nations sought to prevent the return of fascism by creating strong international ties throughout the Continent. Britain reluctantly joined the Common Market, the European Community, and ultimately the European Union, but its decades of membership never quite led it to accept a European orientation. In the view of the distinguished political scientist Vernon Bogdanor, the question of Britain's relationship to Europe is rooted in “the prime conflict of our time,” the dispute between the competing faiths of liberalism and nationalism. This concise, expertly guided tour provides the essential background to the struggle over Brexit.

Der Iran hat in der Forschung zu den Anfängen des Kalten Krieges an Bedeutung gewonnen. Diese Dissertationsschrift knüpft daran an und führt sie zeitlich fort. Gleichzeitig setzt sie neue Akzente, indem sie die Bedeutung der Diplomaten vor Ort für die britische Iranpolitik nachweist. Insgesamt erwies sich die britische Außenpolitik im Iran angesichts der anti-britischen Stimmungen, der nationalen Bewegungen und des heraufziehenden sowjetisch-amerikanischen Gegensatzes als erstaunlich reaktiv. Der Niedergang der dominanten Stellung Großbritanniens im Mittleren Osten und die Ablösung durch die USA setzte ein.

Taiwan is one of the great paradoxes of the international order. A place with its own flag, currency, government and military, but which most of the world does not recognise as a sovereign country. An island that China regards as a'rebellious province', but which has managed to survive defiantly for decades. Now with its neighbour China a major power on the world stage and ally United States looking increasingly inward, Taiwan's position has never been more precarious.Kerry Brown and Kalley Wu Tzu-hui reveal how the island's shifting fortunes have been shaped by centuries of conquest and by a cast of dynamic characters, by Cold War intrigue and the rise of its neighbour as a global power, explaining how this tiny island, caught between the agendas of two superpowers, is attempting to find its place in a rapidly changing world order. The Trouble with Taiwan relates the story of a fascinating nation and culture, and how its disputed status speaks to a wider, global story about Chinese control and waning US influence.

In this groundbreaking book, Raghavan uses previously untapped archival sources to weave together new stories about the experiences of post-partition state-making in South Asia. Through meticulous research, it challenges the existing wisdom about the preponderance of animosity and the rhetoric of war. The book shows how amity and a spirit of cordiality governed relations between the states of India and Pakistan in the first five years after partition. Arguing that a hitherto overlooked set of considerations have to be integrated more closely into the analysis of bilateral dialogue, this book analyses the developments leading to the No War correspondence between Nehru and Liaquat Ali Khan, the signing of a'Minorities'Pact between the two prime ministers, and the early stages of the Indus Waters negotiations, as well as exploring the calculations of Indian and Pakistani delegates at a series of interdominion conferences held in the years after partition. This book will be of interest to specialists in histories of diplomatic practice as well as a general audience in search of narratives of peace in the South Asia region.

China is the world's largest development country and second largest economy. Africa is the continent with the most developing countries and one of the fastest growing and most promising regions in the world. Although China and Africa are far apart geographically, friendship between the two regions traces its origins back to ancient times. Having gone through thick and thin together, China and Africa have always been a community with a shared future. Shared historical experiences and struggles have formed a profound friendship between the Chinese and African people. This friendship has in turn become a valuable asset that has been passed down to the present day. The entry of socialism with Chinese characteristics into the new era will have a major impact on the world and bring new historical opportunities for African development and for friendly China-Africa cooperation. At the global level, the general trend of economic globalization is irreversible, world economic recovery and development is going well, and the international community is paying increasing attention to Africa. These factors provide a favorable international environment for China-Africa friendly cooperation. From China's perspective, our country, which is entering a new era, will continue to expand and deepen its open policies, to focus on promoting industrial transformation and upgrading, to vigorously develop a digital economy, to lead in establishing new international financial institutions and innovative financing models, to actively promote international trilateral cooperation, and to promote the international use of the Chinese Yuan. By so doing, China will bring new opportunities and new impetus to China-Africa friendly cooperation. From the perspective of Africa, the political, economic and security situation in Africa has generally improved in recent years, and the development outlook is promising, which provides good conditions for more practical and higher-level pragmatic cooperation between China and Africa. Meanwhile, we must see that China-Africa cooperation will not be smooth; it still faces many problems and challenges. It is precisely because of this that China and Africa must stick to the concept of ‘'genuine, sincere, friendly and honest''cooperation and the principle of equality and mutual benefit, aiming to work together to build a community of a shared future for both China-Africa and for mankind, comprehensively strengthening and deepening cooperation, meeting challenges together, and achieving shared development.

After the fall of the Ottoman Empire, Mustafa Kemal Ataturk's government encouraged substantial American investment in education and aid. It was argued that Turkey needed the technical skills and wealth offered by American education, and so a series of American schools was set up across the country to educate the Turkish youth. Here, Ali Erken, in the first study of its kind, argues that these organizations had a huge impact on political and economic thought in Turkey - acting as a form of `soft power'for US national interests throughout the 20th Century. Robert College, originally a missionary school founded by US benefactors, has been responsible for educating two Turkish Prime Ministers, writers such as Orhan Pamuk and a huge number of influential economists, politicians and journalists. The end result of these American philanthropic efforts, Erken argues, was a consensus in the 1970s that the country must `westernize'. This mindset, and the opposition viewpoint it engendered, has come to define political struggle in modern Turkey - torn between a capitalist `modern'West and an Islamic `Ottoman'East. The book also reveals how and why the Rockefeller and Ford foundations funneled large amounts of money into Turkey post-1945, and undertook activities in support of `Western'candidates in Turkey as a bulwark against the Soviet Union. This is an essential contribution to the history of US-Turkish relations, and the influence of the West in Turkish political thought.

In an act of totally unnecessary and wanton destruction, British forces in China during the Second Opium War (1856-1860) looted and destroyed much of the Old Imperial Summer Palace (Yuanmingyuan) including three imperial gardens and hundreds of halls, pavilions, and temples stock full of ancient artwork, antiquities, and literary works. More than a hundred years later, President Xi Jinping (2013-) of the People's Republic of China (PRC) proclaimed the “rejuvenation” of the Chinese nation with the economic and especially military power to prevent any such recurrence of “national humiliation.” Though not yet a superpower equal in global stature to the United States, the PRC is undoubtedly poised to become the equal if not the superior power in the Asia-Pacific region expanding its territorial claims in the South China Sea and asserting undisputed economic dominance. With government, business, and academic leaders debating how regional and global powers should respond to a rising China.Historical Dictionary of Chinese Foreign Affairs contains a chronology, an introduction, a glossary, appendixes, and an extensive bibliography. The dictionary section has over 300 cross-referenced entries on major events, national institutions, foreign nations, and personages impacting Chinese foreign affairs along with the many institutions of the post-World War II international order that the PRC has engaged especially since the 1970s. This book is an excellent resource for students, researchers, and anyone wanting to know more about Chinese foreign affairs.

This book is an annual publication on the relation between China and ASEAN countries. It presents comprehensive and in-depth studies on China-ASEAN cooperation and development by Chinese scholars. The book is composed of six parts. Part 1 contains the general report including the introduction of China-ASEAN cooperation, achievements and problems in politics, economy, diplomacy, security, military defense, maritime and cultural aspects. Part 2 studies the relation and cooperation between China and individual ASEAN nations, including the evaluation of each ASEAN nation's politics, economy, diplomacy, society and culture. Part 3 analyzes the building of China-ASEAN Community of Common Destiny, bilateral cooperation in the building of 21st Century Maritime Silk Road, finance and ecological environment, China-ASEAN Expo and Guangxi-ASEAN cooperation. Part 4 studies important issues of Southeast Asia, including the South China Sea disputes, the missing Malaysia Airlines MH 370, progress in the building of ASEAN Economic Community, military coup in Thailand, anti-China events in Vietnam, and general election in Indonesia. Part 5 contains short commentaries on the key events happened in some ASEAN nations. Part 6 chronicles major events in China-ASEAN cooperation, in ASEAN nations and in Guangxi-ASEAN cooperation.

For over 50 years, more than 225,000 Peace Corps volunteers have been placed in over 140 countries around the world, with the goals of helping the recipient countries need for trained men and women, to promote a better understanding of Americans for the foreign nationals, and to promote a better understanding of other peoples on the part of Americans. The Peace Corps program, proposed during a 2 a.m. campaign stop on October 14, 1960 by America's Camelot, was part idealism, part belief that the United States could help Global South countries becoming independent. At the height of the Cold War, the US and USSR were racing each other to the moon, missiles in Turkey and in Cuba and walls in Berlin consumed the archrivals; sending American graduates to remote villages seemed ill-informed. Kennedy's Kiddie Korps was derided as ineffectual, the volunteers accused of being CIA spies, and often, their work made no sense to locals. The program would fall victim to the vagaries of global geopolitics: in Peru, Yawar Malku (Blood of the Condor), depicting American activities in the country, led to volunteers being bundled out unceremoniously; in Tanzania, they were excluded over Tanzania's objection to the Vietnam War. Despite these challenges, the Peace Corps program shaped newly independent countries in significant ways: in Ethiopia they constituted half the secondary school teachers in 1961, in Tanzania they helped survey and build roads, in Ghana and Nigeria they were integral in the education systems, alongside other programs. Even in the Philippines, formerly a U.S. colony, Peace Corps volunteers were welcomed. Aside from these outcomes, the program had a foreign policy component, advancing U.S. interests in the recipient countries. Data shows that countries receiving volunteers demonstrated congruence in foreign policy preferences with the U.S., shown by voting behavior at the United Nations, a forum where countries'actions and preferences and signaling is evident. Volunteer-recipient countries particularly voted with the U.S. on Key Votes. Thus, Peace Corps volunteers who function as citizen diplomats, helped countries shape their foreign policy towards the U.S., demonstrating the viability of soft power in international relations.

An insider's account of the often-fraught U.S.-Saudi relationshipSaudi Arabia and the United States have been partners since 1943, when President Roosevelt met with two future Saudi monarchs. Subsequent U.S. presidents have had direct relationships with those kings and their successors—setting the tone for a special partnership between an absolute monarchy with a unique Islamic identity and the world's most powerful democracy.Although based in large part on economic interests, the U.S.-Saudi relationship has rarely been smooth. Differences over Israel have caused friction since the early days, and ambiguities about Saudi involvement—or lack of it—in the September 11 terrorist attacks against the United States continue to haunt the relationship. Now, both countries have new, still-to be-tested leaders in President Trump and King Salman.Bruce Riedel for decades has followed these kings and presidents during his career at the CIA, the White House, and Brookings. This book offers an insider's account of the U.S.-Saudi relationship, with unique insights. Using declassified documents, memoirs by both Saudis and Americans, and eyewitness accounts, this book takes the reader inside the royal palaces, the holy cities, and the White House to gain an understanding of this complex partnership.

Ultimately these cross purposes brought disaster, pulling a fatally weak and woefully unprepared Ottoman state into a global war, and unleashing vicious, internal ethnic repression that brought it defeat and dismemberment. The diaries and official reports of German spy and propagandist Curt Prufer - translated here into English in their entirety for the first time - chronicle the complexities of the fragile Ottoman-German alliance from the perspective of a participant. Much like fellow soldier-scholar T.E. Lawrence, Prufer and his colleagues tried to steal the loyalties of the Muslim subjects of the opposing sides. The book explores these episodes of sabotage, subversion and subterfuge - from managing spies to preparing for the attack on the Suez Canal in 1915 - and in the process sheds light onto the ways World War I played out across the Middle East. Complemented throughout by in-depth and meticulously researched footnotes, this primary source collection is an invaluable addition to the extant corpus of late Ottoman and World War I historical documents.

Developed through the prism of the U.S. presidency, and drawing on American, British, and Irish archival material, this major study examines the administrations of John F. Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson, Richard Nixon, Gerald Ford, Jimmy Carter, Ronald Reagan, George H. W. Bush and Bill Clinton, tracing the attitudes of successive US presidents towards, and their involvement in, the Northern Ireland conflict.

This book examines the continuities and substantial transformations in Greek foreign policy before the beginning and during the unfolding of the economic crisis. Although up until now, significant attention has been cast on the rise of the neo-Nazi movement, the abuses and dysfunctions of the Greek economy, and the immense social ramifications of unemployment, less is understood about the impact on Greek diplomacy and foreign policy. This collective work not only attempts to delineate future trends in Greek foreign policy, but also seeks to explore the current events that resemble more a Greek tragedy than the systemic challenges that every nation has to face. This edited volume, quite original in its field of analysis, will be of interest to International Relations academics, foreign policy professionals, Politics and Economic students and the general public who follow developments pertaining to Greece and the European Union, as well theoretical debatessurrounding International Relations.

Between 2003 and 2010, under President Lula, Celso Amorim was at the forefront of an important period in the history of Brazil's international relations—one in which the country practiced a newly assertive foreign policy, extending its diplomatic reach to the global stage. This book consists of three narratives: the pursuit of a peaceful, negotiated solution to the Iranian nuclear issue; Brazil's diplomatic efforts in relation to the Middle East, which included recognizing the State of Palestine; and the country's leading role in the Doha Round of multilateral trade negotiations. The narratives take the reader on a journey behind the scenes of global politics, combining detailed accounts of international negotiations with candid and insightful descriptions of the countless world leaders Amorim came into close contact with—including, to name but a few, Hillary Clinton, George W. Bush, Barack Obama, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, Tony Blair, Manmohan Singh, Mahmoud Abbas, and Benjamin Netanyahu.

Well-deployed primary sources and brisk writing by Wayne H. Bowen make this an excellent framework for understanding the evolution of U.S. policy toward Spain, and thus how a nation facing a global threat develops strategic relationships over time. President Harry S. Truman harbored an abiding disdain for Spain and its government. During his presidency (1945–1953), the State Department and the Department of Defense lobbied Truman to form an alliance with Spain to leverage that nation's geostrategic position, despite Francisco Franco's authoritarian dictatorship. The eventual alliance between the two countries came only after years of argument for such a shift by nearly the entire U.S. diplomatic and military establishment. This delay increased the financial cost of the 1953 defense agreements with Spain, undermined U.S. planning for the defense of Europe, and caused dysfunction over foreign policy at the height of the Cold War.

This edited collection investigates New Zealand's history as an imperial power, and its evolving place within the British Empire. It revises and expands the history of empire within, to and from New Zealand by looking at the country's spheres of internal imperialism, its relationship with Australia, its Pacific empire and its outreach to Antarctica. The book critically revises our understanding of the range of ways that New Zealand has played a role as an imperial power, including the cultural histories of New Zealand inside the British Empire, engagements with imperial practices and notions of imperialism, the special significance of New Zealand in the Pacific region, and the circulation of ideas of empire both through and inside New Zealand over time. The essays in this volume span social, cultural, political and economic history, and in testing the concept of New Zealand's empire, the contributors take new directions in both historiographical and empirical research.

Reasserting America in the 1970s brings together two areas of burgeoning scholarly interest. On the one hand, scholars are investigating the many ways in which the 1970s constituted a profound era of transition in the international order. The American defeat in Vietnam, the breakdown of the Bretton Woods exchange system and a string of domestic setbacks including Watergate, Three-Mile Island and reversals during the Carter years all contributed to a grand reappraisal of the power and prestige of the United States in the world. In addition, the rise of new global competitors such as Germany and Japan, the pursuit of détente with the Soviet Union and the emergence of new private sources of global power contributed to uncertainty.

Conspiracy theory and American foreign policy examines the relationship between secrecy, power and interpretation around international controversy, where foreign policy orthodoxy comes up hard against alternative interpretations. It does so in the context of US foreign policy during the War on Terror, a conflict that was covert and conspiratorial to its core.Offering a new dimension to debates on post-truth politics, this book critically examines the ‘Arab-Muslim paranoia narrative': the view that Arab-Muslim resentment towards America is motivated to some degree by a paranoid perception of American power in the Middle East. This narrative is traced from its roots in a post-War liberal understanding of populism through to foreign policy debates about the origins of 9/11, to the strategic heart of the Bush Administration's War of Ideas. Balancing conceptual innovation with detailed case analysis, Aistrope provides a window into the ideological commitments of the US War on Terror.Offering a fascinating insight into conspiracy and paranoia, this book is essential reading for those interested in the relationship between secrecy, power, and contemporary politics.

History is being made in U.S.-Cuban relations. Now in paperback and updated to tell the real story behind the stunning December 17, 2014, announcement by President Obama and President Castro of their move to restore full diplomatic relations, this powerful book is essential to understanding ongoing efforts toward normalization in a new era of engagement. Challenging the conventional wisdom of perpetual conflict and aggression between the United States and Cuba since 1959, Back Channel to Cuba chronicles a surprising, untold history of bilateral efforts toward rapprochement and reconciliation. William M. LeoGrande and Peter Kornbluh here present a remarkably new and relevant account, describing how, despite the intense political clamor surrounding efforts to improve relations with Havana, negotiations have been conducted by every presidential administration since Eisenhower's through secret, back-channel diplomacy. From John F. Kennedy's offering of an olive branch to Fidel Castro after the missile crisis, to Henry Kissinger's top secret quest for normalization, to Barack Obama's promise of a new approach, LeoGrande and Kornbluh uncovered hundreds of formerly secret U.S. documents and conducted interviews with dozens of negotiators, intermediaries, and policy makers, including Fidel Castro and Jimmy Carter. They reveal a fifty-year record of dialogue and negotiations, both open and furtive, that provides the historical foundation for the dramatic breakthrough in U.S.-Cuba ties.

A history of larger-than-life characters and the demise of the tiny Himalayan kingdom nestled between India and China. This is the true story of Sikkim, a tiny Buddhist kingdom in the Himalayas that survived the end of the British Empire only to be annexed by India in 1975.It tells the remarkable tale of Thondup Namgyal, the last King of Sikkim, and his American wife, Hope Cooke, thrust unwittingly into the spotlight as they sought support for Sikkim's independence after their “fairytale” wedding in 1963. As tensions between India and China spilled over into war in the Himalayas, Sikkim became a pawn in the Cold War in Asia during the 1960s and 1970s. Rumors circulated that Hope was a CIA spy. Meanwhile, a shadowy Scottish adventuress, the Kazini of Chakung, married to Sikkim's leading political figure, coordinated opposition to the Palace. As the world's major powers jostled for regional supremacy during the early 1970s, Sikkim and its ruling family never stood a chance. On the eve of declaring an emergency across India, Indira Gandhi outwitted everyone to bring down the curtain on the 300-year-old Namgyal dynasty. Based on interviews and archive research, as well as a retracing of a journey the author's grandfather made in 1922, this is a thrilling, romantic, and informative glimpse of a real-life Shangri-La.Praise for Sikkim“A remarkable piece of detective work…. Fascinating human stories…a very valuable addition to how the Cold War played out in South Asia, and to the history of the foreign policies of China, India, and the U.S.” —Michael Burleigh, author of The Best of Times, the Worst of Times

In this new perspective, Iran's quest for nuclear power—in the context of the global energy challenge and the Cold War-era nuclear arms race—takes on new dimension. This study goes beyond current affairs and analyzes interactions between the complex evolution of U.S. policy toward Iran and events in modern Iranian history that shape the determinants of Tehran's foreign policy. Today, the shockwaves of the cataclysm that became known as the Islamic Revolution have irrevocably transcended Iran's frontiers. In the aftermath of the revolution, Afghanistan and Iraq were invaded, and the Republicans, who had gained power thanks to the hostage crisis, now had to shy away in light of the Iran-Contra scandal. The revolution was a byproduct of the great powers'array of geostrategic moves following World War II.This book explores the order that underlies Iran's chaotic dynamics that have potential to bring about unintended results. The best example of this is President Carter's human rights policy, which, unexpectedly, via strange attractor dynamics, led to the fall of the Shah that marked the end of the U.S. twin-pillar policy in the Persian Gulf.

Turkey and the West: From Neutrality to Commitment considers the formulation of Turkish foreign policy in the post-Atatürk period of 1938 to 1958 and discusses Turkey's uneasy shift from neutrality to become a member of the Western Alliance. Turkey's decision to ally itself with the Western grouping of states shaped its apprehension of regional and world politics in decades to come. Turkey's choice, however, was neither adequately perceived nor fully appreciated in the volatile atmosphere of 1950s and onwards and went largely unnoticed on the part of Western democracies. A reinterpretation of Turkey's recent history throws considerable light on the complexities surrounding this strategically important country.

Following President Chen Sui-bian's victory in the controversial 2004 presidential election, this book examines the future direction of Taiwan's foreign policy, focusing on the internal and external forces that influence and shape the countries foreign policy decisions today. The author suggests that four levels of analysis – the international system, governmental structure, societal forces and individual factors – pose some explanatory value when seeking to understand Taipei's foreign policy behaviour. Taiwan's foreign policy decision-making remains an extremely complex process involving many important variables. However the author's detailed analysis reveals that external factors, particularly seismic shifts in global politics and the role of China and the US have had an extraordinary degree of influence over the island's foreign relations. This book highlights these factors as important considerations that continue to play a critical role in shaping Taiwan's foreign policy. Providing a clear analysis of the dynamics of Taiwan's foreign policy, Foreign Policy Making in Taiwan is an important addition to the literature on Taiwan and will be essential reading for followers of Chinese politics, comparative politics and foreign policy analysis.