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Over the last one hundred years, the term “sovereignty” has often been associated with the capacity of leaders to declare emergencies and to unleash harmful, extralegal force against those deemed enemies. Friendly Sovereignty explores the blind spots of this influential perspective.Ted H. Miller challenges the view of sovereignty propounded by Carl Schmitt, the Weimar and Nazi–period jurist and political theorist whose theory undergirds this understanding of sovereignty. Claiming a return to concepts of sovereignty forgotten by his liberal contemporaries, Schmitt was preoccupied with the legal exceptions required, he said, to rescue polities in crisis. Much is missing from what Schmitt harvests from the past. His framework systematically overlooks another extralegal power, one that often caused consternation, even among absolutists like Thomas Hobbes. Sovereigns also made exceptions for friends, allies, and dependents. Friendly Sovereignty plumbs the history of political thought about sovereignty to illustrate this other side of the sovereign's exception-making power. At the core of this extensive study are three thinkers, each of whom stakes out a distinct position on the merits and demerits of a “friendly sovereign”: the nineteenth-century historian Jules Michelet, the seventeenth-century political philosopher Thomas Hobbes, and Seneca, the ancient Stoic and teacher of Nero.Analytically rigorous and thorough in its intellectual history, Friendly Sovereignty presents a more comprehensive understanding of sovereignty than the one typically taught today. It will be particularly useful to scholars and students of political theory and philosophy.

Offering a fresh take on a crucial phase of European history, this book explores the years between the 1980s and 1990s when the European Union took shape. Whilst contributing to existing literature on the Maastricht Treaty and European integration at the end of the twentieth century, the book also brings those debates into the twenty-first century and makes connections with longer-term issues. The transformation of the European political climate in the wake of the global financial crisis in 2008, and the watershed Brexit vote in 2016, has made it all the more urgent to reconsider the way scholars and opinion-makers have looked at European integration in the past. Drawing from recently released archival documents, the authors analyse European cooperation as part of the broader international history in which it unfolded, taking into account the changes in the Cold War order and the advance of a new phase of globalisation. Comparing and contrasting the debates, objectives and achievementsof the 1980s and 1990s with the current political landscape of the European Union, this book proposes a novel interpretation of the choices that were made during the Maastricht years, and of their longer-term consequences.

The Oxford Handbook of Historical Political Economy brings together scholars who are working on essential and field-shaping topics in this burgeoning area. Historical Political Economy (HPE) is the study of how political and economic actors and institutions have interacted over time. It differs from much of economic history in that it focuses on the causes and consequences of politics. It departs from much of conventional political economy in that its context is strictly historical, even if/when it has implications for contemporary political economy. It also departs from much of history in its use of social-scientific theory and methods. Thus, while HPE involves elements of the traditional fields of economics, political economy, and history, it is separate from-and integrative of-them. The Handbook includes contributions from leading scholars in political science, economics, sociology, and history. The first section summarizes the state of the field and provides an overview of the data and techniques typically used by HPE scholars. Subsequent chapters survey major HPE research areas in political economy, political science, and economics, as well as the long-run economic, political, and social consequences of historical political economy. Various chapters in the Handbook will be of interest to economists, political scientists, sociologists, historians, legal scholars, and public policy scholars who study political-economy issues and topics from a historical perspective. There are currently not many forums for scholars in these fields to interact and share ideas. The Oxford Handbook of Historical Political Economy ameliorates this issue, cutting across disciplinary lines and reducing the barriers to interdisciplinary discussions.

Constitutional law is a ‘semi-autonomous'discipline, where texts and doctrines are completely and complexly intertwined with the political systems within which constitutional law is found. This timely Research Handbook develops the idea that understanding constitutional law means understanding constitutional politics as well.Using both comparative and political analysis, this forward-looking reference work deals with the politics of constitutional law around the world, delivering global treatment of the politics of constitutional law across issues, regions and legal systems. The chapters are meticulously organised around ‘foundations', ‘structures', ‘rights'and ‘futures', providing a well-rounded overview of the topic and noting the key recent developments in the field. The distinction between law and politics is of course a contested one and the selection of prominent established and emerging scholars and contributors to this Handbook implicitly offer varying perspectives on it.Offering an innovative, critical approach to an array of key concepts and topics, this book will be a key resource for both legal scholars and political science scholars. Students with interests in law and politics, constitutions, legal theory and public policy will also find this a beneficial companion.

Over the last one hundred years, the term “sovereignty” has often been associated with the capacity of leaders to declare emergencies and to unleash harmful, extralegal force against those deemed enemies. Friendly Sovereignty explores the blind spots of this influential perspective.Ted H. Miller challenges the view of sovereignty propounded by Carl Schmitt, the Weimar and Nazi–period jurist and political theorist whose theory undergirds this understanding of sovereignty. Claiming a return to concepts of sovereignty forgotten by his liberal contemporaries, Schmitt was preoccupied with the legal exceptions required, he said, to rescue polities in crisis. Much is missing from what Schmitt harvests from the past. His framework systematically overlooks another extralegal power, one that often caused consternation, even among absolutists like Thomas Hobbes. Sovereigns also made exceptions for friends, allies, and dependents. Friendly Sovereignty plumbs the history of political thought about sovereignty to illustrate this other side of the sovereign's exception-making power. At the core of this extensive study are three thinkers, each of whom stakes out a distinct position on the merits and demerits of a “friendly sovereign”: the nineteenth-century historian Jules Michelet, the seventeenth-century political philosopher Thomas Hobbes, and Seneca, the ancient Stoic and teacher of Nero.Analytically rigorous and thorough in its intellectual history, Friendly Sovereignty presents a more comprehensive understanding of sovereignty than the one typically taught today. It will be particularly useful to scholars and students of political theory and philosophy.

How did far-right, hateful and anti-democratic ideologies become so successful in many societies in Europe? This volume analyses the paradoxical roles sexual politics have played in this process and reveals that the incoherence and untruthfulness in right-wing populist, ultraconservative and far-right rhetorics of fear are not necessarily signs of weakness. Instead, the authors show how the far right can profit from its own incoherence by generating fear and creating discourses of crisis for which they are ready to offer simple solutions. In studies on Poland, Hungary, Spain, Italy, Austria, Ireland, Northern Ireland, Portugal, France, Sweden and Russia, the ways far-right ideologies travel and take root are analysed from a multi-disciplinary perspective, including feminist and LGBTQI reactions. Understanding how hateful and antidemocratic ideologies enter the very centre of European societies is a necessary premise for developing successful counterstrategies.

Ein Bewusstsein von Gestaltungsfreiheiten gesellschaftlichen Fortschritts - das ist auch in der Zeit nach der Französischen Revolution im langen 19. Jahrhundert keine Selbstverständlichkeit. Felix Baumert zieht Alexis de Tocqueville, Karl Marx und Max Weber erstmals gemeinsam heran, um aus ihren verschiedenen Perspektiven zu zeigen, wie sich auch in der modernen Welt einschränkende Möglichkeitsräume oder gar die Erstarrung von Gestaltungsfreiheiten ergeben können. Damit zeigt er die fundamentale Bedeutung von Politik in der Moderne auf, und zwar als notwendiges Instrument der Bewusstwerdung sowie der Absicherung von Gestaltungsfreiheiten.

This book explores the mechanisms of political representation and accountability in the European political system, against the backdrop of multiple crises in recent years in the economic, financial, security and immigration fields, which have triggered strong tensions and centrifugal drives inside the EU and among its member states. Exploiting a rich set of new ad hoc collected data covering elite and public opinion orientations and party positions, it investigates how the current politicization of European issues and the asymmetries among member states can challenge the sustainability of the European Union. It examines how existing policy tools were found largely unable to neutralize promptly the negative effects of these crises on the populations, economies and security of the Union and how this suggests the need to reconsider overarching theoretical frameworks and a more in-depth analysis of some crucial mechanisms of the European political system and to go beyond some of the dominant scholarly debates of the past decades. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of the European Union and more broadly to comparative European politics and international relations.

High courts around the world hold a revered place in the legal hierarchy. These courts are the presumed impartial final arbiters as individuals, institutions, and nations resolve their legal differences. But they also buttress and mitigate the influence of other political actors, protect minority rights, and set directions for policy. The comparative empirical analysis offered in this volume highlights important differences between constitutional courts but also clarifies the unity of procedure, process, and practice in the world's highest judicial institutions.High Courts in Global Perspective pulls back the curtain on the interlocutors of court systems internationally. This book creates a framework for a comparative analysis that weaves together a collective narrative on high court behavior and the scholarship needed for a deeper understanding of cross-national contexts. From the U.S. federal courts to the constitutional courts of Africa, from the high courts in Latin America to the Court of Justice of the European Union, high courts perform different functions in different societies, and the contributors take us through particularities of regulation and legislative review as well as considering the legitimacy of the court to serve as an honest broker in times of political transition. Unique in its focus and groundbreaking in its access, this comparative study will help scholars better understand the roles that constitutional courts and judges play in deciding some of the most divisive issues facing societies across the globe. From Africa to Europe to Australia and continents and nations in between, we get an insider's look into the construction and workings of the world's courts while also receiving an object lesson on best practices in comparative quantitative scholarship today.Contributors:Aylin Aydin-Cakir, Yeditepe University, Turkey • Tanya Bagashka, University of Houston • Clifford Carrubba, Emory University • Amanda Driscoll, Florida State University • Joshua Fischman, University of Virginia • Joshua Fjelstul, Washington University in St. Louis • Tom Ginsburg, University of Chicago • Melinda Gann Hall, Michigan State University • Chris Hanretty, University of London • Lori Hausegger, Boise State University • Diana Kapiszewski, Georgetown University • Lewis A. Kornhauser, New York University • Dominique H. Lewis, Texas A&M University • Chien-Chih Lin, Academia Sinica, Taiwan • Sunita Parikh, Washington University in St. Louis • Russell Smyth, Monash University, Australia • Christopher Zorn, Pennsylvania State UniversityConstitutionalism and Democracy

Citizen Support for Democratic and Autocratic Regimes takes a political-culture perspective on the struggle between democracy and autocracy by examining how these regimes fare in the eyes of their citizens. Taking a globally comparative approach, it studies both the levels as well as the individual- and system-level sources of political support in democracies and autocracies worldwide. The book develops an explanatory model of regime support which includes both individual- and system level determinants and specifies not only the general causal mechanisms and pathways through which these determinants affect regime support but also spells out how these effects might vary between the two types of regimes. It empirically tests its propositions using multi-level structural equation modeling and a comprehensive dataset that combines recent public-opinion data from six cross-national survey projects with aggregate data from various sources for more than 100 democracies and autocracies. It finds that both the levels and individual-level sources of regime support are the same in democracies and autocracies, but that the way in which system-level context factors affect regime support differs between the two types of regimes. The results enhance our understanding of what determines citizen support for fundamentally different regimes, help assessing the present and future stability of democracies and autocracies, and provide clear policy implications to those interested in strengthening support for democracy and/or fostering democratic change in autocracies. Comparative Politics is a series for researchers, teachers, and students of political science that deals with contemporary government and politics. Global in scope, books in the series are characterised by a stress on comparative analysis and strong methodological rigour. The series is published in association with the European Consortium for Political Research. For more information visit: www.ecprnet.eu. The series is edited by Susan Scarrow, Chair of the Department of Political Science, University of Houston, and Jonathan Slapin, Professor, Department of Political Science, University of Zurich

The Handbook of Political Representation in Liberal Democracies offers a state-of-the-art assessment of the functioning of political representation in liberal democracies. In 34 chapters the world's leading scholars on the various aspects of political representation address eight broad themes: The concept and theories of political representation, its history and the main requisites for its development; elite orientations and behavior; descriptive representation; party government and representation; non-electoral forms of political participation and how they relate to political representation; the challenges to representative democracy originating from the growing importance of non-majoritarian institutions and social media; the rise of populism and its consequences for the functioning of representative democracy; the challenge caused by economic and political globlization: what does it mean for the functioning of political representation at the national leval and is it possible to develop institutions of representative democracy at a level above the state that meet the normative criteria of representative democracy and are supported by the people? The various chapters offer a comprehensive review of the literature on the various aspects of political representation. The main organizing principle of the Handbook is the chain of political representation, the chain connecting the interests and policy preferences of the people to public policy via political parties, parliament, and government. Most of the chapters assessing the functioning of the chain of political representation and its various links are based on original comparative political research. Comparative research on political representation and its various subfields has developed dramatically over the last decades so that even ten years ago a Handbook like this would have looked totally different.

La construction européenne peut s'étudier à travers les processus d'élargissement de la Communauté. Cet ouvrage analyse l'adhésion de l'Espagne à la Communauté économique européenne (1977-1986) sous différents angles. L'objectif est de comprendre comment s'est déroulée l'intégration dans un contexte complexe : eurosclérose dans la CEE et transition de l'Espagne vers la démocratie. Ce travail se distingue par la coopération de chercheurs de différents pays et par les témoignages de certains des acteurs des négociations d'adhésion. Ainsi, l'ensemble du livre représente une avancée historiographique importante dans la connaissance de l'entrée de l'Espagne dans le marché commun. Dans ses pages, le lecteur pourra réaliser l'importance de l'environnement européen des années 70 et 80, la position Communautaire en ce qui concerne l'élargissement vers le sud, le rôle de l'Allemagne, de la France, du Portugal et de la Grèce. Ainsi que l'évolution de l'européanisme en Espagne à travers la position des différents partis politiques et de certaines régions espagnoles.

For eighteenth- and nineteenth-century authors such as Burke, Constant, and Mill, a powerful representative assembly that freely deliberated and controlled the executive was the defining institution of a liberal state. Yet these figures also feared that representative assemblies were susceptible to usurpation, gridlock, and corruption. Parliamentarism was their answer to this dilemma: a constitutional model that enabled a nation to be truly governed by a representative assembly. Offering novel interpretations of canonical liberal authors, this history of liberal political ideas suggests a new paradigm for interpreting the development of modern political thought, inspiring fresh perspectives on historical issues from the eighteenth to early twentieth centuries. In doing so, Selinger suggests the wider significance of parliament and the theory of parliamentarism in the development of European political thought, revealing how contemporary democratic theory, and indeed the challenges facing representative government today, are historically indebted to classical parliamentarism.

The link between liberty and knowledge is neither static nor simple. Until recently the mutual support between knowledge, science, democracy and emancipation was presupposed. Recently, however, the close relationship between democracy and knowledge has been viewed with skepticism. The growing societal reliance on specialized knowledge often appears to actually undermine democracy. Is it that we do not know enough, but that we know too much? What are the implications for the freedom of societies and their citizens? Does knowledge help or heed them in unraveling the complexity of new challenges? This book systematically explores the shifting dynamics of knowledge production and the implications for the conditions and practices of freedom. It considers the growth of knowledge about knowledge and the impact of an evolving media. It argues for a revised understanding of the societal role of knowledge and presents the concept of'knowledge societies'as a major resource for liberty.

Les élections au Parlement européen traduisent un véritable paradoxe. Organisées au suffrage universel direct depuis 1979, ces consultations constituent a priori un'acte démocratique par définition. Elles devraient rapprocher l'Europe des citoyens et renforcer leur sentiment d'appartenance à l'Union européenne'(Marie-Thérèse Bitsch). Pourtant, il n'en est rien. Loin de consolider la construction européenne et de combler le déficit démocratique, les scrutins européens traduisent au mieux, par les taux d'abstention record qu'ils atteignent, l'indifférence des citoyens pour les questions européennes. Depuis quelques temps, ils jouent même un rôle de puissant catalyseur aux opposants à l'Europe. Les voix des eurosceptiques et des anti-européens s'y font en effet entendre avec force. Comment expliquer un tel dévoiement? Pourquoi les citoyens européens se sont-ils tant éloignés de l'Europe? Qui sont les'opposants'à l'Union européenne? Quels sont leurs credo? Qui sont leurs électeurs? Voilà, parmi d'autres, les questions auxquelles cet ouvrage apporte des réponses claires.

Guillermo O'Donnell here brings together a collection of significant recent essays in which he considers both the method for and substance of critiques of democracies. While progress has been made in democratization, the authoritarian legacy hangs as a shadow over that advancement. O'Donnell engages in his analysis while keeping a firm gaze on that dangerous past.O'Donnell's work has influenced a generation of political scientists. The essays in this volume bring forward and develop many of the ideas presented in his earlier collection, Counterpoints: Selected Essays on Authoritarianism and Democracy

This unique study presents the results of a cross-national analysis of citizenship and participation among citizens in twelve European democracies.Research on the future and quality of contemporary democracy is usually restricted to focus either on political participation, on particular aspects of citizenship, or on social activities, exclusively. This new book offers the first empirical investigation of the relationships both between social and political involvement, and between ‘small-scale'and ‘large-scale'democracies. Citizenship and Involvement in European Democracies offers representative samples of the populations in a selection of European countries between 2000-2002, including: Denmark, Germany (East and West), Moldova, the Netherlands, Norway, Portugal, Romania, Russia, Slovenia, Spain, Sweden, and Switzerland. The leading contributors provide new theoretical insights and offer a broad conceptualization of citizenship, stimulating the ongoing discussions about the problems and challenges of democratic political systems.This book has a companion volume entitled Social Capital and Associations in European Democracies edited by William A. Maloney and Sigrid Roßteutscher (Routledge, 2006). Both volumes will be of great interest to students and researchers of European politics, comparative politics and sociology.