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Parlamentarische Herrschaft selbst lässt sich durch gerichtliche Verwaltungskontrolle soweit brechen und wird zugleich justiziell derart übertroffen, dass Demokratie insgesamt gestört wird, lautet die Ausgangsvermutung dieser Studie. Das Buch enthält wesentlich drei Bereiche: Nachdem zunächst in einem eingehenden methodischen Teil die Eigengesetzlichkeit juristischer Methode gewürdigt und nach Legitimitätsgründen von Rechtsprechung geforscht worden ist, werden Urteilstexte aus dem Blickwinkel des Politischen untersucht: Leitend ist hierbei die Frage, inwieweit im weitesten Sinne die Sphäre parlamentarischer Macht berührt wird und demokratietheoretische Probleme entstehen. Sodann wird eine Synthese der gefundenen Erkenntnisse formuliert. Dabei werden auch ideen- und geisteshistorische Hintergründe berücksichtigt. Durchgehend wird als Folie das Modell der Westminster-Demokratie kontrastiv genutzt. Abgeschlossen wird die Studie mit 23 Thesen. Die Grundsätzlichkeit des Dilemmas von Rechtsstaat und parlamentarischer Demokratie adressiert jeden politisch gebildeten und interessierten Staatsbürger als Leser. Die Forschungsstudie spricht primär Wissenschaftler, aber auch Journalisten, Juristen, Lehrer und Politiker an sowie alle diejenigen, die dem politischen Prozess in irgendeiner Art verbunden sind.

Can the nation-state serve social justice? Should social movements work inside or outside the state? What would a just state look like, and how can we get there? Leading a forum in the latest issue of Boston Review, Olúfẹ́mi O. Táíwò identifies fossil capital as the principal obstacle to a more just world. We face an uphill battle against carbon's capture of the state system, he argues, but state politics remains our best path forward. Respondents—Thea Riofrancos, Mariame Kaba & Andrea Ritchie, Ishac Diwan & Bright Simons, Martin O'Neill & Joe Guinan, Gianpaolo Baiocchi, Claudio Lomnitz, and Tara Raghuveer—explore the strategies, possibilities, and limitations of efforts to address the climate crisis and transform the state in the image of justice. Elsewhere in the issue, Leila Farsakh examines the history and fate of the quest for Palestinian statehood, while Joshua Craze reports on the global rise of militias that vie for power with the states that created them. Astra Taylor and Leah Hunt-Hendrix make the case for a “solidarity state” premised on participation, parity, pluralism, and peace. Janice Fine and Hana Shepherd take us inside a compelling new model of labor law enforcement that is reshaping state and local governments across the country. And Bonnie Tenneriello documents the way prisons neutralize reform, following hard-won legislation to end solitary confinement that has done no such thing. Plus, Richard Pithouse talks with S'bu Zikode, leader of the Abahlali baseMjondolo movement, about how South Africa's poorest citizens are doing thirty years after apartheid; Jonathan S. Blake reviews recent books by Philip Pettit, Charles S. Maier, and Natasha Wheatley; and Peter E. Gordon traces the rise and fall of theory's engagement with “real questions of suffering and social transformation.”

John Stuart Mill (1806–1873) gehört im angelsächsischen Raum seit jeher zu den Klassikern der Ideengeschichte. Aber auch im deutschsprachigen Raum wird er immer stärker rezipiert: Viele seiner Hauptschriften wurden neu editiert, sein Denken erfreut sich über die disziplinären Grenzen hinweg bis hinein in die Feuilletons wachsender Aufmerksamkeit. Das liegt nicht zuletzt an Mills ungewöhnlich undogmatischer Denkhaltung, die sich in der Berücksichtigung und Synthese verschiedenster Denkrichtungen niederschlägt. Seine Schriften zeugen von einem differenzierten Blick auf gesellschaftspolitische Zusammenhänge, was sie auch für moderne Debatten vielfältig anschlussfähig macht. Das Handbuch stellt John Stuart Mills Leben, die wichtigsten Einflüsse auf sein Denken, sein Werk und die zentralen Konzepte sowie die Rezeption seines Denkens im Rahmen unterschiedlicher Diskurse vor.

Ständig stoßen wir auf quantitative Daten, Statistiken und Diagramme im Internet, in Zeitungen und Fernsehen. Dieser Band beschäftigt sich mit dem „digital-forschenden Lernen“ mit offenen Daten und öffentlichen Statistiken im Politikunterricht. Es werden Datenquellen hinsichtlich ihrer Verwendbarkeit im Rahmen des Politik- und Wirtschaftsunterrichts anhand von fachdidaktischen Kriterien untersucht. Ziel ist die Förderung der politischen Mündigkeit der Schüler durch quantitative Daten bzw. Urteils- und Handlungsfähigkeit sowie Datenkompetenz.

Following Marx's own itinerary from Paris to London, from politics to the critique of political economy, The Marx of Communism delves into a creatively unfolding international debate on the democracy-communism relation, while supporting a 21st century communism as a social alternative to capitalism. Taking into consideration Marx's analysis of communism both as a movement and a social formation, this study focuses on the dialectics of transition from capitalism to communism. Dealing with communism as the outcome of a long-term cultural and political process, the author defends Marxian communism as the open-ended constitution of a self-governed demos, whose citizens create their own way of life on the ground of a stateless and classless society. From this point of view, the end of the state does not mean the end, but the revival of politics in terms of a communist bios. Reshaping their collective and personal values and setting limits to the production/technology dynamics of their economy, this book argues, the citizens of a communist polis form a promising antithesis to the private individuals of a capitalist society.

What keeps capitalism afloat?The global ocean has through the centuries served as a trade route, strategic space, fish bank and supply chain for the modern capitalist economy. While sea beds are drilled for their fossil fuels and minerals, and coastlines developed for real estate and leisure, the oceans continue to absorb the toxic discharges of our carbon civilization - warming, expanding, and acidifying the blue water part of the planet in ways that will bring unpredictable but irreversible consequences for the rest of the biosphere.In this bold and radical new book, Campling and Colás analyze these and other sea-related phenomena through a historical and geographical lens. In successive chapters dealing with the political economy, ecology and geopolitics of the sea, the authors argue that the earth's geographical separation into land and sea has significant consequences for capitalist development. The distinctive features of this mode of production continuously seek to transcend the land-sea binary in an incessant quest for profit, engendering new alignments of sovereignty, exploitation and appropriation in the capture and coding of maritime spaces and resources.

Die Reflexion der Begriffe Macht und Herrschaft ist Sache der Soziologie und weist doch über die Soziologie hinaus: Sie zählt zu den Angelegen­heiten, die, nach dem klassischen Begriff, als rei publicae das Gemeinwesen betreffen. Die Soziologie ist Teil des Gemeinwesens; und das Gemeinwesen ist Gegenstand ihres wissenschaftlichen Interesses. Was das Gemeinwesen über sich, über die bestehenden Macht- und Herrschaftsverhältnisse zu wissen vermag, liegt auch – und gerade – in der Verantwortung der Soziologie. Ein Gemeinwesen, das die Fähigkeit nicht mehr besäße, die politisch-ökonomischen Prozesse und die sie bestimmenden Macht- und Herrschaftsbeziehungen begrifflich fassbar zu machen und kritisch zu beurteilen, und zwar auf einem analytischen Niveau, dessen Komplexität der Komplexität dieser Prozesse adäquat ist, wäre ein Gemeinwesen auf dem Weg der res publica amissa. Das Gemeinwesen sähe sich der latenten Gefahr ausgesetzt, den Profiteuren der Ungenauigkeiten und Vagheiten anheimzufallen. Und die Soziologie würde sich selbst untreu. Soziologische Grundlagenforschung ist daher in beider Sinne unverzichtbar – und dazu gehört gerade die Reflexion der Begriffe Macht und Herrschaft, die im vorliegenden Band in fünf Rubriken dokumentiert wird: Herrschaft und Rationalität; Ordnungen der Macht; Charisma in der Massengesellschaft; Regierungsweisen; Die andere Seite der Biopolitik.

Ist Joachim von Fiores mittelalterliche Prophezeiung über ein kommendes »Drittes Reich« eine Utopie? Wie verhält es sich mit Immanuel Kants Entwurf eines ewigen Friedens, mit Juli Zehs düsterer Vision einer drohenden Gesundheitsdiktatur oder mit der Legende von der radikal-fortschrittlichen Piratenrepublik »Libertalia«? Thomas Schölderle nimmt Grenzfälle des utopischen Denkens in den Blick und fragt nach ihrer Verortbarkeit im klassischen Utopiediskurs, dessen Prototyp der Humanist Thomas Morus im Jahr 1516 mit seiner »Utopia« formuliert hatte. Dabei zeigt sich: So sehr die kanonischen Texte in Morus'Nachfolge die Kerntradition der Utopiegeschichte sichtbar machen, so sehr klären gerade die Entwürfe und Exoten in den Grauzonen über die eigentlichen Profilgrenzen des Genres auf.

Die Demokratie durchläuft im Zuge der fortschreitenden Modernisierung einen Erosionsprozess. Dadurch werden ihre notwendigen Voraussetzungen – die Autonomie der politischen Willensbildung in gleichheitsbasierten Verfahren, der Zusammenhalt der demokratischen Bürgerschaft und die rationale staatliche Steuerungsfähigkeit – allmählich zersetzt. Die wirklichkeitswissenschaftlichen Analysen Michael Th. Grevens wollen belegen: Sowohl die Demokratie als auch die mit ihr verschwisterten bürgerlichen Revolutionen sind im Begriff Geschichte zu werden.

Political theory is one of the three pillars of the discipline of political science. It raises central questions about democracy, society and politics and presents answers to them with the help of methods from the social sciences and humanities. This volume provides an introduction to current methods and debates in political theory, discusses their relevance with a focus on democratic theory, and considers possible fields of application. This introduction to political theory thus not only offers basic information about theory and outlines current research perspectives in democratic theory, but also serves as a guide to the practical application of theoretical knowledge.

Increased flows of people, capital, and ideas across geographic borders raise urgent challenges to the existing terms and practices of politics. Comparative political theory seeks to devise new intellectual frames for addressing these challenges by questioning the canonical (that is, Euro-American) categories that have historically shaped inquiry in political theory and other disciplines. It does this byanalyzing normative claims, discursive structures, and formations of power in and from all parts of the world. By looking to alternative bodies of thought and experience, as well as the terms we might use to critically examine them, comparative political theory encourages self-reflexivity about the premises of normative ideas and articulates new possibilities for political theory and practice. The Oxford Handbook of Comparative Political Theory provides an entry point into this burgeoning field by both synthesizing and challenging the terms which motivate it. Over the course of five thematic sections and thirty-three chapters, this volume surveys the field and archives of comparative political theory, bringing the many approaches to the field into conversation for the first time. Sections address geographic location as a subject of political theorizing; how the past becomes a key site for staking political claims; the politics of translation and appropriation; the justification of political authority; and questions of disciplinary commitment and rules of knowledge. Ultimately, the handbook demonstrates how mainstream political theory can and must be enriched through attention to genuinely global, rather than parochially Euro-American, contributions to political thinking.

Ein Jahrhundert nach Alexis de Tocqueville zeichnet sein Landsmann Bertrand de Jouvenel den Zuwachs der politischen Macht und den Niedergang der menschlichen Freiheit nach. Zwei der Gründe für diesen Machtzuwachs sind die Komplexifizierung der modernen Welt und der Übergang zum totalen Krieg, wie de Jouvenel ihn miterlebt hat. Dem liberalen Geist verpflichtet, stellt er sich die Frage, wie dieser Machtzuwachs ausgebremst werden kann, so dass er den Menschen nicht vernichtet. Dabei ist er sich bewusst, dass ein starker Staat unter den Bedingungen der Moderne notwendig ist und steht somit vor dem Problem, staatliche Macht und menschliche Freiheit miteinander zu vereinbaren. Der Staat muss genug Macht haben, um die Freiheit des Einzelnen und ein menschliches Leben zu garantieren, aber diese Macht darf nicht dazu eingesetzt werden, um den Menschen ganz in den Dienst des Staates und seiner Interessen zu stellen. Auch wenn er keine endgültige Lösung vorlegen kann, lädt de Jouvenel zu einer fruchtbaren Reflexion über die Problematik ein und lehrt uns, dass die Freiheit nie unabhängig von den Bedingungen ihrer Möglichkeit gedacht werden darf.

Auf die Französische Revolution folgte eine Epoche der »Restauration«: Die europäische Politik Anfang des 19. Jahrhunderts wollte die vorrevolutionäre Ordnung des Ancien Régime wiederherstellen. Der Autodidakt Karl Ludwig von Haller verfasste die Schrift »Restauration der Staatswissenschaft«, deren unverhohlener wie wohlüberlegter Kampfgeist dem Leser von der ersten Seite an entgegenschlägt. Alexander Kruska zeigt, inwiefern von Hallers aufsehenerregender erster Band der Restaurationsschrift als eine politiktheoretisch motivierte, systematische Polemik zu verstehen ist. Im Bestreben, dem Fragen nach legitimer Herrschaft ein Ende zu bereiten, setzt von Haller dem aufklärerischen Staatsdenken eine »bessere Doktrin« entgegen: Anstatt vernunftbegründeter Staatlichkeit proklamiert er eine natürliche Ordnung bloßer Machtverhältnisse. Zu diesem Zweck gilt es, gegen das politische Denken selbst vorzugehen.

This book analyzes key aspects of Marx's Capital with an eye towards its relevance for an understanding of issues confronting us in the 21st Century. The contributions to this volume suggest that while aspects of Marx's original analysis must be adjusted to take into account changes that have occurred since its initial publication in 1867, his overall perspective remains necessary for understanding the nature of crises in 21st century. Part I emphasizes the central concepts Marx employed in Capital, including exploitation, capital accumulation, commodity fetishism, and his use of dialectics as a method for baring the underlying relations that define capitalism. Parts II and III extend that focus by addressing the concept of value, fictitious capital, credit and financialization. Parts IV and V offer analyses of several concrete manifestations of contemporary crises from national contexts (Europe, Latin America, China, and the United States). The volume argues that we have to combat the imperatives of capitalism to move towards a more humane and egalitarian future.

This book aims to recover from ancient and modern thinkers valuable arguments about statesmanship, leadership, and tyranny which illuminate reassessments of political science and practice after the election of Donald Trump. Like almost everyone else, contemporary political scientists were blind-sided by the rise of Trump. No one expected a candidate to win who repeatedly violated both political norms and the conventional wisdom about campaign best practices. Yet many of the puzzles that Trump's rise presents have been examined by the great political philosophers of the past. For example, it would come as no surprise to Plato that by its very emphasis on popularity, democracy creates the potential for tyranny via demagoguery. And, perhaps no problem is more alien to empirical political science than asking if statesmanship entails virtue or if so, in what that virtue consists: This is a theme treated by Plato, Aristotle, and Machiavelli, among others. Covering a range of thinkers such as Confucius, Plutarch, Kant, Tocqueville, and Deleuze, the essays in this book then seek to place the rise of Trump and the nature of his political authority within a broader institutional context than is possible for mainstream political science.

Natural Right and History is widely recognized as Strauss's most influential work. The six lectures, written while Strauss was at the New School, and a full transcript of the 1949 Walgreen Lectures show Strauss working toward the ideas he would present in fully matured form in his landmark work. In them, he explores natural right and the relationship between modern philosophers and the thought of the ancient Greek philosophers, as well as the relation of political philosophy to contemporary political science and to major political and historical events, especially the Holocaust and World War II. Previously unpublished in book form, Strauss's lectures are presented here in a thematic order that mirrors Natural Right and History and with interpretive essays by J. A. Colen, Christopher Lynch, Svetozar Minkov, Daniel Tanguay, Nathan Tarcov, and Michael Zuckert that establish their relation to the work. Rounding out the book are copious annotations and notes to facilitate further study.

To reflect on Karl Mannheim is to address fundamental issues of political enlightenment Mannheim's driving determination'was to learn as a sociologist by close observation the secret (even if it is infernal) of these new times.'Mannheim's aim was'to carry liberal values forward.'His problem remains irresistible to reflective people at the end of the twentieth century. Mannheim attempted to link social thinking to political emancipation despite overwhelming evidence against the connection. Karl Mannheim and the Crisis of Liberalism is a sympathetic biography of Mannheim's paradoxicalaand paradigmatica'project. The book covers a wide range of European and American thought, including Mannheim's dealings with Georg Lukacs and Oscar Jszi in Budapest; with Alfred Weber, Leopold von Wiese, Franz Neumann, Paul Tillich, Adolph Loewe, and his students in Weimar Germany; with Louis Wirth, Edward Shils, and other major figures in American sociology; and with social analysts and religious thinkers in England. The analysis is informed by dilemmas of history and theory, science and rhetoric, freedom and technical controlathe themes of liberalism. Kettler and Meja carefully depict each stage of Mannheim's life as a sociologist and explore his influence on leading social thinkers. Karl Mannheim and the Crisis of Liberalism combines significant biographical information with insightful sociological theory. It will be a vital resource for historians, sociologists, and political theorists.

This is a specially commissioned set of essays on the themes of Max Weber, culture, anarchy and politics. It presents the first complete publication (in both English and German) of a series of letters written by Max Weber in 1913 and 1914 during his stays at the anarchist settlement of Ascona. The letters show Weber debating with the issues of free love, eroticism, patriarchy, anarchism, terrorism, pacifism, political and personal convictions and power. These themes are taken up by the contributors in a wider discussion of the relation of culture and politics.

Diese Einführung in das junge Feld der transkulturellen Politischen Theorie richtet sich an Studierende und Lehrende der Politikwissenschaft und insbesondere der Politischen Theorie. Dabei werden in prinzipiell voneinander unabhängigen, aber aufeinander verweisenden Kapiteln spezifische Fragestellungen des Feldes anhand von Ausgangsproblemen erarbeitet. Da transkulturell orientierte Politische Theorie oftmals mit naiven Annahmen konfrontiert ist, die es zu differenzieren und relativieren gilt, wird genau das zum didaktischen Prinzip erhoben: Am Anfang jedes Kapitels wird eine intuitiv scheinbar richtige Ausgangsbehauptung thematisiert, die im Verlauf des Kapitels hinterfragt wird.

This book takes a distinctive and innovative approach to a relatively under-explored question, namely: Why do we have human rights? Much political discourse simply proceeds from the idea that humans have rights because they are human without seriously interrogating this notion. Egalitarian Rights Recognition offers an account of how human rights are created and how they may be seen to be legitimate: rights are created through social recognition. By combining readings of 19th Century English philosopher T.H. Green with 20th Century political theorist Hannah Arendt, the author constructs a new theory of the social recognition of rights. He challenges both the standard ‘natural rights'approach and also the main accounts of the social recognition of rights which tend to portray social recognition as settled norms or established ways of acting. In contrast, Hann puts forward a 10-point account of the dynamic and contingent social recognition of human rights,which emphasises the importance of meaningful socio-economic equality.

The Federal Republic of Germany has long been held up as a'model society'on account of its economic and social policy achievements. Largely ignored, however, has been the crucial part played by extra-parliamentary protest in the maturing of democracy in that society. In this, the first comprehensive study of the subject in English, the authors trace the rich history of political protest in West Germany and examine the political role of critical intellectuals. The book will give the reader a good understanding of the crucial changes that have taken place in the political culture of the Federal Republic since the mid 1960s.

This book provides a comprehensive investigation into Hans Morgenthau's life and work. Identifying power, knowledge, and dissent as the fundamental principles that have informed his worldview, this book argues that Morgenthau's lasting contribution to the discipline of International Relations is the human condition of politics.

Now in its fourth edition, Political Ideologies: An Introduction continues to be the best introductory textbook for students of political ideologies. Completely revised and updated throughout, this edition features: A comprehensive introduction to all of the most important ideologies Brand new chapters on multiculturalism, anarchism, and the growing influence of religion on politics More contemporary examples of twenty-first-century iterations of liberalism, socialism, conservatism, fascism, green political theory, nationalism, and feminism Enhanced discussion of the end of ideology debates and emerging theories of ideological formation Six new contributors. Accessible and packed with both historical and contemporary examples, this is the most useful textbooks for scholars and students of political ideologies.The contributors to this volume have all taught or carried out research at the School of Politics, International Studies and Philosophy of Queen's University, Belfast, or have close research connections with the School.

Das Verhältnis von Politik und Zeit ist in der Politikwissenschaft oftmals vernachlässigt. Stefan Vorderstraße legt den Fokus auf die Bedeutung von Zeit in Strukturen und Prozessen der Politikberatung. Politische Entscheidungsträger sehen sich unter den Bedingungen einer stets gegenwärtig entscheidungsabhängigen und ungewissen Zukunft dem Problem ausgesetzt, kollektiv verbindliche Entscheidungen treffen zu müssen. Politik ist zudem mit einem Koordinierungsbedarf konfrontiert, dem sie über Politikberatung zu begegnen versucht. Auf Basis systemtheoretischer Konzepte geht der Autor der Frage nach, ob und mit Hilfe welcher Beratungsformen Politik den Anforderungen sozialer Gleichzeitigkeit in der funktional differenzierten Gesellschaft gerecht werden kann. Politische Entscheidungsprozesse und politikwissenschaftliche Analyseansätze konfrontiert er mit typischen Charakteristika der zunehmend beschleunigten Gesellschaft. Er plädiert für eine kombinierte Betrachtung von Sach-, Sozial- und Zeitdimension und leistet einen grundlegenden Beitrag zum Verständnis der Bedeutung von Zeit in und für Politikberatung.

Das Buch bietet eine systematische und an Originaltexten orientierte, kritische Einführung in die Grundlagen der Modelle rationaler Wahlhandlungen aus der Sicht der Politikwissenschaft. Eine systematische Darstellung, die die Bandbreite der Theorien rationaler Wahl erfaßt und den Erklärungsgehalt für die politikwissenschaftliche Forschung auslotet, fehlt bisher im deutschsprachigen Raum. Es wird nach dem Erklärungsanspruch der Theorie gefragt, ob dieser Erklärungsanspruch eingelöst wird, welche empirische Unterstützung die Argumente erfahren und was schließlich ungeklärt bleibt. Alternative Erklärungsansätze werden fallweise zu Rate gezogen, um die Reichweite rationaler Modelle zu überprüfen. Im Zentrum stehen drei Themenfelder: Am Anfang wird dem Leser ein begriffliches und konzeptionelles Grundgerüst zum Verständnis der unterschiedlichen Modelle zur Verfügung gestellt. Das'ökonomische Paradigma'als der wohl immer noch dominierende Zugang zum Verständnis rationaler Wahl bildet das zweite Themenfeld, bevor anhand einer Diskussion von Kooperationsmöglichkeiten in Situationen'kollektiver Dilemmas'neuere und vom ökonomischen Paradigma abweichende Modelle rationaler Wahl vorgestellt werden. Übergreifend versucht der Autor zwei Fragen zu beantworten: Wann ist es sinnvoll, Theorien rationalen Handelns in der Politikwissenschaft zu verwenden, und wie lassen sich solche Theorien gewinnbringend in die politikwissenschaftlichen Forschung einbringen?

Kontingenz als der Bereich des Unbestimmten, Ambivalenten und Möglichen wirft Fragen auf, die für Geistes- und Sozialwissenschaften gleichermaßen relevant sind. Dennoch besteht ein gewisses Ungleichgewicht zwischen den Disziplinen. Kontingenz wird in der Politikwissenschaft weitaus weniger berücksichtigt als in Soziologie und Geschichtswissenschaft. Die interdisziplinär angelegte Aufsatzsammlung führt daher soziologische und geschichtswissenschaftliche mit dezidiert politikwissenschaftlichen Perspektiven zusammen. Ausgewiesene Wissenschaftler und Wissenschaftlerinnen befassen sich mit den Herausforderungen einer kontingenzsensiblen Forschung für die Politikwissenschaft. Sie beziehen sich dabei auf ausgewählte empirische Beispiele, wie die normativen Grundlagen politischen Handelns, die Probleme moderner Demokratie, und die politische Dynamik der europäischen Integration.

This is the first definitive study of the presidency of America's least understood and most under-appreciated Chief Executive. Combining government with private resources, Hoover became the first president to pit government action against the economic cycle, setting precedents and spawning ideas employed by his successor and all future presidents.

Over its long lifetime,'political economy'has had many different meanings: the science of managing the resources of a nation so as to provide wealth to its inhabitants for Adam Smith; the study of how the ownership of the means of production influenced historical processes for Marx; the study of the inter-relationship between economics and politics for some twentieth-century commentators; and for others, a methodology emphasizing individual rationality (the economic or'public choice'approach) or institutional adaptation (the sociological version). This Handbook views political economy as a grand (if imperfect) synthesis of these various strands, treating political economy as the methodology of economics applied to the analysis of political behavior and institutions. This Handbook surveys the field of political economy, with 58 chapters ranging from micro to macro, national to international, institutional to behavioral, methodological to substantive. Chapters on social choice, constitutional theory, and public economics are set alongside ones on voters, parties and pressure groups, macroeconomics and politics, capitalism and democracy, and international political economy and international conflict.

This book analyzes the problems of U.S. politics and public policy and proposes a solution rooted in a deep American consensus that often goes unrecognized. The authors critique three dominant ideological perspectives - conservative, radical, and liberal - and propose a fourth eclectic'outcomes'perspective rooted in American pragmatism.

Despite profound disagreement on whether identities are essential or existential, primordial or constructed, singular or multiple, there is little dispute over whether identities exist or not. In this provocative study, Sinisa Malesevic interrogates the unproblematic use of concepts of identity, and in particular national or ethnic identity.

Edgework brings together seven of Wendy Brown's most provocative recent essays in political and cultural theory. They range from explorations of politics post-9/11 to critical reflections on the academic norms governing feminist studies and political theory. Edgework is also concerned with the intellectual and political value of critique itself. It renders contemporary the ancient jurisprudential meaning of critique as krisis, in which a tear in the fabric of justice becomes the occasion of a public sifting or thoughtfulness, the development of criteria for judgment, and the inauguration of political renewal or restoration. Each essay probes a contemporary problem--the charge of being unpatriotic for dissenting from U.S. foreign policy, the erosion of liberal democracy by neoliberal political rationality, feminism's loss of a revolutionary horizon--and seeks to grasp the intellectual impasse the problem signals as well as the political incitement it may harbor.

George Grant (1918–1988) has been called Canada's greatest political philosopher. During his lifetime, he encouraged Canadians to think more deeply about matters of social justice and individual responsibility, writing on subjects as diverse as war, technology, abortion, and Canadian politics. His work continues to this day to stimulate, challenge, and inspire.Grant's legacy includes six books, more than two hundred articles, as well as broadcast transcripts, correspondence, and unpublished material. In this, the third volume of the Collected Works of George Grant, editors Arthur Davis and Henry Roper have gathered together Grant's work from the 1960s, when he was a professor at Hamilton, Ontario's McMaster University. This is the era when Grant produced his best-known works including Lament for a Nation (1965) and Technology and Empire (1969), both of which are included in this volume. The 1960s also allowed Grant to comment on some of the massive cultural shifts that were taking place at the time and on major events like the war in Vietnam.As with the previous volumes in the Collected Works, the text is fully annotated and includes an introduction to the period it covers. The series as a whole strives to make evident the pattern of Grant's thought, but also invites a reconsideration of the nature and significance of his work. His collected writings are a valuable contribution to Canadian political thought and intellectual history.

In the coming presidential primaries, no state is as important in setting the stage - or affecting the odds - as New Hampshire. This small, mountainous, proudly distinctive state holds the first primary and the results, both real and in comparison to expectations, can greatly influence the competition for the highest office in the land. Candidates who do well can create momentum and gain support, while those who do worse than expected can be counted out. Scala explains the distinctiveness of New Hampshire politics and how the candidates create strategies to appeal to the state's voters. New Hampshire's sympathy for reformist candidates has the paradoxical affect of jumpstarting the campaigns of those candidates least representative of Democratic voters nationally. The implications for Democratic chances to win the presidency in 2004 are discussed.

How can liberal democracy best be realized in a world fraught with conflicting new forms of identity politics and intensifying conflicts over culture? This book brings unparalleled clarity to the contemporary debate over this question. Maintaining that cultures are themselves torn by conflicts about their own boundaries, Seyla Benhabib challenges the assumption shared by many theorists and activists that cultures are clearly defined wholes. She argues that much debate--including that of'strong'multiculturalism, which sees cultures as distinct pieces of a mosaic--is dominated by this faulty belief, one with grave consequences for how we think injustices among groups should be redressed and human diversity achieved. Benhabib masterfully presents an alternative approach, developing an understanding of cultures as continually creating, re-creating, and renegotiating the imagined boundaries between'us'and'them.'Drawing on contemporary cultural politics from Western Europe, Canada, and the United States, Benhabib develops a double-track model of deliberative democracy that permits maximum cultural contestation within the official public sphere as well as in and through social movements and the institutions of civil society. Agreeing with political liberals that constitutional and legal universalism should be preserved at the level of polity, she nonetheless contends that such a model is necessary to resolve multicultural conflicts.Analyzing in detail the transformation of citizenship practices in European Union countries, Benhabib concludes that flexible citizenship, certain kinds of legal pluralism and models of institutional powersharing are quite compatible with deliberative democracy, as long as they are in accord with egalitarian reciprocity, voluntary self-ascription, and freedom of exit and association. The Claims of Culture offers invaluable insight to all those, whether students or scholars, lawyers or policymakers, who strive to bridge the gap between the theory and practice of cultural politics in the twenty-first century.

More than a decade after his death, George Grant continues to stimulate, challenge, and inspire. During his lifetime he influenced a broad cross-section of Canadians, urging them to think more deeply about matters of social justice and individual responsibility. He wrote on subjects as diverse as technology, abortion, Canadian politics and nationalism, and the war in Vietnam, and was claimed equally by rightist and leftist causes.Grant's legacy includes six books and more than two hundred articles, as well as numerous broadcast transcripts, extensive correspondence, and a wealth of unpublished lectures, essays, and notes. In this projected eight-volume series, Grant's published and unpublished writings, including his complete correspondence, will be brought together for the first time. The texts are annotated, and each volume includes an introduction to the period that it covers. The series will not only make it possible to see the whole pattern of Grant's thought, but will also invite a reconsideration of the nature and importance of his work.Volume I covers Grant's intellectual development through his student years. Included are his early reviews, a brief journal written as he recovered from tuberculosis in 1942, and his earliest social and political writings about Canadian and international affairs. The most important of Grant's formative years were those spent at Oxford after the war, culminating in the writing of his DPhil thesis on the Scottish philosopher John Oman. In this dissertation, published here in full, we see the main themes of Grant's thought worked out for the first time.

Political Science Eminent and emerging thinkers seek to bridge the gap between political thought and political action. Written by scholars with a rare sense of the historical and conceptual breadth of politics and theory, the essays in this volume explore possibilities for political theory in a world marked by disorienting political transformations. In doing so, they document and address the character and status of contemporary political theory, its changing place in the academy, and its role in public life. Whether challenging the settlement between political theory and political science, whereby theorists stuck to the'old texts'and left the'real world'to their empirical colleagues, or interrogating the relationship between political theory and political action, these essays expand and elaborate the parameters of political discourse-making their timeliness, relevance, and reach powerfully apparent. Contributors: Mark B. Brown; Wendy Brown, UC Santa Cruz; William E. Connolly, Johns Hopkins U; Thomas L. Dumm, Amherst College; J. Peter Euben, UC Santa Cruz; Russell Arben Fox; Samantha Frost, UC Santa Cruz; Shane Gunster; Jill Locke, Gustavus Adolphus College; David Paul Mandell, Reed College; Lon Troyer; Sheldon S. Wolin; Linda M. B. Zerilli, Northwestern U. Translation Inquiries: University of Minnesota Press

In this collection of essays distinguished political philosophers discuss the problems of toleration which arise in multi-cultural and multi-racial society. They ask whether allegiance to the group should take priority over allegiance to the wider society.

Anthony Crosland, a member of Harold Wilson's cabinet and the author of The Future of Socialism, was immensely influential in seeking to modernise the ideology of the Labour Party, to put opportunity and empowerment, the fairness of life chances and the sharing of social experiences at its centre in place of nationalisation. The party's belated redefinition guarantees a prominent role in its intellectual history to the revisionists'champion. Though Crosland wrote when economic growth could be taken for granted as the basis for social reform, his emphasis on fairness and community, on education and opportunity, continues to illuminate political debate in harder times.

The Marxist theory of capitalist growth and transformation has often been shrouded in obscurity, either by endless recapitulation of Marx's texts or by excessive use of mathematical formalism. This short book presents an integrated and rigorous view of capitalist development - technical change, class relations, trends in the profit rate and share, cyclical and long-term crisis - in a form that is accessible to serious readers with or without prior training in economics or familiarity with Marxist thought.

Compares those active resistance movements which burst into public view in China and'cultural resistance', which instead lies unspoken in everyday action. This book argues that certain areas of life defuse attempts at cultural domination by resisting and dissolving all unified interpretation.

For just over fifty years John Stuart Mill contributed articles and letters to the newspapers, setting before the public a radical position on contemporary events. From 1822 to 1873, in newspapers as widely read as The Times and the Morning Chronicle, and as narrowly circulated as the True Sun and the New Times, he praised his friends and damned his opponents, while commenting on a while range of issues at home and abroad, from banking to Ireland, from wife-beating to land nationalization. His main series of newspaper writings concerned France (especially during the first four years of the Revolution of 1830) and Ireland (especially during December 1846 and January 1847, when various proposals for relief of the starving cottiers were being debated). Mill felt himself peculiarly fitted to explain French affairs and Irish solutions to the non-comprehending and wrong-headed English. But his pen was wielded wherever he say stupidity and narrowness, and he found them in astonishingly varied areas. He tried to explain to his obdurate countrymen the first principles of law reform, political economy, relations between the sexes, democracy, international law, and much more. Virtually none of these texts have been reprinted before this volume. The Introduction by Ann Robson sets the items in their historical and personal perspective, and draws out the implications for Mill's life and thought. The Textual Introduction by John Robson gives an account of the sources of the texts, and lays out principles and methods followed in the editing. The Mill that emerges from these pages is a fighting journalist, uninhibited, forthright, and often brilliantly satirical, testing his theoretical opinions in the real world, gradually maturing and developing a practical philosophy whose influence has been felt well into our own time.