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This book is the definitive analysis of the 2016 Irish general election and is the eighth book in the well-established How Ireland Voted series. The 2011 election in Ireland was characterised as an earthquake, but the aftershocks visible in the 2016 election were equally dramatic. This election saw the rout of the government that had presided over a remarkable economic recovery, and marked a new low for the strength of the traditional party system, as smaller parties and independents attracted almost half of all votes. The first chapter sets the context, and later ones investigate the extent to which the outgoing government fulfilled its 2011 pledges, and how candidates were selected. The success or otherwise of campaign strategies is assessed, the results and the behaviour of voters are analysed, and the aftermath, when it took a record length of time to form a government, is explored. Other chapters examine the consequence of new gender quotas for candidate selection, consider thereasons for the unusual success of independents, and reflect on the implications. The book also reveals intriguing insights into the candidates'experiences of the election, both successful and unsuccessful. It will be of use to students, teachers and scholars of Irish politics, as well as the wider reader interested in Irish politics and elections.

The parliamentary style of politics has been formed over centuries; nobody theorised it in advance. This book presents a thought experiment to spell out key principles of the parliamentary ideal type of politics. Max Weber offers the main intellectual inspiration, Westminster parliament provides the main historical reference and the author's studies on parliamentary procedure and rhetoric provide the background for the book. Parliamentary acting and thinking offer us the best example of politics as a contingent and controversial activity. Using a parliamentary imagination, the author constructs the ideal type in five main chapters: dissensual modes of proceeding; rhetoric of parliamentary debate; parliamentary formation and control of government; parliamentarians as politicians; and parliamentary time as their common subtext. In the last two chapters, the book outlines the possibilities of extending parliamentary judgment to politics beyond parliaments proper and the chancesfor parliamentary politics succeeding today.

This is the second volume in the First of the Year Series. Contributors like Armond White, Philip Levine, Donna Gaines, Lawrence Goodwyn, Irving Louis Horowitz, Charles O'Brien, Fredric Smoler, Paul Berman, and Amiri Baraka are back (and blazing). And there are important new voices in the First mix, such as Vincent Harding, Roxane Johnson, and Bob Levin. If there is a leitmotif to this edition, it is the election and inauguration of Barack Obama as the first African-American president. First aims to be up to the minute of this moment.As Benj DeMott notes'a glance at this volume confirms the margin is still the center for us.'And that margin stretches from Harlem to the world. There are tales of edgy sojourns in Afghanistan, Thailand, and South Africa. The volume also has a Question & Answer with Ousmane Sembi, who taught Africans to resist'elements of received culture-those fixed rules and values which nobody but those on the margins dare to question.'A second interview with Adam Hochschild celebrates the Englishman who invented abolition, and an African-American original who coined the phrase'crimes against humanity.'The volume includes a protest against the Israeli war machine by Uri Avnery who has long been a creative outsider in his own society. It makes the case that American ideologues (on both extremes) keep getting the Middle East wrong because they cannot grasp the complexities of any country, including their own. First of the Year's minority angles of vision will help readers see with new eyes. It will help their hearing too. The volume has plenty of music writing marked by loving attention to details of pop performances. In short, this collection reflects its editor; direct, unafraid, urban, and entirely contemporary.

The must-read summary of David Cay Johnston's book: “Perfectly Legal: The Secret Campaign to Rig Our Tax System to Benefit the Super Rich – and Cheat Everybody Else”.This complete summary of'Perfectly Legal'by David Cay Johnston, an American investigative journalist and economics specialist, outlines his argument that under-taxing the wealthy is only making them wealthier to the detriment of everybody else in the country. He maintains that progressive taxes, based upon the ability to pay would help to level the playing field between the rich and the poor and allow the creation of a middle class.Added-value of this summary:• Save time• Understand the American federal income tax and its implications• Expand your knowledge of American politics, economics and societyTo learn more, read'Perfectly Legal'and discover how current taxation in America benefits the super-rich and nobody else, and how Johnston proposes to remedy this.

Since Maidan in Kyiv and Russian presence in the Crimea, Ukraine has never been the same. In 2014, the country is deeply divided by the conflict imposed on the Ukrainians. But since nobody actually asked the nation, author Oleksandr Shyshko decided to take matters into his own hands and look for the answer to the ultimate question – who are the Ukrainians and what do they want. Shyshko spent his time researching the national identity of native Ukrainians, and as he went he stumbled on a discovery that led to yet another question – where is Ukraine going, the so-called Quo vadis? of the Ukrainian people. His findings and critical comments gave birth to this new book that is now for the first time being published in English. To Get Ukraine.

The government is not a neutral arbiter of truth. It never has been. It never will be. Doubt everything. John Stossel does. A self-described skeptic, he has dismantled society's sacred cows with unerring common sense. Now he debunks the most sacred of them all: our intuition and belief that government can solve our problems. In No, They Can't, the New York Times bestselling author and Fox News commentator insists that we discard that idea of the “perfect” government—left or right—and retrain our brain to look only at the facts, to rethink our lives as independent individuals—and fast. With characteristic tenacity, John Stossel outlines and exposes the fallacies and facts of the most pressing issues of today's social and political climate—and shows how our intuitions about them are, frankly, wrong: • the unreliable marriage between big business, the media, and unions • the myth of tax breaks and the ignorance of their advocates • why “central planners” never create more jobs and how government never really will • why free trade works—without government Interference • federal regulations and the trouble they create for consumers • the harm caused to the disabled by government protection of the disabled • the problems (social and economic) generated by minimum-wage laws • the destructive daydreams of “health insurance for everyone” • bad food vs. good food and the government's intrusive, unwelcome nanny sensibilities • the dumbing down of public education and teachers'unions • how gun control actually increases crime... and more myth-busting realities of why the American people must wrest our lives back from a government stranglehold. Stossel also reveals how his unyielding desire to educate the public with the truth caused an irreparable rift with ABC (nobody wanted to hear the point-by- point facts of ObamaCare), and why he left his long-running stint for a new, uncensored forum with Fox. He lays out his ideas for education innovation as well and, finally, makes it perfectly clear why government action is the least effective and desirable fantasy to hang on to. As Stossel says, “It's not about electing the right people. It's about narrowing responsibilities.” No, They Can't is an irrefutable first step toward that goal.

This country is at a crossroads. We can either reverse direction or nosedive into a cycle of dependency that is turning America into a welfare nation—a “government plantation” where the underclass are doomed to 21st-century servitude. Now, Deneen Borelli, one of the most visible and outspoken black conservatives in the country, is fighting back—taking action, not just talking—and speaking up for those who can't or are too afraid to do so. Borelli's argument is a solid one: the problem begins with President Barack Obama, whose policy overreach has frozen racial tensions in this country when he should have been thawing them. The Left, having introduced the race card to defend Obama from the massive unpopularity of his policies, has turned a blind eye to the leadership failures that have spread down through black career politicians—traitors to minority success—who are causing a cycle of oppression in America: specifically Charles Rangel, Al Sharpton, and Jesse Jackson, each of whom has enriched himself at the expense of his community. Borelli also challenges the ninety-five percent of the black Americans who voted for Obama without caring about or vetting his dangerous politics. Borelli doesn't stop there. She speaks out against the elites and crony capitalists who drive expensive government policies such as needless green initiatives and ObamaCare. She exposes government regulation and the NAACP as nothing more than a liberal front group. She points out each grave flaw in the current administration, big government, unions, and special-interest groups. She demands that new black leaders abandon the false rhetoric and inexcusable lies of so-called progressive politics. She asks the questions that people of all colors are afraid to ask, and delivers the honest, unyielding, and controversial answers that have made her the favorite of the left-wing firing squad. Today, with taking a stand against Obama, comes the fear of being called a racist. There is no fear in Deneen Borelli. Her outspoken voice gives everyone the courage and ammunition needed to stand up against destructive progressive tyrants. She is a brave critic, bold and proactive—not reactive. Hers is a story a lot of people don't want to hear—no matter how firmly they believe it to be true. Deneen Borelli is here to ignite a fire in independent-minded Americans. Blacklash is the fuse. ••• “I'm conservative. I believe in the power of the individual. I'm a freethinker, and I love my country. Yes, I'm also black, but that fact has nothing to do with my belief in limited government. I don't like President Barack Obama's progressive policies and his administration's spending habits. But some people apparently think that my economic concerns shouldn't supersede my racial allegiance. “Nobody wants to be told they're racist simply because they are too conservative to buy into Obama's policies. People are too nervous to speak out, so I'm speaking out for them. We need change. We really do. We just can't afford the kind that Obama and the Washington elites are currently advocating.” —Deneen Borelli

TELL IT ALL, TELL IT EARLY, TELL IT YOURSELF Nobody ever calls Lanny Davis to give him good news. As a legal crisis manager, he's the man public figures such as Bill Clinton, Martha Stewart, U.S. representative Charlie Rangel, and companies such as Whole Foods, among many others, rely on to pull them through public scandal with their reputations intact. Winning your case in a courtroom instead of the media is no longer a viable option. These days, every scandal is tried in the court of public opinion. Refusing to dignify allegations with an answer is grounds for flagellation by the press. Political insider Davis has spent years helping politicians, sports figures, business executives, and corporations through the biggest reputation crises of our times, and each case has aided him in the creation of five invaluable rules that absolutely anyone can use to protect himself from damaging hearsay— online and off. In this fascinating and practical resource, Davis tells the real stories behind his famous clients'very public scandals as he explains what he and his team did right, what they did wrong, and how they learned from their mistakes and successes. As impossible as it is to believe, many public relations experts still rely on the faulty Nixon model—deny, deny, deny. This tactic was detrimental not only to Nixon's presidency but, for example, to Exxon and BP (not Davis's clients) following major oil spills. Instead, Davis believes, it is important to tell the full story yourself, even if it means sharing unflattering details before they leak on their own. By getting ahead of the story, you have more control over how the information is reported and perceived in the media. Damaging falsehoods can go viral in an instant, but the nation's premier political spin doctor will teach you how to fight back.

Behaviour is important. Whether this be the behaviour of those who saw it coming, or of those who constantly berated them. The behaviour of those who rode the boom and switched at the tipping point to ride the bust, or the behaviour of those who held on to their principled as the system collapsed around them. It was human behaviour after all, that led us to construct a bubble nobody suspected was dangerous, yet nonetheless would burst with disastrous consequences. Contrary to the views of many before the crash the cycle is inevitable - you cannot eliminate boom and bust. In a boom the bullish are promoted whilst the cautious are overlooked, reinforcing the cycle. This factor is generally ignored by the beautiful but flawed models of economic analysts. Since we cannot abolish the cycle, we must ensure that busts are not so dangerous in the future. The policy solutions are there if we're brave enough, from changing incentives, and creating fiscal and financial regulators with clout and discretion, through to changing corporate governance and shifting the power of executives.

The European Union is in inexorable decline. The outlook is gloomy for the economy and nobody listens to European politicians. Any authority or power that it once had on the world stage is being lost, and its claims to the moral high ground in international affairs are increasingly shaky. But this lamentable state of affairs is neither inevitable nor irreversible. The emerging new world order offers opportunities for the EU, if it can only act systematically and develop a new cosmopolitan strategy based on principled and consistent support for universal values. Here is a bold analysis of the problem and a brilliant proposal for a remedy.'Richard Youngs has produced a passionate but clear-headed analysis of Europe's shrinking status in world affairs. Sarkozy and Merkel should read and react to this wake-up call to reverse Europe's decline before it is too late.'Denis MacShane MP, Britain's longest serving Europe minister

Conventional theories of capitalism are mired in a deep crisis: after centuries of debate, they are still unable to tell us what capital is. Liberals and Marxists both think of capital as an ‘economic'entity that they count in universal units of ‘utils'or ‘abstract labour', respectively. But these units are totally fictitious. Nobody has ever been able to observe or measure them, and for a good reason: they don't exist. Since liberalism and Marxism depend on these non-existing units, their theories hang in suspension. They cannot explain the process that matters most – the accumulation of capital. This book offers a radical alternative. According to the authors, capital is not a narrow economic entity, but a symbolic quantification of power. It has little to do with utility or abstract labour, and it extends far beyond machines and production lines. Capital, the authors claim, represents the organized power of dominant capital groups to reshape – or creorder – their society. Written in simple language, accessible to lay readers and experts alike, the book develops a novel political economy. It takes the reader through the history, assumptions and limitations of mainstream economics and its associated theories of politics. It examines the evolution of Marxist thinking on accumulation and the state. And it articulates an innovative theory of ‘capital as power'and a new history of the ‘capitalist mode of power'.

Nobody knows more about the duties, the difficulties, and the strategies of staffing and working in the White House than Brad Patterson. In To Serve the President, Patterson combines insider access, decades of Washington experience, and an inimitable style to open a window onto closely guarded Oval Office turf. The fascinating and entertaining result is the most complete look ever at the White House and the people that make it work.Patterson describes what he considers to be the whole White House staff, a larger and more inclusive picture than the one painted by most analysts. In addition to nearly one hundred policy offices, he draws the curtain back from less visible components such as the Executive Residence staff, Air Force One and Marine One, the First Lady's staff, Camp David, and many others—135 separate offices in all, pulling together under often stressful and intense conditions.This authoritative and readable account lays out the organizational structure of the full White House and fills it out the outline with details both large and small. Who are these people? What exactly do they do? And what role do they play in running the nation? Another exciting feature of To Serve the President is Patterson's revelation of the total size and total cost of the contemporary White House—information that simply is not available anywhere else.This is not a kiss-and-tell tale or an incendiary exposé. Brad Patterson is an accomplished public administrator with an intimate knowledge of how the White House really works, and he brings to this book a refreshingly positive view of government and public service not currently in vogue. The U.S. government is not a monolith, or a machine, or a shadowy cabal; above all, it is people, human beings doing the best they can, under challenging conditions, to produce a better life for their fellow citizens. While there are bad apples in every bunch, the vast majority

No two people were more important to American conservatism in the postwar era than William F. Buckley Jr. and Ronald Reagan. Buckley's writings provided the intellectual underpinnings, while Reagan brought the conservative movement into the White House. They met in 1961 when Reagan introduced a speech by Buckley. When nobody could turn on the microphone, Reagan climbed out a window, walked along a ledge to the locked control room, broke in, and flipped the correct switch. Buckley later described this moment as'a nifty allegory of Reagan's approach to foreign policy: the calm appraisal of a situation, the willingness to take risks, and then the decisive moment leading to lights and sound.'For over thirty years, the two men shared jokes and vacations, advised each other on politics, and counseled each other's children. The Reagan I Knew traces the evolution of an extraordinary friendship between two American political giants.

In order to render the strange logic of dreams, Freud quoted the old joke about the borrowed kettle: (1) I never borrowed a kettle from you, (2) I returned it to you unbroken, (3) the kettle was already broken when I got it from you. Such an enumeration of inconsistent arguments, of course, confirms exactly what it attempts to deny-that I returned a broken kettle to you.That same inconsistency, Zizek argues, characterized the justification of the attack on Iraq: A link between Saddam's regime and al-Qaeda was transformed into the threat posed by the regime to the region, which was then further transformed into the threat posed to everyone (but the US and Britain especially) by weapons of mass destruction. When no significant weapons were found, we were treated to the same bizarre logic: OK, the two labs we found don't really prove anything, but even if there are no WMD in Iraq, there are other good reasons to topple a tyrant like Saddam...Iraq: The Borrowed Kettle - which can be considered as a sequel to Zizek's acclaimed post-9/11 Welcome to the Desert of the Real - analyzes the background that such inconsistent argumentation conceals and, simultaneously, cannot help but highlight: what were the actual ideological and political stakes of the attack on Iraq? In classic Zizekian style, it spares nothing and nobody, neither pathetically impotent pacifism nor hypocritical sympathy with the suffering of the Iraqi people.

In March 2019, ISIS was territorially defeated. ISIS members were captured and detained: men were sent to prison and women and children to camps in northern Syria. This is an unprecedented situation where for the first-time thousands of female members of a terrorist group are detained in a foreign country without access to legal mechanisms, rehabilitation or reintegration measures. What happens to the foreign women (and children) who are not repatriated from the camps? If they are repatriated, are there rehabilitation and reintegration programmes in place that account for the experiences the women had? Most existing rehabilitation and reintegration programmes are gender-neutral; that is, they claim to be universal, and are not tailored specifically to male or female beneficiaries. Yet, typically, these programmes are influenced by implicit gender norms and assumptions, such as that men are violent perpetrators of aggression and women are victims who are peaceful and lack agency. Alongside gender norms, intersecting racial and religious dynamics also shape how governments handle the repatriation, rehabilitation and reintegration of ISIS returnees. This includes racial profiling, the conflation between Islam and extremism and more broadly the rising Islamophobia in many countries, particularly since the ‘War on Terror'. These dynamics lead to an absence of rehabilitation and reintegration programmes specifically designed for women's diverse experiences, which is the subject of this book. Returning Home examines state responses to repatriation, rehabilitation and reintegration of ISIS returnees from an intersectional perspective, with a focus on ISIS women returnees. This book addresses the biased understandings that are built into scholarship and policy responses that reinforce gendered and racialized inequalities. It outlines how these dynamics can be uncovered and redressed by designing policies that are responsive to gender differences, inequalities and harmful norms..

The Future of Cities and Energies in Western Europe explores a variety of theoretical and empirical approaches to researching energy issues in Western European cities, as well as urban energy transition. It serves as a collection of materials, instruments, ideas, and theories to embrace this subject. The contributions are interdisciplinary, drawing from areas such as sociology, urbanism, geoecology, architecture, and political science, thus demonstrating that this research topic, which is now gaining full legitimacy in traditional fields, requires open and reflexive dialogues.

This book challenges the approach of relying on election outcomes to analyse party systems, contending that changes can be also identified and documented beyond the scope of parliamentary elections through legislative party switching.It argues that significant party system changes occur often within parliamentary terms, and legislative party switching is not a pathological feature of democracy but rather an integral component of democratic party systems. Offering a comprehensive and specific theoretical framework for party switching and based on a novel and exhaustive database from Czech Republic, Lithuania, and Poland, this book examines the determinants for, and implications of, legislative party switching in Central and Eastern Europe.This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of legislative studies, party politics, Central and East European politics, and more broadly comparative politics and government.The Open Access version of this book, available at www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution‑Non Commercial‑No Derivatives (CC‑BY‑NC‑ND) 4.0 license.Any third party material in this book is not included in the OA Creative Commons license, unless indicated otherwise in a credit line to the material. Please direct any permissions enquiries to the original rightsholder.

Theories of alienation had a long history, burgeoned since the 1960s, yet almost disappeared in recent decades – but in his book, Christoph Henning brings these theories back on the agenda, to better account for contemporary social pathologies. Feelings of estrangement, of not feeling at home in the world, in one's own body or surroundings, are widespread in contemporary societies. They go hand in hand with loneliness, with a burnout, with depression or with anger and hatred. But where do they come from, what do they signify?Henning tracks theories of alienation from three different traditions: first, a conservative approach from Rousseau to Hartmut Rosa explains alienation with change and is based on nostalgia; second, a liberal approach from Simmel to Rahel Jaeggi relies on individual autonomy and explains it as a loss of control; and third, an Aristotelian approach from Humboldt to Marx or British idealism, based on theories of flourishing, relies on a perfectionist anthropology and critical social theory. In doing so, Henning vividly reconstructs these traditions with contemporary examples and excursions into the movies. Theories of Alienation: From Rousseau to the Present shines important new light on this important field of contemporary social philosophy and is very approachable to the general reader.

This book offers an analysis of values in Hungary.Following the proposition that civic values are crucial to liberal democracy and conducive to international peace, this book examines the extent to which these values are respected and practised in a number of policy spheres, with chapters devoted to the political system, the media, religion, relations with the European Union, history textbooks, cinema, Roma, and the attitudes of Hungarian women voters. The book also charts how, under Prime Minister Orbán, Hungary has gravitated away from the civic values spelled out in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Charter of the European Union.This book will prove to be of great use to scholars and students of democracy, East Central Europe, minorities, Hungarian contemporary history and politics, civic culture, gender studies, nationalism, human rights, and more broadly the social sciences.

Sustainable Urbanisation in the Caribbean critically examines the socio-geographic context of island states, prioritising the nuanced experiences of Caribbean island states and territories that are largely considered small island developing states (SIDS), against the backdrop of the UN Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).Increases in urban density place enormous pressure on existing infrastructures and natural resources, exacerbating social inequalities and environmental risks. While the UN SDGs aim to mitigate these risks, the reality of implementing these goals in the context of SIDS is complex. Whereas Sustainable Urbanisation in the Caribbean does not claim to be a comprehensive assessment of policy responses to the SDGs, this edited volume seeks to generate problem-focused, policy-relevant, demand-driven research, thereby permitting the geographical contexts of island states to contribute to the development of proper causal theory about sustainable urbanisation.This book will be of interest to students of public policy, urban sustainability and climate change, as well as government policy analysts, development practitioners, urban planners and UN agencies working in SIDS.

This book profiles Taiwan's six key presidents—Chiang Kai-shek, Chiang Ching-kuo, Lee Teng-hui, Chen Shui-bian, Ma Ying-jeou, and Tsai Ing-wen—focusing on politics, economics, elections, successes and failures in office, popularity, and democratization.By analyzing criteria of the six presidents'leadership, such as management of crises, advancing democracy, stewardship of the economy, charisma, corruption, and handling of foreign relations, especially with China and the U.S., John F. Copper goes on to rank the presidents and predicts trends and difficulties that future presidents will face. Special attention is paid to relations with the U.S., acknowledging the U.S. as Taiwan's political and economic model as well as its being Taiwan's protector in the context of China's claim to Taiwan.As an assessment of these six political leaders as well as a study of Taiwan's political system, this book will appeal to students and scholars of Taiwan, political science, and international relations.

This book uniquely demonstrates how a new combination of communities, progressive visions, and strategies provides a path to defeat fascist machinations and strengthens social justice movements. Taking the incredible twists and turns of elections as a given, the book takes the issues, grievances and solutions of social movements as its grounding.Would-be change agents, be they first-time voters, freshly minted activists, impacted communities, or veteran strategists, will find answers to questions of voting, organizing, and mobilization. In doing so, readers will find answers to activating their networks and communities not merely to vote, but how to build on their “Emergency Election” mobilizing and power-building efforts to win their agendas, regardless of who holds office.This theoretically and empirically informed handbook for activists, voters, their organizations, unions, and communities provides both mobilizing tools and talking points about the elections'most vital and contested issues.

This is a open access book. In the agriculture sector, the language of gender integration often ignores the politics and the power dynamics that are central to critical, and feminist, analysis of gender relations. This volume explores largely neglected topics such as power dynamics, masculinities, gendered social norms, feminist research practice, intersectionality, critical analysis of tools and more, that are fundamental to shifting the entrenched power dynamics and politics of gender research in agriculture. The purpose of this book is to reduce the gap existing between theory, methods, and practice of gender relations in agriculture and agricultural research. Through an in-depth analysis of current processes in agriculture and drawing on existing experiences in other sectors, it seeks to create pathways for learning, catalyzing change and positive impact on gender equity and social inclusion. This volume seeks to bring forth a change in how gender relations in agriculture are researched, practiced and taught.

This book explores the effect of the pandemic on human rights; civil and political rights (CPR); economic, social, and cultural rights (ESCR); and freedoms around the world.The COVID-19 pandemic radically changed many aspects of the lives of individuals and entire societies. This crisis and the unprecedented experience required extraordinary solutions, regulations, and rapid responses from decision-makers to limit the spread of the disease and protect societies. To this end, during this period, many countries chose to impose states of emergency, resulting in the granting of extraordinary powers to the executive. This has sometimes been a very convenient pretext for introducing various types of restrictions, oppressive surveillance, and other legal arrangements that can be qualified as human rights violations. The authors make a scholarly summary of this period, identifying possible rights violations — but above all — recommendations for the future. This crisis has shown how important it is to have universal, equitable health and social protection systems that cover all community members equally and without discrimination, and the authors remodel the concept of'human rights'and'human needs'. The book covers varied examples from lockdowns to vaccination to information control, across Spain, Poland, South Africa and Uganda, the Czech Republic, Belarus and Ukraine, and Russia.This book will appeal to higher-level students and scholars of law, political science, and international relations and will also be helpful for public policymakers at national and international levels.

Providing a ‘short take'on the long history of political economy, this book examines both the stories about and those within economics. It traces the history of political economy from its beginnings in the Scottish Enlightenment; through its disciplinary demarcation as a science in the nineteenth century that saw its differentiation from literary, aesthetic, and moral discourses; and to its emergence as the ‘amoral'market-driven neoliberalism that dominates economic theories and policies today.In exploring the long history of economic thought, it examines and challenges both Enlightenment and contemporary grand narratives such as the stadial theory of progress, the ‘Great Divergence'and the ‘Great Convergence'that have divided the world into global norths and souths according to their economic advantages. It concludes with a study of currency as both a medium of monetary exchange and a term that denotes prevalence and acceptance to explore political economy's continuous engagement with the problem of representing value through money. Part of the series Short Takes on Long Views, this book will appeal to a traditional academic audience of scholars and students, and to a wider public audience of informed non-fiction readers interested in the long history of economics.

The Kisan Andolan or the Indian farmers'protest of 2020–2021 is one of the longest and biggest (and victorious) social movements in the history of independent India. This book adopts a multidisciplinary approach to contextualise the movement in the long run. It engages with the historical, social and religious roots of the Andolan, examining what makes it so unique and transformative for Indian polity. It explores the (dis)continuities with previous resistance and contestation movements in India and globally, and debates the role so far of regional, religious and class-caste-gender identities. Through interviews, the volume also gives a specific voice and platform to grassroots activists and farmers from the movement.Part of the Social Movements and Transformative Dissent series, the book will appeal to scholars, activists and a wider audience interested in social movements and dissent politics in India and the Global South. It will also be of interest to students of economics, political science, anthropology, sociology, government, agrarian studies, Sikh and Punjab studies, politics, international relations and diaspora studies.

This book uniquely reverses today's MAGA conspiratorial concept of the deep state to reveal how a very real “deeper state” is evident throughout history, back to the founding of American democracy.Class and caste-based elites and their political allies have held dominant power in the US. Large corporations, Wall Street, and other sectors of the capitalist class outsource day-to-day governance to the mainstream political parties, which can compete vigorously and create a credible veneer of civil liberties and electoral democracy, disguising and legitimating the deep state. But it is a “shallow democracy,” since the deep state sets boundaries on policies and choices to serve itself. It also denies a universal franchise and obstructs the voting rights of people of color, the poor, and other communities threatening to the deep state. Moreover, the deep state constrains civic governance in the workplace and community, denying virtually all working people democratic control over their economic and social life.Shallow democracy has a long history. Two embryonic deep states – a Northern capitalist deep state and a Southern slave-based deep state – came together in a tense and unstable union to create and govern the US. While the Confederate deep state, which we call proto-American fascism, was defeated in the Civil War, it left a deep imprint on the culture and politics of millions of Americans, and has resurged again in Trumpism. The shallow democracy of the capitalist deep state has survived previous challenges, but it lacks the deep roots that guarantees its survival.The authors point to prospects for meaningful change arising from the extreme economic chasm dividing the nation economically and racially, and from existential crises of the survival of democracy and of a sustainable planet. They discuss strategy that might finally move the nation beyond MAGA toward deep democracy.

Asynchronicity is a study of the information stress and its genesis in the accelerative dynamics of computation and automation. In simple terms, this volume illustrates how anti-democratic communication has become characteristic of our present social and political reality. This book is significant in two respects. By fully realising a general theory of social time, it advances temporal analysis as a mode of social enquiry. Grounding the production of time within the event-dynamics of media systems, it establishes a framework for analysing the temporal logics of digital media, and shows that they may be fundamentally incompatible with the requirements of democratic communication.

The Routledge Handbook of Political Campaigning provides an essential, global, and timely overview of current realities, as well as anticipating the trajectory and evolution of campaigning in the coming years.Offering a comprehensive analysis, the handbook is structured into seven thematic sections, including the campaign environment; rhetoric and persuasion; campaign strategies; campaign tactics and platform affordances; news and journalism; citizens and voters; and civil society. The chapters within each section reflect on the latest societal, technological, and cultural developments and their impact on campaigning, on democratic culture within societies, and on the roles that campaigns might play in both facilitating and impeding political engagement. Key trends and innovations are examined alongside case studies and examples from a range of nations and political contexts. Issues around trust and representation are further reflected in a focus on the wider campaigning environment and the rise in importance of grassroots and pressure groups, social movements, and movements that coalesce within digital environments.The Routledge Handbook of Political Campaigning is an essential resource for scholars, students, and practitioners in political communication, media and communication, elections and voting behavior, digital media, journalism, social movements, strategic communication, social media, and more broadly to democracy, sociology, and public policy.

Ist ein wirklich gutes Leben ohne Ausbeutung von Mensch und Natur möglich? Ja! Denn um ein freies, umweltschonendes und friedliches Leben gegenwärtiger und kommender Generationen zu ermöglichen, ist es manchmal schon ausreichend, an den kleinen Stellschrauben zu drehen. Mit Leichtigkeit und voller Lebensfreude machen sich Nick Schramm und Carolin Rüffert auf eine inspirierende Spurensuche nach solchen Möglichkeiten. Dabei wagen sie nicht nur ein ungewöhnliches Selbstexperiment für ein befreites und nachhaltiges Leben mit begrenztem Budget, sondern brechen auch alte Glaubenssätze und angestaubte Denkmuster auf. Sie nehmen die Lesenden mit auf eine philosophische, humorvolle und kritische Reise zu den Wurzeln unseres heutigen Gesellschaftssystems und den Fragen, was Wohlstand ist und was es bedeutet, Mensch zu sein. Dem gegenwärtig oft zu beobachtenden Pessimismus und der damit einhergehenden Resignation stellt dieses Buch Aussichten auf eine hoffnungsvolle und friedliche Zukunft entgegen.

This book espouses the positive reading of Nietzsche on the tragic nature of human existence. For Nietzsche, the task of individual fashioning must be conceived, examined and undertaken within the tragic nature of existence. On Nietzsche's account, existence properly conceived as tragic ipso facto demands a qualitative individual response. The task for every individual is to cultivate the singular individuality. Singular individuality is Nietzsche's way of affirming (organizing) tragic/chaotic life, i.e., mustering life and outsmarting it at its own game. The process of fashioning the singular individuality is referenced as: Individual Autopoiesis. Nietzsche's best type which assures optimum conditions for singular individuality is Uebermensch. The type Uebermensch espouses life as will to power and posits it from extra-moral aspect as Eternal Recurrence. On the contrary, Ethno-philosophical conditions of the Philosophy of sociality seem inadequate in the understanding of life as tragic. Given its apparent insistence on the communal over the individual, ethno-philosophy glosses over the tragic nature of existence. Nevertheless, world-making, Cosmopoiesis, presupposes Autopoiesis.

From the rise of populist leaders and the threat of democratic backsliding to the rejection of open markets and the return of great power competition, the backlash against the political, economic, and social status quo is increasingly labeled'illiberal.'Yet, despite the increasing importance of these phenomena, scholars still lack a firm grasp on'illiberalism'as a conceptual tool for understanding contemporary trends. The Oxford Handbook of Illiberalism addresses this gap by establishing a theoretical foundation for the study of illiberalism and showcasing state-of-the-art research on this phenomenon in its varied scripts-political, economic, cultural, geopolitical, and civilizational. To do so, the Handbook is organized in eight parts. The first develops the concept of illiberalism by delineating it from other'isms,'such as conservatism and authoritarianism. The second highlights the historical and contemporary entanglements between illiberalism and liberalism. The third explores how illiberalism intersects with various political and social identities, such as religion and gender. The fourth examines the political economy of illiberalism. The fifth unpacks the presence of illiberalism in regimes and countries around the world, including Brazil, China, Hungary, India, Poland, Russia, South Africa, and Turkey. The sixth identifies how illiberalism manifests in international relations. The seventh analyzes grassroots expressions of illiberalism. And the eighth probes the theoretical foundations of illiberal thought, linking it to conservatism, postliberalism, and religious doctrines. Bringing together the expertise of dozens of scholars, The Oxford Handbook of Illiberalism offers a thorough overview that characterizes the current state of the field and charts a path forward for future scholarship on this critical and quickly developing concept.

This book analyses the 1991 to 1995 war experiences of ethnically mixed communities who successfully resisted identity-based violence and segregation in Croatia and Bosnia-Herzegovina. Challenging the prevailing view of the wars in these countries as ethnic struggles rooted in historical antagonisms, it adds complexity to our understanding of peace and violence by contributing previously untapped insights into local dynamics of inter-ethnic collaboration. Exploring the strategies and approaches applied to resist violence and to transform conflict in a constructive manner, it provides an important comparative analysis of the experiences and proposes a framework for community resistance to identity-based violence in multi-ethnic societies.This volume will contribute to the ongoing debates of scholars and practitioners on the causes and consequences of violent conflicts, and the related practical approaches to violence prevention and peacebuilding. Highly relevant to scholars and students in peace and conflict studies, political science, international relations, security studies, history, sociology, and social psychology, it willalso be of great interest to policy makers and practitioners in conflict management, conflict transformation and local governance.

This book explores the relationship between Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi and the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh (RSS) and discusses their relevance in India's history and socio-political discourse. It looks back at the Indian independence movement and the key debates and issues that the country was confronted with in the early 1900s that continue to be relevant today. These include the practice of untouchability, tensions and conflicts between communities, the treatment of minorities and the marginalized, debates on the ideology of Hindutva, religious conversion, questions on the cultural and civilizational identity of India, and responses to Western modernity. This book discusses the ideological differences between Gandhi and the RSS while also focusing on areas where they converged. This book will be of interest to students, researchers, and academics working in the areas of modern Indian history, political science and philosophy. It will also be interesting to general readers curious about Gandhi and the RSS.

Affective Imageries: Visual Politics of Wounded Bodies in Timor-Leste analyzes the political mobilization of images of wounded bodies in conflict and post-conflict societies. The book goes beyond traditional analyses of visual politics to offer a new perspective on the construction of affective imageries by considering the importance of poems, photographs and artworks, and calling attention to other ways in which bodies can be affected by conflicts beyond the debate over the physical wounds of war. Connecting debates on visual politics affects and memory studies, and drawing lessons from the East Timorese case, Marcelle Trote Martins reveals how ‘affective imageries'are created and mobilized, determining the status of the bodies shown in the images, and the kind of (international) attention they merit.

Every couple of years, a new corruption scandal of the oil industry draws the attention of worldwide media: The International Consortium of Investigative Journalists describes the complex schemes of shell companies, international transfers, and hidden tax havens that the political elites of resource-rich countries exploit to embezzle the wealth of the land they should be protecting; dozens of books discuss at length how kleptocrats and their informal circles spend millions of dollars virtually undisturbed in the general hypocrisy of world leaders. This is what we know, but how do the actors of the oil sector shape their relationships through informality? Using Kazakhstan as a case study, Gian Marco Moisé explores the various ways in which corruption and informal governance converged and were shaped by the everchanging power dynamics between the different actors participating in the industry. Complemented by discussions on other rentier economies, each practice of the taxonomy is presented as a specific strategy employed by the predatory elite to achieve different governance objectives. As these practices normalize, their effects trickle down into an increasing inequality that contributes to the generalized informality of the lowest ranks of the industry.

Right after the Gezi Resistance, a new tendency of authoritarianism rapidly emerged in Turkey and AKP government started targeting anyone it perceives as a threat to its rule, especially academics, journalists, politicians, actors, directors, i.e. the intellectuals who produce oppositional art and critical knowledge, criminalizing them as enemies of the state. The authoritarian regime has permeated every aspect of economic, social, cultural, and political life, institutionalized primarily through the ongoing state of emergency declared in the wake of the July 15, 2016 coup attempt (one might also consider this as a controlled and manipulated toxoid coup). This new climate has started to limit the opportunities of production and reproduction for the intellectuals and artists, and even holding a dissident stance became a source of risk on its own. The Republic of Turkey limited, oppressed and punished the means of expression by giving one of the harshest (and maybe the most violent) reactions of its history against critical thought and opposition. The culture of democracy, which was almost already non-existent, has been completely abolished through the suspension of democracy on the ostensible level. This ongoing period is one, in which producers of critical knowledge and opposing artists are being faced with immense oppression and penal sanctions. One of the outcomes of this process is a kind of new-nomadism that we can sketch out as “leaving behind”. And one of the forms of this leaving is (voluntary or involuntary) exile. The majority of those whom we call “new-exile intellectuals” today have relocated generally to Western Europe, Great Britain, the United States, and especially to Germany. This new wave of political forced migration, which started in the aftermath of the Gezi uprisings and gained momentum following the coup attempt, has been defined by the editors of the book as “new-exile”', in order to draw a framework, as it has some unique characteristics different from the previous waves. The fundamental property of this experience is the simultaneous mobilization of intellectual capital and (bi-polar) opposition. This oppositional stance is both against the dominant global order and against German-style authoritarianism as well as Turkish-style fascism. It is bi-polar in the context of exile. The form of the opposition in question has the ability to take root in the lands it arrives at. It does not point towards a single direction (forward or backward) and a single place (the place it was ruptured); it is here/now and multidirectional. This state of new-exile bears the efforts of existing critical knowledge and art producers in the “heim” to which they have relocated, as critical knowledge and art producers are opposed to the dominant world system as well as to fascism in Turkey. As political subjects of the resistance against authoritarianism, they are continuously and collectively fighting against the structural fate of displacement. As both subjects and researchers of this current state of new-exile, it is our primary responsibility to understand and produce knowledge of these intellectuals'responses in this new life, to monitor the creation processes of the new mechanisms to cope with the challenges, and to understand/investigate the effects of all these on the transnational social space. We have tried to determine the content of this book based on our own experiences as new-exiled intellectuals. We believe that in this period of new-exile we are subjects and witnesses of a historic period due to our individual struggle for existence as well as our modes of organization and solidarity as a group of new-exiled intellectuals. On one hand, we know that while transforming ourselves, we pave the way for mutual interaction and the transformation of the structures in which we relate. This is precisely why the motivation behind th

The latest in the acclaimed series of election books from Victoria University of Wellington, Back on Track? is an engaging account of how we ended up with the government we have today.What a year! In 2023, Jacinda Ardern resigned after five years as Prime Minister, leaving Chris Hipkins in charge of Labour's waning fortunes and ultimate defeat. The Greens and Te Pati Maori ended up back on the opposition benches despite gaining more votes than ever before. ACT held its support, but couldn't find enough votes to keep New Zealand First from muscling its way back into government, as Winston Peters again went from has-been to kingmaker to Minister of Foreign Affairs. And Christopher Luxon, having repeatedly warned of a'coalition of chaos'if people voted for Labour, the Greens and Te Pati Maori, found himself leading a chaotic coalition of his own when the election resulted in a National–ACT–New Zealand First government that promised to get New Zealand'back on track'.

This book explores the transformative role of social media in fostering reconciliation in the former Yugoslavia, a region still grappling with unresolved conflicts and ethnic divides. Focusing on platforms like YouTube and TikTok, it highlights how Balkan influencers blend personal storytelling with commercial outreach to promote interethnic understanding. The study employs digital ethnography and narrative analysis to reveal the intricate dynamics between human actors and algorithms, uncovering how social media facilitate grassroots reconciliation initiatives.The author critiques traditional reconciliation efforts driven by political elites and emphasises the potential of bottom-up approaches enabled by social media. It presents the concept of “algorithmic reconciliation”, where social media algorithms inadvertently foster interethnic collaborations and create transnational online communities. By examining the economic and cultural practices of influencers, the book illustrates how digital platforms can serve as modern arenas for peacebuilding.This book is primarily aimed at undergraduates and postgraduates in social history, digital media studies, and peace studies, but will also be relevant to academics, policymakers, and anyone interested in the intersection of technology and social change.

Interest Groups and Lobbying shows how political organizations and their lobbyists play a crucial role in how policy is made in the United States. It cuts through the myths and misconceptions about interest groups and lobbyists with an accessible and comprehensive text supported by real-world examples and the latest research.New to the Third Edition Further updates and expands the discussion of social media and other online activity engaged in by interest groups, showing that they have become more sophisticated in their use of the internet – especially social media – for keeping current members informed and for their advocacy work. New case studies on more recent advocacy efforts. Updated data used in the book, including: Data on the ideological distribution of Washington interest groups Total number and types of interest groups lobbying in the 50 states Data on campaign contributions Data on amicus briefs and case sponsorship New discussion on the ethical and public interest obligations of lobbyists.

This book explores how the critical discursive breakthrough of social movements in Serbia, Bosnia and Herzegovina, and Croatia disrupted the post-socialist transitional status quo.While critical ideas have long fueled social and political actions, the specifics of their relationship with activism have received limited scholarly attention. This book discusses the emergence of new left actors through the lens of a maturation of consciousness, rather than the opening of structural or other “windows of opportunity,” suggesting the potential for such actors to emerge stemmed from the exposure of a segment of the populace to critical ideas. Questions surrounding the relevance of different types of knowledge in contemporary movements, their origins, dissemination, and the organizational factors shaping their adoption within social movement collectives are central to this work as the author digs into the intricate relationship between critical knowledge and activism, explores the cognitive underpinnings of critical social and political engagement, and examines the influence of both non-theoretical and theoretical knowledge.This book will be of great value to postgraduate students and scholars in social sciences, particularly those studying social movements and Eastern and Southeastern European politics.

This book presents a systematic account of the relationship between political parties and deliberative democracy.It shows which parties prefer deliberation, how intra-party deliberation takes place in practice beyond theoretical models and general descriptions, and how political elites and party members perceive deliberative democracy. Specifically, the book answers how party characteristics influence the use of deliberation by political parties, why intra-party deliberation differs in its use and functioning across parties, and how politicians and party members see deliberation.This book is of key interest to scholars and students of party politics, deliberative democracy, democratic innovations, political theory, and, more broadly, comparative politics.

In diesem Open-Access-Buch widmet sich Jonathan Seim der Frage, wer an Bürger•innenbeteiligungsverfahren beteiligt werden sollte. Ob jene Konsultationsverfahren tatsächlich zu einer Stärkung der Demokratie beitragen können, hängt auch von der Beantwortung dieser bisher nur unzureichend thematisierten Frage ab. Die Arbeit ist interdisziplinär angelegt, insofern sie sich an der Schnittstelle zwischen politischer Philosophie und empirischer Partizipationsforschung bewegt. Im Verlauf der Auseinandersetzung bietet das Buch umfassende Bestandsaufnahmen der Inklusionspraktiken und Zielsetzungen kommunaler Bürger•innenbeteiligungsverfahren, eine legitimationstheoretische Einordnung der Verfahren in das Institutionengefüge repräsentativer Demokratie und einen entlang der Debatte zum Demos-Problem entwickelten Vorschlag zur Beantwortung der Forschungsfrage an.

'The Military and Politics in Post-Authoritarian Chile should be read by everyone concerned with the relation between democracy and the armed forces. It is a well-researched, well-written volume that should prove both interesting and useful to scholars and students alike.'—Perspectives on Politics Why have political leaders of developing and authoritarian nations run into so many obstacles as they attempt to establish civilian supremacy over armed forces in the democratization of their countries? This is the question Gregory Weeks poses in his study of Chile from 1990 onward. He explains how the Chilean military has maintained a high level of political influence in the tumultuous aftermath of dictatorial rule by Army General Augusto Pinochet, thus confounding a smooth transition to civilian authority. Even after the reins of power were officially handed over in 1990, Pinochet continued as commander in chief of the army until 1998, when he took a lifetime seat in the Senate and led the military's efforts to retain its legal and constitutional prerogatives while limiting civilian oversight of military affairs. This assertion of guardianship by the military has produced a political tug-of-war between it and civilian authorities the two contenders for political primacy in Chile. In addition to recounting the historical background of this situation, Weeks's study examines where conflict between these two contenders has been most productive and accord has been highest. His findings suggest that formal contacts, conducted through formal institutions, have been the most conducive to civil supremacy and, therefore, the consolidation of democracy. Based on interviews, government documents, military journals, newspapers, and other archival sources, The Military and Politics in Postauthoritarian Chile describes how presidents, military officers, members of Congress, and judges have interacted since the end of the military regime. With implications for conflict resolution studies, this book will be valuable for Chileanists and policymakers and analysts of Latin American regimes, as well as academic libraries, military historians, social scientists, and students and scholars of Latin American history and politics.

This book engages with the work of Iver B. Neumann, demonstrating the past, present, and future importance of his work as a central IR scholar who set a path for younger researchers to make sense of international relations beyond traditional bounds.By closely examining his work, some of the leading contemporary political scientists reflect on the eclecticism that embodies Neumann's theorisation. Expert contributors engage in a critical review of his work on identity, practice theory, discourse, knowledge production, mentoring, and methodology, looking beyond the person to say something about the state of the field and the craft of research altogether. These reflections engage in critical assessment of the state of International Relations as a discipline, taking stock of theoretical and methodological challenges that scholars face, and reviewing the changes and continuities in knowledge production within social sciences.This book would be of interest to students, researchers, and educators working on themes of diplomacy, anthropology, popular culture, identity, foreign policy, and knowledge production and introducing them to the state of the discipline, key texts, and key developments over the past 30 years.

This book presents a comprehensive overview of Finnish electoral democracy, expertly detailing both its typical representation of a stable European party democracy and its particularities such as a personalized electoral system, a fragmented party system with tradition of grand government coalitions and its sensitive geopolitical location.Using the Finnish National Election Study as a basis, it analyses how voters act and react in an electoral democracy characterized by a high degree of competition between and within parties, yet a democracy in which the possibility for voters to hold governments accountable for their actions is weak, leading to interesting tensions within the system and influences on how voters relate to and engage in politics. This book not only describes these patterns but also provides the reader with thorough explanations and interpretations from a team of expert contributors.This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of Finnish politics, Nordic/Scandinavian politics and studies, political behaviour, electoral studies, public opinion and more broadly to comparative politics and democracy.The Open Access version of this book, available at www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution‑Non Commercial‑No Derivatives (CC‑BY‑NC‑ND) 4.0 license.

This edited volume explores a variety of aspects of associative governance, providing detailed case studies of associations and associational governance in Scandinavia. Theoretically developing a concept and approach of associative governance, the book sheds light on a dynamic way of perceiving associative aspects of community and commercial life that has been hitherto underexplored and undertheorized. It shows how governance by associations may be conducted not only bottom‑up by self‑organized and voluntary participation, but also top‑down by authoritative incorporation through government, and – not least – in multifarious interstices in between.By exploring a vibrant panoply of dimensions of associative governance, empirically grounded in historical analyses of a wide range of organizational repertoires, the book may provide novel insights into the significant role of associative governance in Scandinavia over the past two centuries. Finally, it provides research‑based knowledge about how to maintain “good political and economic institutions” in the future and a more holistic and dynamic approach to the literature on The Nordic model.The book will be of key interest to scholars and students of Nordic and Scandinavian studies, history, sociology, political science, marketing, social policy, organization theory, and public management.The Open Access version of this book, available at www.taylorfrancis.com, has been made available under a Creative Commons Attribution‑Non Commercial‑No Derivatives (CC‑BY‑NC‑ND) 4.0 license.

The textbook is primarily aimed at students and younger researchers and offers a concise but systematic practical guide to planning and conducting qualitative expert interviews in political science. It provides a methodologically sound and application- or problem-oriented approach to this form of independent qualitative data collection. The English translation of this book, originally in German, was facilitated by artificial intelligence. The content was later revised by the author for accuracy and adapted to an international readership.

This book explores what it meant to be ‘liberal'in interwar Czech, Austrian, and Slovenian politics. Up until 1918, these countries shared the common political framework of Cisleithania (the Austrian part of the Habsburg Monarchy). Within this framework was the predominantly pejorative function of the label ‘liberal,'and as a result after 1918, no major political party employed it to describe its own political orientation. Despite making considerable efforts to dissociate themselves from liberalism, many parties continued to be referred to as ‘liberal'by the contemporary public. This association with liberalism, the book argues, was primarily due to the parties'historical background rather than any ideological commitment to liberalism, and for that reason, the author refers to them as ‘national liberal heirs.'Examining the (dis)continuities of liberal party traditions, the book presents three representative cases of national liberal heirs: the Czechoslovak National Democracy; the Greater German People's Party; and the Slovenian sections of the Yugoslav Democratic Party, the Independent Democratic Party, and the Yugoslav National Party. Forming a distinctive part of early twentieth-century party landscapes in Central Europe, the national liberal heirs had inherited organisational structures, parts of electorate, as well as rootedness in specific cultural and social milieus from their liberal predecessors. Following the political trajectories of the national liberal heirs, the author seeks to answer in which spheres, in which manners, and to what extent liberalism survived or even continued to develop in the interwar Czech lands, Austria, and Slovenia.

This open-access book is an exceptional contribution to the burgeoning fields of higher education development and higher education internationalization as it empirically examines the impact of the study abroad experiences of faculty members on individual and institutional development. The research and its outcomes presented here utilize results from a large-scale survey and interviews of faculty at ten leading universities in Malaysia, Indonesia, Vietnam, and Cambodia. The analyses show that the study abroad experiences of faculty members impact not only improvements in research quality and development of educational programs but also serve as the foundation for international activities at the university, crucially important in today's higher education landscape. On the other hand, the research reveals the rapid development of higher education at the local and regional levels including the development of graduate programs for faculty training in the home country leading to increasing rates of study abroad within Southeast Asia. Through the analyses presented, this book offers a new understanding of higher education development and internationalization in Southeast Asia by examining the impact of study abroad on the academic profession, higher education institutions and the higher education sector.