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'In this hard-hitting exposé, Ian Williams demonstrates how the Chinese Communist Party's obsession with exercising uncontested power has led to pervasive corruption and unintended consequences for China's own population and the world at large.'— Nigel Inkster, former director of operations and intelligence, MI6State capitalism. Socialism with Chinese characteristics. A socialist market economy. There have been numerous descriptions of the Chinese economy. However, none seems to capture the predatory, at times surreal, nature of the economy of the world's most populous nation – nor the often bruising and mind-bending experience of doing business with the Middle Kingdom.Rules and agreements mean little. Markets are distorted, statistics fabricated, foreign industrial secrets and technology systematically stolen. Companies and entrepreneurs, at home and abroad, are bullied – often with the collusion of the victims themselves. The Party is in every boardroom and lab, with businesses thriving or dying at its will.All this is part of realising President Xi Jinping's ambition of China becoming the world's pre-eminent economic, technological and military power.

This book examines the policy, ideology and politics of Xi Jinping, State President and General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and China's “ruler for life.”Through comparisons with former CCP leaders, including Deng Xiaoping, it assesses whether, having abandoned many of the key precepts of the Era of Reform and the Open Door, the conservative supreme leader's restitution of Maoist standards might enable China to sustain economic growth and project hard and soft power worldwide. The book also examines whether the Communist Party will succeed in retaining the support of 1.4 billion Chinese in the face of unprecedented challenges in the economic and geopolitical arenas. It also provides a comprehensive picture of Xi's rise to power; his AI-assisted and “legalistic” surveillance and control mechanisms; China's evolving economic system; Xi's foreign and national-security policies and the implications of the 20th Party Congress of October 2022 from both domestic and foreign perspectives.Being among the first books in English on the ambitious and multi-faceted agendas that Xi has laid out taking China up to the early 2040s, this will be an invaluable resource for students and scholars of Chinese studies, China-US relations, East Asian politics and Contemporary Asian history.

This is the terrifying story of China's vampire economy. State capitalism. Socialism with Chinese characteristics. A socialist market economy. There have been numerous descriptions of the Chinese economy. However, none seems to capture the predatory, at times surreal, nature of the economy of the world's most populous nation – nor the often bruising and mind-bending experience of doing business with the Middle Kingdom. Rules and agreements mean little. Markets are distorted, statistics fabricated, foreign industrial secrets and technology systematically stolen. Companies and entrepreneurs, at home and abroad, are bullied – often with the collusion of the victims themselves. The Party is in every boardroom and lab, with businesses thriving or dying at its will. All this is part of realising President Xi Jinping's ambition of China becoming the world's pre-eminent economic, technological and military power. One of the Financial Times'Best New Books on Economics in 2024

This book locates the Arctic within the context of the People's Republic of China's (PRC) national strategy of the Great Rejuvenation of the Chinese Nation. Drawing on a range of sources published in Chinese and English, the author analyses Beijing's Arctic scientific activities and technological capabilities, including the research infrastructure, long-term goals, and the significance for China's understanding of the region, its Arctic identity, and international perceptions. Examining the region from the perspective of the Comprehensive National Security Outlook developed during the Xi Jinping era, the book focuses on military, economic, technological, and political components and considers the PRC's official and academic discourses and the views of the region within bilateral relations with Arctic states, outlining a science, security, and governance nexus in China's Arctic engagement.This volume will be of interest to scholars and students of Arctic geopolitics, Chinese studies, security studies, and foreign policy analysis. It will also appeal to policymakers and defence analysts in Arctic states and other regional stakeholders.

In the twenty-first century, cyberspace and the ‘real world'have become inseparable. The stability and security of cyberspace therefore affect, in increasingly profound ways, the economies, international reputations, national security, military capabilities and global influence of states. In their short history, operations in cyberspace have already been used extensively by states and their non-state supporters for many purposes. They are an inevitable aspect of contemporary international affairs while carrying significant risk. In this Adelphi book Marcus Willett, a former deputy head of GCHQ, argues that there is no coherent or widely shared understanding of what cyber operations really are, how they are used and what they can do; or of their implications for strategic affairs and international law; or what their ‘responsible'use really entails. The myths and misunderstandings that abound tend to dull the conceptual clarity needed by strategic policymakers and overseers, and they complicate the essential task in a liberal democracy of maintaining public consent for, and legitimisation of, the development and use of such capabilities. The book sheds light on these issues, exposing myths and clarifying misunderstandings.

Lost Decade is an essential guide for understanding the historic shift to Asia-centric geopolitics and its implications for America's present and future. Across the political spectrum, there is wide agreement that Asia should stand at the center of US foreign policy. But this worldview, first represented in the Obama Administration's 2011'Pivot to Asia,'marks a dramatic departure from the entire history of American grand strategy. More than a decade on, we now have the perspective to evaluate it in depth. In Lost Decade, Robert Blackwill and Richard Fontaine—two eminent figures in American foreign policy—take this long view. They conclude that while the Pivot's strategic logic is strong, there are few successes to speak of, and that we need a far more coherent approach to the Indo-Pacific region. They examine the Pivot through various lenses: situating it historically in the context of America's global foreign policy, revealing the inside story of how it came about, assessing the effort thus far, identifying the ramifications in other regions (namely Europe and the Middle East), and proposing a path forward. The authors stress that the US has far less margin for foreign policy error today than a decade ago. As the international order becomes more unstable, Blackwill and Fontaine argue that it is imperative that policymakers fully understand what the Pivot to Asia aimed to achieve—and where it fell short—in order to muster the resources, alliances, and resolve to preserve an open order in Asia and the world. Crafting an effective policy for the region, they contend, is crucial for preserving American security, prosperity, and democratic values.

This book facilitates exchanges between scholars and researchers from around the world on China-Eurasia relations. Comparing perspectives and methodologies, it promotes interdisciplinary dialogue on China's pivot towards Eurasia, the Belt and Road initiative, the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, Beijing's cooperation and arguments with India, the EU, Western Balkans and South Caucasus states and the Sino-Russian struggle for multipolarity and multilateralism in Eurasia. It also researches digitalization processes in Eurasia, notably it focuses on China's Silk Road and Digital Agenda of Eurasian Economic Union. Multipolarity without multilateralism is a dangerous mix. Great power competitions will remain. In the Asian regional system more multilateral cushions have to be developed. Scholars from different nations including China, India, Russia, Austria, Armenia, Georgia, United Arab Emirates and Montenegro introduce their own, independent research, making recommendations on the developments in China-Eurasia relations, and demonstrating that through joint discussions it is possible to find ways for cooperation and for ensuring peaceful coexistence.The book will appeal to policymakers and scholars and students in Chinese, Eurasian, International and Oriental Studies.

This collection examines the extent to which nuclear weapons modernization has become a significant point of concern and consideration in international security. Recent statements and substantial investments by nuclear weapon possessor states in the upkeep and modernization of their nuclear postures – particularly the United States, Russia and China – illustrate a return of primacy and the salience of nuclear forces in international politics. The upgrading of systems, the introduction of new capabilities, the intermingling of new technologies, and the advancement of new strategic models, are all indicative of their elevation in importance and reliance. With contributions from leading thinkers in the nuclear weapons domain, this book elucidates the global strategic and policy implications such modernization efforts by the above-mentioned states will have on international security. In unpacking and conceptualizing this developing source of potential (in)security and tension, the collection not only provides a technical context, but also frames the likely effects modernization could have on the relations between these nuclear weapon powers and the larger impact upon efforts to curb nuclear weapons – both in terms of horizontal and vertical proliferation. The chapters have been arranged so as to inform a variety of stakeholders, from academics to policy-makers, by connecting analytical and normative insights, and thereby, advancing debates pertaining to where nuclear modernization sits as a point of global security consternation in the 21st century.

The first book to show how nationalism can help us to fight climate change. The climate emergency is intensifying, while international responses continue to falter. In Climate Change and the Nation State, Anatol Lieven outlines a revolutionary approach grounded in realist thinking: redefining climate change as an existential threat to nation states - which it undoubtedly is-and mobilizing both national security elites and mass nationalism. He reminds us that nationalism has proven to be the most powerful force in motivating people to care about the wellbeing of future generations. Throughout, Lieven draws on historical examples to show how earlier political movements marshaled nationalism to implement progressive social reform. In order to implement and maintain a policy revolution such as'Green New Deal,'he argues, it will be necessary to create dominant national consensuses like those that enabled and sustained the original New Deal and the advanced welfare states in Europe. Now updated in paperback, Climate Change and the Nation State is an essential contribution to the debate on how to deal with a climatic crisis that-if left unchecked-threatens the survival of every nation.

The Chinese Communist Party is determined to reshape the world in its image. The party is not interested in democracy. It sees only a bitter ideological struggle with the West, dividing the world into those who can be won over, and enemies. Many political and business elites have already been lured to their corner; others are weighing up a devil's bargain. Through its enormous economic power and covert influence operations, China is now weakening global institutions, aggressively targeting individual corporations, and threatening freedom of expression from the arts to academia. At the same time, Western security services are increasingly worried about incursions into our communications infrastructure. In a landmark study combining meticulous research with unique insights, Hidden Hand exposes the Chinese Communist Party's global program of subversion, and the threat it poses to democracy. We have already missed too many warning signs – now it is time to wake up.

As the world hurtles towards environmental oblivion, China is leading the charge. The nation's CO2 emissions are more than twice those of the US with a GDP just two-thirds as large. China leads the world in renewable energy yet it is building new coal-fired power plants faster than renewables. The country's lakes, rivers, and farmlands are severely polluted yet China's police state can't suppress pollution, even from its own industries. This is the first book to explain these contradictions. Richard Smith explains how the country's bureaucratic rulers are driven by nationalist-industrialist tendencies that are even more powerful than the drive for profit under'normal'capitalism. In their race to overtake the US they must prioritise hyper-growth over the environment, even if this ends in climate collapse and eco-suicide. Smith contends that nothing short of drastic shutdowns and the scaling back of polluting industries, especially in China and the US, will suffice to slash greenhouse gas emissions enough to prevent climate catastrophe.

Over the last decade, Chinese energy companies have engaged in the acquisition of oil and gas in Africa. This book investigates the activities of Chinese energy companies throughout a number of African countries, including Nigeria, Angola, Sudan and Tunisia.Based on seven years of empirical research and hundreds of interviews with Chinese government and company representatives, Chinese Energy Companies in Africa breaks original ground in understanding the emergence of domestic interest groups in foreign policy. It examines the impact of non-state actors on Chinese foreign policy, and in particular the increasing role played by national oil companies (NOCs). Supported by extensive data, this is also the first publication of its kind to focus on the foreign policy behaviour of an authoritarian state and the role herein played by non-state actors. In addition to the main cases put forward, a chapter of comparative mini-cases is included. This book creates important implications for both policymakers and scholars; it will serve as a valuable resource for those involved in the fields of foreign policy, international security and international relations.

'Menschen und U-Boote'erzählt die Geschichte von Mannschaften und Kommandanten militärischer U-Boote sowie ihrer Konstrukteure, Befehlshaber und von Waffenhändlern. Weltweit, von den Anfängen bis heute. Es spannt den Bogen von dem ersten, mit Muskelkraft angetriebenen Ein-Mann-U-Boot 1775 über die atomkraftgetriebenen Giganten der Gegenwart mit Interkontinentalraketen und bis zu 120 Atombomben an Bord bis zu den unbemannten Unterwasserdrohnen der Zukunft. Es bezieht 50 Länder Europas, Nord- und Südamerikas, Afrikas, Asiens sowie Australien ein. Es stellt die Kameradschaft, aber auch Konflikte zwischen den Mannschaften dar, ebenso wie schwierige Entscheidungen, wie bei Angriffen auf Passagierschiffe und bei der Hilfe für Schiffbrüchige. Die Unterstützung durch Befehlshaber, aber auch deren Skrupellosigkeit, werden ebenso beschrieben wie der aktuelle Rüstungswettlauf unter Wasser in Asien und die verbreitete Korruption beim Verkauf von U-Booten in die ganze Welt.

This book analyses Chinese social constructions of sovereignty in the context of the East China Sea conflict. It specifically explores China and Taiwan's overlapping cross-Strait sovereignty claims and their domestic debates and policies towards the territorial dispute. Providing an up-to-date discussion of the East China Sea conflict, the book challenges conventional assumptions regarding both Beijing's and Taipei's adherence to the classical notion of Westphalian sovereignty. Instead, it brings China and Taiwan into the Constructivist analytical framework and develops a domestic agency-focused approach to demonstrate the social power of ideas and the centrality of domestic actors in the production of sovereignty. Offering a comprehensive examination of Chinese, Taiwanese, Japanese and US responses at the domestic and international levels, the book studies the sovereignty narratives and the coordination of efforts made by the PRC and ROC authorities to counter Japan's territorial claims in the East China Sea.Featuring extensive analysis of the conceptual approaches to understanding Chinese sovereignty, Chinese Constructions of Sovereignty and the East China Sea Conflict will be useful for students and scholars of Chinese and Asian politics, as well as international relations and security studies.

This volume focuses on Sun Yat-sen's social, political, and economic ideas as seen in his major work, The Three Principles of the People, which discusses nationalism, democracy, and people's welfare, examining his doctrines as well as a his ideas with other contemporary ideologies.

Space capabilities are becoming absolutely essential for national development, economic well-being, commerce, and daily life, besides becoming a crucial component of successful military operations. Space has emerged as an essential component in furthering a nation's Comprehensive National Power. China's progress in space technologies, whether in relative or absolute terms, has larger implications for India. As China's space program increases in capability, it can be expected to wield this power to increase regional dominance and deter countries from pursuing policies that are contrary to Chinese interests. Space the ultimate “High Ground” will play crucial role in all future conflicts. Space force enhancement operations multiply joint effectiveness by increasing the combat potential, operational awareness, and providing needed joint force support. This book brings out the key features of China's Space Program, its future trajectory and how it can impact India's national interest. It further suggests options for India in the given circumstance and how India can secure its geo-political, economic interest and security concerns without getting into space race with China.

This book offers a concise and accessible overview and analysis of the place of large multinational and regional corporations in the political economy of global governance.May argues that not only do corporations have an impact on the institutions of global governance, but they must be understood as a multifaceted institution of global governance in their own right, controlling and shaping significant aspects of the global political economy. Topics include: What are global corporations? Corporations and global governance The legal personality of the corporation Corporations and power Corporations and tax The future role of corporations in a post crisis global system Highlighting the central role of corporations in the generation and reproduction of norms in global governance, this work shows that corporations'practices and relations are themselves both subjects, and sources of, global governance. It offers an enhanced understanding of the complex of issues that pattern the corporate global governance in the contemporary political economy and will be of interest to students in areas including IPE, global governance and international organizations.

Numerous crosswinds are buffeting the more than 40-year-old People's Republic of China--American relationship, yet only once since Nixon's historic trip to China in 1972 has a major conflagration seemed a real possibility. Anchoring the relationship throughout multiple storms are the two countries'broad areas of collaboration such as deep links in culture, economics, and education. However, for some observers, the conflictual aspects of the relationship seem to be gaining prominence.Conflict and Cooperation in Sino-US Relations offers a timely and current look at one of the world's weightiest bilateral relationships. It goes beyond detailing the conflict and cooperation that have been integral facets of China--US interactions since 1972, to gauging the relationship's evolution and future trends, examining its nuances regarding diverse issues such as the Asia-Pacific leadership structure, the South China Sea, and the Korean peninsula. The book further delves into the causes of conflict and cooperation, offers diverse solutions for tempering frictions between Beijing and Washington, and considers the efficacy of some of the mechanisms (e.g., military-to-military exchanges) that China and the US currently employ to manage their relationship.The chapters suggest that extreme anxieties about China--US relations may be misplaced, but that there nonetheless are some worrisome signs even in areas like economics and the environment that are perceived as naturally cooperative. While the book does not offer any silver bullets, various contributors contend that successful management of Sino-American relations may require greater American accommodation of China's interests. This book will be of great interest to students and scholars of Chinese politics, American politics, international relations, and Asian studies, as well as to policy-makers working in the field.

China is on the rise in the globalized world. The relationship between China and the United States has become the most important global issue in the twenty-first century. It is urgent to understand what is happening in China and where China is heading. However, there are many misconceptions about China in the West, which affect Westerners'ability to objectively understand China, and, ultimately influence the making of foreign policy toward China. The author attempts to challenge the misconceptions coming from both Western societies and China, and offer an integrated picture of contemporary China through systematically examining the major aspects of contemporary Chinese society and culture with the most recent data, and presents convincing arguments in eighteen chapters for spurring mutual understanding between China and the West. The author intends this book to be an interdisciplinary and comprehensive guide to China for a general audience, and it covers a wide variety of topics, including history, family, population, Chinese women, economy, environmental issues, politics, religion, media, U.S.-China relations, and other subjects. This book demonstrates the author's extensive research and thoughtful examination of many sides of controversial issues related to China with a nice balance of Western and Chinese scholarship. This is one of the few that are authored by scholars who originate from China and have their professional career in the United States, but it is distinctive from the rest of studies on this subject in that the author is committed to examining today's China from Chinese as well as Western perspectives. This is not only a scholarly book, but also is suitable for general classes on China.

As a young child, Jonathan Watts believed if everyone in China jumped at the same time, the earth would be shaken off its axis, annihilating mankind. Now, more than thirty years later, as a correspondent for The Guardian in Beijing, he has discovered it is not only foolish little boys who dread a planet-shaking leap by the world's most populous nation. When a Billion Chinese Jump is a road journey into the future of our species. Traveling from the mountains of Tibet to the deserts of Inner Mongolia via the Silk Road, tiger farms, cancer villages, weather-modifying bases, and eco-cities, Watts chronicles the environmental impact of economic growth with a series of gripping stories from the country on the front line of global development. He talks to nomads and philosophers, entrepreneurs and scientists, rural farmers and urban consumers, examining how individuals are trying to adapt to one of the most spectacular bursts of change in human history, then poses a question that will affect all of our lives: Can China find a new way forward or is this giant nation doomed to magnify the mistakes that have already taken humanity to the brink of disaster?

Relations across the Taiwan Strait were unstable for decades before May 2008. Several acknowledged'crises'raised the possibility of war between China and the US and/or Taiwan and at times political disputes wracked the US-Taiwan relationship. Nevertheless, the Taiwan Relations Act (TRA) of 1979 helped maintain peace by deterring coercive actions by China against the island.

The title of this unique insider's look at a crucial decade of Sino-American interchange derives from a Chinese expression that describes a relationship of two people whose lives are intimately intertwined but who do not fundamentally communicate with each other. David M. Lampton, former president of the National Committee on U.S.-China Relations, demonstrates that while the United States and China have enormous interests at stake in their bilateral relationship, neither has been particularly deft in dealing with the other. His fascinating account shows how the processes of globalization, along with the development of international regimes and multilateral organizations, have brought America and China increasingly close in the global bed. At the same time, their respective national institutions, interests, popular perceptions, and the very characters of their two peoples, assure that the nations continue to have substantially different dreams. Lampton explores the reasons why the Sino-American relationship is so difficult for both nations to manage and suggests ways it can be more effectively conducted in the future. His unique experience in China—nearly thirty years as a scholar, as the head of a policy-oriented exchange organization, and as director of Washington think-tank research programs—enabled him to spend extended periods with Chinese leaders and see them as they encountered America, as well as to observe U.S. leaders as they tried to come to grips with Chinese circumstances. Among many other key events, Lampton witnessed firsthand the aftermath of Tiananmen Square, successive congressional battles over most-favored-nation tariff treatment, the end of the Bush era and the rocky beginning of the Clinton administration, the death of Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin's transition to power, the reversion of Hong Kong to Chinese sovereignty, and the Asian financial crisis that unfolded from mid-1997 to the end of the decade. Lampton's careful documentary research is supplemented by interviews and accounts of his personal interaction throughout the period with leaders and key players in Washington, Beijing, Taipei, and Hong Kong. The book thus represents a singular combination of historical research, policy analysis, and personal observation, and offers guidance for those in both America and China who must shape this critical relationship in the twenty-first century.