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When the notion of ‘alternative facts'and the alleged dawning of a ‘postfactual'world entered public discourse, social anthropologists found themselves in unexpectedly familiar territory. In theirempirical experience, fact—knowledge accepted as true—derives its salience from social mechanisms of legitimization, thereby demonstrating a deep interconnection with power and authority. In thisperspective, fact is a continually contested and volatile social category.Due to the specific histories of their colonial and post-independence experience, African societies offer a particularly broad array of insights into social processes of juxtaposition, opposition, and even outright competition between different postulated authorities. The contributions to the present volume explore the variety of ways in which authority is contested in Southern and Eastern Africa, investigating localized discourses on which institution, what kind of knowledge, or whose expertise is accepted as authoritative, thus highlighting the specificities and pluralities in ‘modern'societies. This edited volume engages with larger theoretical questions regarding power and authority in the context of (post)colonial states (neo)traditional authority, claiming space, conflict and (in)justice, and contestations of knowledge. It offers in-depth critical analyses of ethnographic data that put contemporary African phenomena on equal footing with current controversies in North America, Europe, and other global settings.

This volume explores the determinants of state power, the strategic options of rising powers, the drivers of conflict in dynamic international systems, and American grand strategy past and present to achieve a more comprehensive understanding of the current era of great power competition.Leveraging insights from international relations, history, economics, and political demography, it offers rich perspectives on the competition among newly rising powers and long-dominant leaders in the international system. This book presents novel theories and innovative empirical investigations into the economic and demographic challenges confronting rising powers, along with new inquiries into these countries'capacity to mobilize both their citizens and their militaries. While China's grand strategy has attracted significant attention in recent years, these authors look beyond U.S.–PRC relations by considering the war proneness and strategic repertoires of rising regional powers, including India and Russia. Yet, the possibility of great power war remains a justifiable concern. This book examines the so-called Thucydides's Trap by exploring both its explanatory power in the conflict that inspired its name, the Peloponnesian War, and the possible mechanisms for averting war between the two most powerful countries in the current era. Finally, several challenges confronting the United States are discussed, including climate change, competition over the interpretation of the international Women, Peace, and Security agenda, and the durability of America's commitment to upholding the liberal international order. The Sources of Great Power Competition brings together many of the most influential scholars to engage in lively debates about the current and future international system. It will be of interest to foreign policy practitioners and scholars of grand strategy, the causes of war, alliance politics, norms and narratives in foreign policy, power transitions, and international hierarchy.

One of the most significant global events in the last forty years has been the rise of China— economically, technologically, politically, and militarily. The question on people's minds for decades has been whether China will replace the United States as a superpower in the near future. But for China, this power must be comprehensive — having strong economic and militant forces are only two pieces of the puzzle. China must also possess soft power, such as attractive ideologies, values, and culture. China as Number One? explores China's soft powers through the eyes of Chinese citizens. Utilizing data from the World Values Survey, the contributors to this collection analyze the potential soft power of a rising China by examining its residents'social values. A comprehensive study of changes and continuities in the political and social values of Chinese citizens, the book examines findings in the context of evolutionary modernization theory and cross-national comparison.

This collection of essays describes and analyzes the ways in which government policymakers go about designing police forces and militaries. The author includes both wide-ranging comparative investigations of the dimensions of the state security phenomenon and specific case studies.Dr. Enloe uses the sociological concept of ethnicity to demon-strate how the armed forces in sev-eral nations have capitalized on racial and ethnic diversity to foster their own goals and those of the government and power elites. She examines this idea by focusing on the ethnic factors involved in the evolution of the South African military, the military-ethnic con-nection in Malaysia, and the role of the armed forces in the conflict in Ulster.The author illustrates convin-cingly that not only individual citizens desire security, but that nation-states themselves are en-gaged in the same pursuit. What often passes for or is justified in the name of citizen protection is in fact done to strengthen the state itself. Militaries are recruited in ethni-cally skewed ways, and increasing numbers of police forces through-out the world have military capacities not to enhance the secu-rity of private individuals, but to protect the status quo of the central government and the nation's'es-tablishment.'Dr. Enloe covers an assortment of countries within the framework of her central argument, which is practically as well as theoretically significant. Each chapter can be read on its own, and all deal with currently salient political condi-tions.

At a moment when our democratic abilities seem to have eroded, and political, economic, and technological forces have weakened the capacity for collective action, People, Power, Change is a once-in-a-generation book for anyone who wants to create real and lasting change. Marshall Ganz is one of the world's leading authorities on democratic organizing, and this book is the culmination of his decades of teaching, research, and work. In People, Power, Change, Ganz distills for students, practitioners, and activists the principles he has gleaned over the last half-century of creating collective action. Ganz explores the forces, craft, and learned skill of organizing and provides an actionable framework for how to actually do it. He focuses the book on the creation and substance of relationships, the fuel of values and narrative, the resources and power of strategy, the necessity of structure, and the accountability of action. Across these five organizing ideas, Ganz weaves in his personal experiences from a lifetime of organizing in iconic social movements and campaigns to illustrate how collective action actually works and to build the practices and skills that must be developed to do it with intention and with success.

This book explores how political power has shaped the elite and their development in North Korea by examining changes of the elite, their interactions, and specific elite figures, based on the transformation of the power structure and characteristics of the North Korean regime since August 1945.As a socialist state where the party guides the state, the ruling core is the party cadre in North Korea. This book distinguishes the development of the North Korean power into five periods: power structuration of the Soviet forces (1945 to the late 1940s), socialist oligarchic power (late 1940s to mid-1950s), limited personal power (mid-1950s to late 1960s), personal power (late 1960s to mid-1970s) and patrimonial power (mid-1970s to the present). In parallel with the power factor, it also analyses four distinct generations, sorted based on their birth cohort and each cohort's shared experience in its early youth, to explain their political development.As an examination of the composition and internal dynamics of the North Korean elite, particularly those in the Korean Workers'Party Central Committee, this book will be of interest to students and scholars of North Korea and Asian politics.

This book critically analyses important social issues experienced in Australia, such as economic inequality, precarious work, unequal access to quality education and health care, housing insecurity, colonisation, racism and discrimination, activism and social change. In doing so, it contributes to urgent discussions in key areas of Australian society. At a moment in time where a more progressive, caring, inclusive and optimistic public discourse is required, this book takes up the challenge of thinking constructively and creatively about the possibilities for change. While the book focuses on Australian-specific experiences, connections to international examples are made to ensure this work has relevance to people beyond an Australian context.

This handbook represents the first comprehensive disciplinary investigation into the relationship between rhetoric and power as it is expressed in different aspects of society.Providing conceptual and empirical foundations for the study of the relationship between different forms of rhetorical expression and diverse structures, practices, habits, and networks of power, The Routledge Handbook of Rhetoric and Power is divided into six parts: Theoretical Foundations Propaganda, Politics, and the State Resistance and Social Movements Culture, Society, and Identity Discourses of Technique and Organization Prospects for the Future The guiding principle of this handbook is that power represents a capacity for coordinated action grounded in specific historical, technological, political, and economic conditions. It suggests that rhetoric is an art that adapts to these conditions and finds ways to transform, create, or undermine these capacities in other people through self-conscious persuasion. Featuring contributions from key scholars, this accessibly written handbook will be an indispensable resource for researchers and students in the fields of rhetoric, writing studies, communication studies, political communication, and social justice.

This book critically analyzes the global hegemony of the United States – a hegemony whose innovative aspect consists in articulating postcoloniality to imperial control – in relation to knowledge and knowledge production.Through targeted case studies on the historical relationship between regional areas and the United States, the authors explore possibilities and obstacles to epistemic decolonization. By highlighting the connection between the control of work and the control of communication that has been at the core of the colonial regimes of accumulation (‘classic colonialism'), they present an entirely new form of disciplinary practice, not based on the equation of evolution and knowledge. An extensive introduction outlines the historical genealogy of Pax Americana epistemic hegemony, while individual chapters examine the implications for different regions of the world and different domains of activity, including visual culture, economy, migration, the arts, and translation.This interdisciplinary collection will appeal to students and scholars in many fields, including Asian studies, American studies, postcolonialism, and political theory.

Le pouvoir a érigé une nouvelle classe dominante formée de politiques, d'auxiliaires de justice, d'affairistes mal famés, de religieux corrompus, d'intellectuels paresseux cherchant des raccourcis, de grands commis de l'État, de milliardaires complices, de fonctionnaires vendus, de médias souteneurs; toute une classe d'hommes d'affaires vivant de business-cueillette sur les fonds publics. Le combat pour la démocratie est l'affaire de tous les citoyens. Pour l'heure, c'est une démocratie en panne sèche qui s'enlise dans les travers d'une féodalité médiévale, une société en recul perpétuel sur ses valeurs, une démocratie de sang, de clans et de privilèges.

Comment conduire les gouvernés à obéir à un État, né de mouvements révolutionnaires inconstitutionnels, fondé sur les principes d'égalité des droits et de souveraineté populaire? Comment se fait-il qu'au sein d'une démocratie qui suppose, a minima, la participation des citoyens à la décision politique, les agents sociaux se soumettent quasi-naturellement à des lois qui sont le fait de bienheureux qui dominent en vertu de la confiance librement aliénée que leur accordent les dominés? C'est parce que depuis plus de deux siècles, l'obéissance de la majorité à la minorité gouvernante ne résulte nullement d'une contrainte manifeste, mais d'une docilité, d'une morale intériorisée, qu'elle ne cesse pas d'étonner. Se libérer de cette illusion ne va pas sans une critique historique du mode de domination symbolique issu de la Révolution française.

Conspiracy theories are neither delusions nor lies, neither simplistic fallacies nor psychological quirks: rather, they are a political problem. They are not so much about truth as about power. Rather than seeking to debunk conspiracy theories as the work of fringe groups and cranks, Donatella Di Cesare develops an original account that portrays conspiracy as the spectre of a shattered community. With the proliferation of conspiracy theories, the distrust of politics and politicians turns into a boundless and pervasive suspicion. Who is behind the scenes? Who is pulling the strings? The world, which seems increasingly confusing and impossible to read, must have a hidden side, a secret realm, that of the Deep State and the New World Order, where plans are hatched, information is gathered and thoughts are controlled. It is no longer a matter of a one-off plot or intrigue. Conspiracy is the very form in which citizens who feel condemned to a frustrating impotence, helpless before a techno-economic juggernaut, and manipulated by a faceless power relate to the world. This is why conspiracy, which exposes the emptiness of democracy, proves to be a fearsome weapon of mass depoliticisation.

Against the backdrop of a more differentiated European Union, this book discusses the relationship between differentiation and domination in the EU in relation to how it has been transformed through the financial and refugee crises, the COVID-19 pandemic, the Russian invasion of Ukraine, and in general, a more volatile and less rule-bound global context.In doing so, it assesses to what extent these adaptations represent significant change, generating new problems and challenges, or on the other hand, providing an opportunity for new solutions or even signalling a new approach to governance that can mitigate problems associated with domination. Differentiation is discussed not only from a legal perspective, but with special attention to structural and institutional arrangements, which includes patterns of path dependence and built-in biases.This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of public sector crisis management, international organisations, and EU politics and studies.

Este texto le valió al autor el Premio Nacional de Ensayo, y escandalizó en el momento de su publicación por su carácter controvertido. Al margen de las reacciones que seguirá suscitando, trata con hondura las cuestiones fundamentales de doctrina política desde un profundo conocimiento de los autores contemporáneos y clásicos de teoría política, y de la evolución de las instituciones en Occidente. López-Amo aborda cuestiones como la legitimidad del poder, la democracia y las dictaduras, la libertad, la monarquía y la república, ofreciendo un valioso texto que, leído en su contexto, goza de enorme actualidad.

This book explores the fundamental shift that has occurred in America and Britain as elites accumulate unprecedented capital and influence and a meritocracy has emerged to manage national affairs, a change that means opportunity, affluence, and power have migrated away from most of the population. Arguing the following four points: Geography accounts for the accumulating influence of metropolitan regions, at the expense of smaller cities and rural communities of the heartland. Occupational groups, particularly lawyers, physicians, and financiers, have constructed professional cartels to secure rents at the expense of the prosperity of the public. Think tanks and universities have become the necessary pathways to attain leadership in public affairs. The internationalization of commerce has contributed to a parallel network of economic institutions and think tanks sharing ideas and personnel to lobby for policies favorable to their sponsors. Stoesz connects present and past to look at the progressive-era, the history of professions, and questions of welfare state reform, post-neoliberalism, and marketization. His book will be of great interest to students of sociology, political science, public administration, social policy, history, and economics. Scholars in think tanks and universities as well as political consultants will also find it invaluable.

Truth and power have a difficult relationship. Decision makers are often required to make judgements that depend upon specialized knowledge and thus reluctantly surrender power. They are apt to reject advice inconsistent with their perceived interests, experiences and cognitive capacities. Speaking Truth to Power aims to guide the reader through the tangled relationship between truth and power, manifesting as the interplay between experts and decision-makers in society.Through a combination of careful observation and original analysis, the authors draw out the incentives and tensions that drive the relationship between these actors. They review some of the history of expertise, consider the values of experts and decision-makers, and analyze what has succeeded and what has failed as truth and power have worked together and against one another, primarily in the U.S. but also drawing on international examples. Policymaking professionals, academic experts interested in evidence-based policymaking and graduate and undergraduate students in public policy, government, or political science will value this assessment of truth and power.

Pourquoi clament-ils toujours « Vive la République! », mais jamais « Vive la démocratie! »? C'est parce qu'un régime représentatif exclusif n'est pas démocratique. En fait, personne ne souhaite de « démocratie », ni au sens d'un pouvoir aux plus nombreux ni au sens des régimes politiques actuels dénommés démocratiques au XIXe siècle en France et aux États-Unis par supercherie. C'est une « panarchie » qui est recherchée : le pouvoir est à tous, ou mieux, une « diacratie » : le pouvoir est partagé, dans le temps et dans l'espace, à bon escient. Dès lors, nous ne vivons pas une crise de la démocratie, mais une crise du Pouvoir ; et on comprend les combats en faveur d'« alterdémocraties ». Surtout, revenant à une compréhension métaphysique de la Liberté, de l'Égalité et de la Fraternité, on entrevoit comment il convient de laisser s'épanouir une « démocratie sauvage ».

Citizens have lost trust in their institutions of public governance. In trying to fix the problem, presidents and prime ministers have misdiagnosed the patient, failing to recognize that government bureaucracies are inseparable from political institutions. As a result, career officials have become adroit at managing the blame game but much less so at embracing change.Donald Savoie looks to the United States, Great Britain, France, and Canada to assess two of the most important challenges confronting governments throughout the Western world: the concentration of political power and the changing role of government bureaucracy. The four countries have distinct institutions shaped by distinct histories, but what they have in common is a professional non-partisan civil service. When presidents and prime ministers decide to expand their personal authority, national institutions must adjust while bureaucracies grow to fill the gap, paradoxically further constricting government efficacy. The side effects are universal – political power is increasingly centralized; Parliament, Congress, and the National Assembly have been weakened; Cabinet has lost standing; political parties have been debased; and civil services have been knocked off their moorings.Reduced responsibility and increased transparency make civil servants slow to take risks and politicians quick to point fingers. Government astutely diagnoses the problem of declining trust in government: presidents and prime ministers have failed to see that efficacy in government is tied to well-performing institutions.

‘On Power: Neurophilosophical Foundations and Policy Implications'seeks to provide a historical, contemporary and predictive analysis of power. It aims to explain the history of political power in a unique way by approaching the concept of power through the lens of neurophilosophy – the application of neuroscientific principles to practical questions of governance, ethics, political and moral philosophy. In this book, Professor Nayef Al-Rodhan provides an accessible, incisive, and provocative take on the history, nature, and future of power. His insights go beyond conventional wisdom by exploring some of the themes that will become increasingly relevant to analysing power in the decades to come. A central idea of the book is the highly addictive universal nature of power at the neurochemical level, the craving for it, and the intense resistance to giving it up in all walks of life and circumstances. This can be applied directly to thinking about governance, political change, public policy, national and international peace, security, and prosperity. Al-Rodhan formulates an innovative conceptual picture of power by integrating the findings of neuroscience with the broader implications of power in the era of digital connectivity and cognitive and physical enhancement technologies. In doing so, he guides our approach to political power and public policy, influenced by ubiquitous, disruptive, and intrusive technologies. This book will appeal to students and scholars of neuroscience, philosophy, government, business, and international relations. It will also hold particular interest for politicians, public servants, think-tankers, policy-makers, and journalists, as well as senior executives from the corporate, sports, media and entertainment world.

A person's skin color affects their life experiences including income, educational attainment, health outcomes, exposure to discrimination, interactions with the criminal justice system and one's sense of ethnoracial group belonging. But, do these disparate experiences affect the relationship between skin color and political views? In Skin Color, Power, and Politics in America, political scientists Mara Ostfeld and Nicole Yadon explore the relationship between skin color and political views in the U.S. among Latino, Black, and White Americans. They examine how skin color influences an individual's politics and whether a person's political views influence how they assess their own skin color. Ostfeld and Yadon surveyed over 1,300 people about their political views, including party affiliation, their opinions on welfare, and the importance of speaking English in the U.S. The authors created a matrix grounded in their “Roots of Race” framework, which predicts the relationship between skin color and political attitudes for each ethnoracial group based on the blurriness of the group's boundaries and historical levels of privilege. They draw upon three distinct measures of skin color to conceptualize the relationship between skin color and political views: “Machine-Rated Skin Color,” measured with a light-reflectance meter; “Self-Assessed Skin Color,” using the Yadon-Ostfeld Skin Color Scale; and “Skin Color Discrepancy,” the difference between one's Machine-Rated and Self-Assessed Skin Color. Ostfeld and Yadon examine patterns that emerge among these measures, and their relationships with life experiences and political stances. Among Latinos, a group with relatively blurry group boundaries and low levels of historical privilege, the authors find a robust relationship between political views and Self-Assessed Skin Color. Latinos who overestimate the lightness of their skin color are more likely to hold conservative views on current racialized political issues, such as policing. Latinos who overestimate the darkness of their skin color, on the other hand, are more likely to hold liberal political views. As America's major political parties remain divided on issues of race, this suggests that for Latinos, self-reported skin color is used as a means of aligning oneself with valued political coalitions. African Americans, another group with low levels of historical privilege but with more clearly defined group boundaries, demonstrated no significant relationship between skin color and political attitudes. Thus, the lived experiences associated with being African American appeared to supersede the differences in life experiences due to skin color. Whites, a group with more historical privilege and increasingly blurry group boundaries, showed a clear relationship between machine-assessed skin color and attitudes on political issues. Those with darker Machine-Rated Skin Color are more likely to hold conservative views, suggesting that they are responding to the threat of losing their privilege in a multicultural society. At a time when the U.S. is both more diverse and politically divided, Skin Color, Power, and Politics in Americais a timely account of the ways in which skin color and politics are intertwined.

Certains pays africains ont très tôt connu et intégré le pluralisme politique et les règles de la compétition électorale. Toutefois, cette précocité du dynamisme politique n'a pas été un élément fondamental pour résoudre les contradictions nées de l'aspiration à de nouvelles offres dans le mode de gestion du pouvoir. La théorie d'une démocratie raciale a annihilé les fondements de la justice politique, comme paradigme pertinent en Afrique du Sud. Le renouveau démocratique a trouvé un net frein devant la détermination d'acteurs politiques à lui trouver des écueils (etchnicisme, clanisme, identité, communautarisme, etc). Au final, les étapes vers la démocratie restent toujours à remonter.

It is often asserted that the ruling elite in Western capitalist economies now consists of liberal intellectuals and their media sympathisers. By contrast this book looks at the real elite in Australian and New Zealand society and shows that there is still a ruling class based upon economic dominance. From an analysis of corporate and public records, interviews, and other primary and secondary data, it develops a picture of networks of power that are changing but are as real as any network in the past.

Ce livre interroge le phénomène « d'intellectuels » sous le régime du Congo belge. L'analyse tente de déconstruire le processus de «fabrication », par le Pouvoir, d'une élite intellectuelle conformiste puisée essentiellement dans les rangs des « Congolais évolués ». Perçus comme la strate sociale la plus (potentiellement) politique, ces derniers furent séparés idéologiquement des populations autochtones, pour être intégrés dans la stratégie de légitimation symbolique de l'ordre colonial.

Aylan, Isis, Begum, Grenfell, Trump. Harambe, Guantanamo, Syria, Brexit, Johnson. COVID, migrants, trolling, George Floyd, Trump! Gazing over the fractured, contested territories of the current global situation, Watkin finds that all these diverse happenings have one element in common. They occur when biopolitical states, in trying to manage and protect the life rights of their citizens, habitually end up committing acts of coercion or disregard against the very people they have promised to protect. When states tasked with making us live find themselves letting us die, then they are practitioners of a particular kind of force that Watkin calls bioviolence. This book explores and exposes the many aspects of contemporary biopower and bioviolence: neglect, exclusion, surveillance, regulation, encampment, trolling, fake news, terrorism and war. As it does so, it demonstrates that the very term ‘violence'is a discursive construct, an effect of language, made real by our behaviours, embodied by our institutions and disseminated by our technologies. In short, bioviolence is how the contemporary powers that be make us do what they want. Resolutely interdisciplinary, this book is suitable for all scholars, students and general readers in the fields of IR, political theory, philosophy, the humanities, sociology and journalism.

This textbook makes a concerted effort to expose crimes committed by those wielding unfettered personal power and crimes by corporations, business and states, crimes against human and non-human species and the environment. It examines an increasingly complex interplay of issues which surely should be at the heart of any criminology programme. This text adopts a fresh and innovative approach to exposing the crimes of the powerful, situating and understanding crimes and victimisations as it does within a framework where questions of structural and personal power in society are key. Fourteen case studies are threaded throughout the book and this methodology is used as a teaching resource for studying and uncovering the crimes of the powerful. The first three chapters comprehensively contextualise the problems of crime and power and establish the importance of power to understanding crime and victimisation in society. The chapters within Part I and Part II of the book then explore individual and group power respectively. Each of these chapters explore a case study or case examples followed by ‘Pause for Thought'questions. Bigger ‘Go Further'study questions are posed at the close of these chapters challenging students to engage in their own case study research to investigate the dynamics of crime and power.

This book critically examines the role and politics of humour and the performance of power in South Asia. What does humour do and how does it manifest when lived political circumstances experience ruptures or instability? Can humour that emerges in such circumstances be viewed as a specific narrative on the nature of democracy in the region? Drawing upon essays from India, Sri Lanka and Bangladesh, this volume discusses many crucial historical and contemporary themes, including dance-drama performances in northern India; caste and stand-up comedy in India; cartoon narratives of citizens'anxieties; civic participation through social media memes in Sri Lanka; media, politics and humorous public in Bangladesh; the politics of performance in India; and the influence of humour and satire as political commentaries. The volume explores the impact of humour in South Asian folklore, ritual performances, media and journalism, and online technologies.This topical and interdisciplinary book will be essential for scholars and researchers of cultural studies, political science, sociology and social anthropology, media and communication studies, theatre and performance studies, and South Asian studies.

In this book, Robert C. Smith presents a philosophical and empirical examination on the subordination of women and blacks in the United States. Comparing liberalism—specifically the major social contract philosophies—and Marxism on the nature of the subordination of blacks and women and their proposals, if any, for women's and black liberation, Smith argues that sexual and racial equalitarianism in the United States is about politics and power. He begins with a discussion of the multiple meanings of politics and its relationship to power, and an analysis of nine power bases blacks and women should acquire and manipulate in order to advance a moral and substantive equalitarianism. These power bases include money, knowledge (including technology and information), religion, morality, authority, size/solidarity, charisma, violence and status. Smith concludes by making a moral case for racial and sexual equalitarianism and advocates for black leadership to use the power bases available to it to make reparations for the civil rights issue of the 21st century.Power, Philosophy and Egalitarianism is an essential read for all those interested in race, women and politics today.

Como respuesta a la grave crisis política y social iniciada en el año 2019 Chile comienza un camino de fuertes cambios institucionales. Este proceso es hoy liderado por la Convención Constitucional, que redactará una nueva Constitución. Dentro del ámbito constitucional destaca la distribución del poder: es en la competencia política que se juega la estabilidad nacional y la capacidad de cambios en el mediano y largo plazo. Este libro ofrece un análisis ordenado y consistente de este complejo problema. Se recorren y entrelazan temas como el régimen de gobierno, las elecciones de representantes, la carrera política, la descentralización, la gestión y modernización del Estado y los partidos políticos.

This book draws on participatory ethnographic research to understand how rural Colombian women work to dismantle the coloniality of power. It critically examines the ways in which colonial feminisms have homogenized the'category of woman,” ignoring the intersecting relationship of class, race, and gender, thereby excluding the voices of “subaltern women” and upholding existing power structures. Supplementing that analysis are testimonials from rural Colombian women who speak about their struggles for sovereignty and against territorial, sexual, and racialized violence enacted upon their land and their bodies. By documenting the stories of rural women and centering their voices, this book seeks to dismantle the coloniality of power and gender, and narrate and imagine decolonial feminist worlds. Scholars in gender studies, rural studies, and post-colonial studies will find this work of interest.

What gives some people the right to issue commands to everyone else and force everyone else to obey them? And why should people obey the commands of those with political power? These two key questions are the heart of the issue of political authority, and, in this volume, two philosophers debate the answers. Michael Huemer argues that political authority is an illusion and that no one is entitled to rule over anyone. He discusses and rebuts the major theories supporting political authority's rightfulness: implicit social contract theory, hypothetical contract theories, democratic theories of authority, and utilitarian theories. Daniel Layman argues that democratic governments have authority because they are needed to protect our rights and because they are accountable to the people. Each author writes two replies directly addressing the arguments and ideas of the other.Key Features Covers a key foundational problem of political philosophy: the authority of government. Debate format ensures a full hearing of both sides. A Glossary includes key concepts in political philosophy related to the issue of authority. Annotated Further Reading sections point students to additional resources. Clear, concrete examples and arguments help students clearly see both sides of the argument. A Foreword by Matt Zwolinski describes a broader context for political authority and then traces the key points and turns in the authors'debate.

In 2010, Dilma Rousseff was the first woman to be elected President in Brazil. She was re-elected in 2014 before being impeached in 2016 for breaking budget laws. Her popularity and controversy both energized and polarized the country. In Women's Empowerment and Disempowerment in Brazil, dos Santos and Jalalzai examine Rousseff's presidency and what it means for a woman to hold (and lose) the country's highest power. The authors examine the ways Rousseff exercised dominant authority and enhanced women's political empowerment. They also investigate the extent her gender played a role in the events of her presidency, including the political and economic crises and her ensuing impeachment. Emphasizing women's political empowerment rather than representation, the authors assess the effects of women executives to more directly impact female constituencies—how they can empower women by appointing them to government positions; make policies that advance women's equality; and, through visibility, create greater support for female politicians despite rampant sexism. Women's Empowerment and Disempowerment in Brazil uses Rousseff's presidency as a case study to focus on the ways she succeeded and failed in using her authority to empower women. The authors'findings have implications throughout the world.

Grassroots organizing and collective action have always been fundamental to American democracy but have been burgeoning since the 2016 election, as people struggle to make their voices heard in this moment of societal upheaval. Unfortunately much of that action has not had the kind of impact participants might want, especially among movements representing the poor and marginalized who often have the most at stake when it comes to rights and equality. Yet, some instances of collective action have succeeded. What's the difference between a movement that wins victories for its constituents, and one that fails? What are the factors that make collective action powerful? Prisms of the People addresses those questions and more. Using data from six movement organizations—including a coalition that organized a 104-day protest in Phoenix in 2010 and another that helped restore voting rights to the formerly incarcerated in Virginia—Hahrie Han, Elizabeth McKenna, and Michelle Oyakawa show that the power of successful movements most often is rooted in their ability to act as “prisms of the people,” turning participation into political power just as prisms transform white light into rainbows. Understanding the organizational design choices that shape the people, their leaders, and their strategies can help us understand how grassroots groups achieve their goals. Linking strong scholarship to a deep understanding of the needs and outlook of activists, Prisms of the People is the perfect book for our moment—for understanding what's happening and propelling it forward.

Daniel Isaac Itoua décrypte les codes de l'Égypte antique, en y trouvant des référents dans les traditions des terres de l'actuelle République du Congo. Il explique, à partir de « l'ancien », les errements et les avancées de ce pouvoir: comment et pourquoi les mêmes façons de faire la politique poursuivent-elles les acteurs, en trouvant leurs justifications dans les codes de l'Égypte antique? À travers ces interrogations, l'auteur enseigne que la tradition demeure visible et invisible dans tous les actes que posent les Congolais, notamment les politiques.

This book traces the intersection of dreams and power in order to analyze the complex ways representations of dreams and paradigms of dream interpretation reinforce and challenge authoritarian, hierarchical structures. The book puts forward the concept of the dreamscape as a pre-representational space that contains anarchistic attributes, including its instability or chaotic nature and the lack of a stable or core selfhood and identity in its subjects. The book situates this concept of the dreamscape through an analysis of the Daoist notions of the “transformation of things” and hundun (chaos) and the biblical concept of tehom (the deep). Using this conceptual framework, this book analyzes paradigmatic moments of dream interpretation along a spectrum from radical, anarchist assertions of the primal dreamscape to authoritarian dream-texts that seek to reify identity, define and establish hierarchy, and support coercive relationships between unequal subjects. The book's key figures include William Blake, Robert Frost, Jacob and Joseph from Genesis, Sigmund Freud, Carl Jung, Jean Rhys, Franz Kafka, and the neurobiologist J. Allan Hobson

This book provides an analysis of the relationship between the Egyptian army and the Muslim Brotherhood (MB). This is at times of cooperation, collaboration, rivalry, and enmity, offering a vivid perspective as to how the similarities of both political actors bring them together after decades of invisible presence in the Egyptian political field. Using ethnographic material that includes interviews, observations, and other forms of expression, both political actors'common trajectories are analyzed in terms of power dynamics. The study allows an insight on the understanding of the differences between madani (civil), ‘askari (military), and dini (religious), how they are used and projected on the Egyptian political field. Finally, the book provides a dialogue simulation of the discourse of the MB and army, starting 2011, while analyzing the meaning of this exchange in terms of symbols, power, and mobilization.In highlighting similar elements to their respective governmentalities, this book outlines a new analysis of the rivalry, making it an important contribution for scholars and students interested in collective violence, civil–military relations, and political Islam in the Middle East.

Why does inequality have such a hold on American society and public policy? And what can we, as citizens, do about it? Inequality in America takes an in-depth look at race, class, and gender-based inequality across a wide range of issues from housing and education to crime, employment, and health. Caliendo explores how individual attitudes can affect public opinion and lawmakers'policy solutions. He also illustrates how these policies result in systemic barriers to advancement that often then contribute to individual perceptions. This cycle of disadvantage and advantage can be difficult—though not impossible—to break.'Representing'and'What Can I Do?'feature boxes highlight key public figures who have worked to combat inequality and encourage students to do the same. The third edition has been thoroughly revised to include the most current data and cover recent issues and events such as Trump Administration policies, the #MeToo movement, and U.S. Supreme Court decisions affecting issues of racial representation and voting rights. Concise and accessible, Inequality in America paves the way for students to think critically about the attitudes, behaviors, and structures of inequality. New to the Third Edition New to the Third Edition Considers the heightened discussion of racial reckoning that has been occurring since the summer of 2020. Covers the disproportional effect to communities of color of the Covid-19 global pandemic and related recession Takes an early glimpse into Biden Administration priorities compared to Trump Administration policies on education, immigration, housing and urban development. Updates feature boxes, including a spotlight on U.S. Representative Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez and Bryan Stevenson of the Equal Justice Initiative. Discusses the January 6, 2021 riot at the U.S. Capitol, the #MeToo and #TimesUp Movements, and much more.

Les problèmes de la vie politique contemporaine plongent leurs racines dans la dramatique histoire du pouvoir en Guinée. L'interrogation sur l'histoire des modes d'organisation de la coexistence sociale, et donc du politique, révèle en effet une continuité sous des formes variées de la mécanique autoritaire du pouvoir. Comment rompre avec cet héritage? L'objectif de l'auteur est double : forcer un débat sur la nature de l'organisation sociale et politique au sein de laquelle les populations guinéennes souhaiteront vivre ; susciter la réflexion sur les garanties institutionnelles et juridiques nécessaires pour appliquer et faire respecter les engagements qui naîtront de cette volonté commune de fonder la coexistence sociale.

This book investigates decolonization as a local process and its connections to international relations, introducing'internal colonialism'as a crucial analytical category for internationalists. Using Bolivia as a case study, the author argues that the reshaping of colonialism and its resistance domestically is also reflected and reproduced abroad by political actors, be they the governments or indigenous movements.By problematizing postcolonial debate concerning the constitution/reproduction of colonial logics in International Relations, the book proposes a return to the local to show how power relations are exercised concretely by the protagonists of political process. Such dynamics reveal the interrelationship between the local and the international, especially, in which the latter represents a necessary dimension to both reinforce colonialism and oppose colonial logics.Of interest to scholars and students of IR, Latin American and Andean Studies, this book will also appeal to those working in the fields of area studies, anthropology, indigenous politics, comparative politics, decolonization and political ecology.

Alla metà del Seicento il pensiero politico occidentale vive un momento epocale: nasce allora l'idea tutta moderna di pensare l'ordine politico attraverso la rappresentazione artificiale del potere sovrano. Nella luce di quel potere, non senza contraddizioni e ambiguità teoriche e materiali, si determinano sia i concetti che costituiscono il lessico politico moderno, sia il dibattito filosofico-politico che attraversa l'intera modernità pensandone l'origine, l'affermazione e la lunga crisi che arriva fino ai nostri giorni. La riflessione e l'indagine sul potere sovrano, i suoi autori e le sue figure sono anche il filo rosso che percorre tutta la produzione di Carlo Galli, al quale gli autori dei saggi dedicano il volume nella traccia di un dialogo filosofico avviato da tempo e a testimonianza di una pratica di lavoro fatta di confronto costante.

This edited collection investigates the relationship between gender and authority across geographical contexts, periods and fields. Who is recognized as a legitimate voice in debate and decision-making, and how is that legitimization produced? Through a variety of methodological approaches, the chapters address some of the most pressing and controversial themes under scrutiny in current feminist scholarship and activism, such as pornography, political representation, LGBTI struggles, female genital mutilation, the #MeToo movement, abortion, divorce and consent. Organized into three sections, “Politics,” “Law and Religion,” and “Imaginaries,” the contributors highlight formal and informal aspects of authority, its gendered and racialized configurations, and practices of solidarity, resistance and subversion by traditionally disempowered subjects. In dialogue with feminist scholarship on power and agency, the notion of authority as elaborated here offers a distinctive lens tocritique political and epistemic foundations of inequality and oppression, and will be of use to scholars and students across gender studies, sociology, politics, linguistics, theology, history, law, film, and literature.

Quels sont les aspects politiques et juridiques de la domination? Ce volume traite de l'Antiquité et du Moyen Âge. Il regroupe les textes issus de conférences prononcées dans le cadre du CEIR (Centre d'Études Internationales sur la Romanité) durant l'année 2019-2020 ou de communications présentées lors du colloque 2019 de « Méditerranées ». Des phénomènes d'évidence font sauter aux yeux la domination, tandis qu'existent aussi des zones de demi-teintes dans lesquelles la domination possède le double profil de Janus.

How can we understand power in a world of ever-growing complexity? This book proposes that we can do so by rethinking the theory and practice of political hegemony through the resources of complexity theory. Taking Gramsci's understanding of hegemony as its starting point, the book argues that the intricacies of contemporary power can be mapped by applying concepts drawn from complexity theory, such as emergence, self-organisation, metastability, and generative entrenchment. It develops an original account of social complexity, drawing upon critical realist sociology, analytic philosophy of science, Marxist and continental philosophies, and neoliberal and anarchist thought. It then draws out the elements of Gramscian hegemony that already align with complexity concepts, such as the balance of forces, common sense, and the historic bloc. On this basis, the book sets out the different dimensions of complex hegemonic power before using this theory to interpret the nature of the power of neoliberalism since 2008.

China's rise to power is one of the biggest questions in International Relations theory (IRT) and foreign policy circles. Although power has been a core concept of IRT for a long time, the faces and mechanisms of power as it relates to Chinese foreign policymaking has changed the contours of that debate. The rise of China and other powers across the global political arena sparks a new visibility for different kinds of encounters between states, particularly between China and other Global South states. These encounters are more visible to IR scholars because of the increasing influence that rising powers have in the international system. This book shows that foreign policy encounters between rising powers and Global South states do not necessarily exhibit the same logics, behaviors, or investment strategies of Euro-American hegemons. Instead, they have distinctive features that require new theoretical frameworks for analysis. Shaping the Future of Power probes the types of power mechanisms that build, diffuse, and project China's power in Africa. One must take into account the processes of knowledge production, social capital formation, and skills transfers that Chinese foreign policy directs toward African states to fully understand China's power-building mechanisms. The relational power framework requires these elements to capture both the material aspects and ideational people-centered aspects to power. By examining China's investments in human resource development programs for Africa, the book reveals a vital, yet undertheorized, aspect of China's foreign policy making.

WARNING: IMMEDIATE GLOBAL THREAT TO ALL DEMOCRATIC NATIONS BY THE CHINA-RUSSIA AXISAmerica's future has never seemed more uncertain. Our politics are dysfunctional; our cultural cohesion is a thing of the past; our institutions have lost legitimacy; and our identity as Americans seems increasingly subordinate to tribal or ideological identities. Overhanging all these issues is a loss of confidence in democracy itself, both in America and around the world, and the concomitant rise of authoritarianism as a viable model of governance in the eyes of millions. At the center of this story are two nations—Russia and China—that together stand as a profound challenge to the American and Western future, and to the future of democracy and human rights around the globe. As America unravels, China and Russia have taken every opportunity to expand their opportunities and consolidate their gains. If the United States is to prevail in this struggle, our efforts must begin with a better understanding of our determined adversaries in Beijing and Moscow—and of how their successes have emboldened the cause of authoritarianism around the world, to the detriment of free societies and free people.

Artwork and popular cultures are crucial sites of contesting and transforming power relationships in world politics. The contributors to this edited collection draw on their experiences across arts, activist, and academic communities to analyze how the global politics of colonialism, capitalism, and patriarchy are expressed and may be transformed through popular cultures and artistic labour.Through their methodological treatment of artwork and popular cultures as material sites of generating aesthetic knowledge and embodying global power, the authors foreground an analysis of global hierarchies and transformative empowerment through critically engaged political imagination and cultural projects. By centralizing an intersectional analysis of the racialized, gendered, economic dimensions of the praxis of culture, The Art of Global Power demonstrates how artwork and popular culture projects, events, and institutions are vital sites of transgressing the material conditions that produce and sustain unjust global power hierarchies.This book intervenes in the international relations popular culture literature by problematizing the idea of a single homogenizing global popular culture and engaging with multiple popular cultures articulated from diverse global locations and worldviews. To the international relations aesthetics literature this book contributes an intersectional analysis of aesthetics as an embodied process of knowledge production and action that takes place within global conditions of colonialism, capitalism, and patriarchy. This book will be of interest to students, researchers and practitioners of international relations, and gender, cultural and media studies.

Decency remains one of the most prevalent yet least understood terms in today's political discourse. In evoking respect, kindness, courage, integrity, reason, and tolerance, it has long expressed an unquestioned duty and belief in promoting and protecting the dignity of all persons. Today this unquestioned belief is in crisis. Tribalism and identity politics have both hindered and threatened its moral stability and efficacy. Still, many continue to undertheorize its political character by isolating it from the effects of identity politics. Decency and Difference argues that decency is a primary source of the political tension that has long shaped the struggles for power, identity, and justice in the global arena. It distinguishes among basic, conservative, and liberal strands of decency to critically examine the many conflicting and competing applications of decency in global politics. Together these different strands reflect a long and uneven evolution from the British and American empires to a global network of justice. This powerful book exposes the gaps of decency and the disparate ways it is practiced, thus addressing the global challenge of configuring a diverse political ethic of decency.

Macht und Angst gehören in der politisch-gesellschaftlichen Welt eng zusammen. Macht hat für den, der sie hat, viele Vorteile und für diejenigen, die ihr unterworfen sind, viele Nachteile, denn Macht erzeugt bei den ihr Unterworfenen Angst. Da die Angst selbst wiederum Macht über die Geängstigten ausübt, haben diejenigen, die es verstehen, Angst zu erzeugen, eine sehr wirkungsvolle Methode, auf diese Weise ihre Macht zu stabilisieren und zu erweitern. Angsterzeugung ist ein Herrschaftsinstrument, und Techniken zum Erzeugen von gesellschaftlicher Angst gehören zum Handwerkszeug der Macht. Diese Einsicht ist so alt wie die Zivilisationsgeschichte. Rainer Mausfeld, der bereits mit'Warum schweigen die Lämmer'ein fulminantes Aufklärungswerk veröffentlichte und damit auf der Bestsellerlisten landete, liefert mit dem vorliegenden Buch eine extrem wichtige Erweiterung, die mehr denn je vonnöten ist. Stimmen zu seinem Bestseller'Warum schweigen die Lämmer':'Eine so schmerzhafte wie brillante Endoskopie des gegenwärtigen politischen Systems. Mausfeld ist ein Volksaufklärer in der Denktradition Humboldts, Deweys und Chomskys … ein Weckruf zur rechten Zeit.'NZZ'Mit seinem neuen Buch beflügelt Rainer Mausfeld die Sehnsucht nach Veränderung.'Rubikon'Mausfeld deckt die Systematik dieser Indoktrination auf und macht uns sensibel für die vielfältigen psychologischen Beeinflussungsmethoden.'NachDenkseiten'In dem Buch geht es insbesondere um Täuschung und Illusionen, was den Begriff der Demokratie und den Zustand der Gesellschaft angeht.'Telepolis

Deconstructing “Ideal Power Europe”: The EU and Arab Change criticizes the dominant discourse on European foreign policy, which represents the EU as a force for good in world politics. Using a poststructuralist approach, it deconstructs the EU's representation as “an ideal power” through an analysis of European foreign policy on the Southern Mediterranean before and after the Arab uprisings. In this endeavor, it displaces three major discourses which construct the EU as “ideal”: the “postmodern and post-sovereign EU”, “the EU as a model/a virtuous example”, and, “the EU as a normative power” discourses. The major argument of the book is that the “ideal power Europe” meta-narrative is especially produced and reproduced in the EU's approach towards the Southern Mediterranean, and, it manifests itself through the rhetoric of “responsibility” and “universality” in the aftermath of the Arab uprisings. The book also provides an analysis of how the “ideal power Europe” meta-narrative feeds into and legitimizes European governmentality in the world, in general, and, in the case of the Southern Mediterranean after the Arab uprisings, in particular. Arguing that the depiction of the EU as postmodern/post-sovereign, as a model/an exemplar, and as a normative power pertains to the representation of a “regulatory ideal”, it elucidates how the EU pursues hegemonic practices in the Southern Mediterranean. It further manifests how the EU's governmentality is marked by a securitized, depoliticizing, and technocratic approach which feeds into and gets legitimized by the dominant discourse on European foreign policy; reproducing the EU's “ideal” identity vis-à-vis its “imperfect” Arab other.

In the mid-1980s Cuba began a process of ‘rectificacion'—a reform process that has bucked the trends of economic and political liberalization that are reshaping the global order. Sustaining an official commitment to socialism in the face of economic crisis and international pressures, Cuba's survival seems puzzling indeed. Sheryl Lutjens uses the C

Conspiracy theorists claim impossible knowledge, such as knowledge of the doings of a secret world government. Yet they accept this impossible knowledge as truth. In effect, conspiracy theories detach truth from knowledge.Knowledge without power is powerless. And the impossible knowledge claimed by conspiracy theorists is rigorously excluded from the regimes of truth and power – that is not even wrong. Yet conspiratorial knowledge is potent enough to be studied by researchers and recognized as a risk by experts and authorities.Therefore, in order to understand conspiracy theories, we need to think of truth beyond knowledge and power. That is impossible for any scientific discipline because it takes for granted that truth comes from knowledge and that truth is powerful enough to destroy the legitimacy of any authority that would dare to conceal or manipulate it. Since science is unable to make sense of conspiracy theories, it treats conspiracy theorists as individuals who fail to make sense, and it explains their persistent nonsense by some cognitive, behavioral, or social dysfunction.Fortunately, critical theory has developed tools able to conceive of truth beyond knowledge and power, and hence to make sense of conspiracy theories. This book organizes them into a toolbox which will enable students and researchers to analyze conspiracy theories as practices of the self geared at self-empowerment, a sort of political self-help.