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Returning to Kentucky in the spring of 1829 after four years as secretary of state in the administration of John Quincy Adams, Henry Clay quickly regained the political dominance at home that would carry him to the U.S. Senate in 1831. Assuming leadership of the anti-Jackson forces, Senator Clay in 1832 mounted a spirited campaign for the presidency, advocating recharter of the national bank, high protective tariffs, and internal improvements, and alleging the administrative incompetence of Jackson and his cronies. Clay's defeat by the popular military hero was probably foreordained, but he emerged with sufficient national prestige to play the leading role in mediation of the nullification crisis of December 1832-March 1833. The battle over the constitutionality of the protective tariff, during which the words secession, invasion, and civil war were freely used, pitted Jackson and the power of the federal government against the states'rights politicians of South Carolina. Clay's masterful legislative compromise of 1833 defused a tense situation and brought him national applause as savior of the Union.Continuing his efforts to form a political coalition strong enough to defeat the Jacksonians, Clay was successful in a Senate resolution to censure the president for unconstitutional exercise of power in removing government deposits from the Bank of the United States. But as the election of 1836 drew near it became evident that the emerging coalition could not defeat Democrat Martin Van Buren, Jackson's hand- picked candidate; as the Reign of Jackson drew to a close, Clay could only view the national scene with dismay.Publication of this book was assisted by a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities.

This third volume in the ten-volume series covers the career of Henry Clay from the Second Session of the Sixteenth Congress, where he engineered the second Missouri Compromise, to the presidential election of 1824, when he found himself eliminated as a candidate.Upon his return from Congress in 1821, Clay practiced law and interested himself in Transylvania University, among other things. Elected again to the House of Representatives and to the Speakership in the Eighteenth Congress, Clay resumed his leadership in national affairs; his concerns at this period were principally with the Monroe Doctrine, the Spanish and Greek revolutions, and internal improvements and the tariff.A continuing thread in the volume is the presidential campaign of 1824. Clay's correspondence illustrates the changes in political techniques brought about by the emergence of the Jacksonian type of campaign. Sectionalism, already revealed as a danger to the Union, continued as an important issue. Clay's optimistic anticipation of his election of course proved incorrect, and the volume ends with Clay in the powerful but uncomfortable position of being able, by throwing his support to one of three candidates before the House of Representatives, to choose the next President of the United States.Publication of this book was assisted by a grant from the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.

Originally published in 1973, the chapters in this volume tackle a wide range of problems arising from this process of modernization. The first section looks at the discussion of ideas and theories about administration in the nineteenth century, when some organizational ideology became firmly-rooted and went unquestioned for many years. These chapters also examine the inevitable questions of reform and major reorganization which later arose in the United States, Britain and elsewhere.The second section moves on from the theory and practice of administrative structures to some consideration of practical problems within organizations, problems of personnel and administrative method. Management questions of staff conditions and careers and job differentiation are examined, and the Fulton report on reform in such areas is discussed.The final group of chapters looks at a variety of substantive issues such as defence and civil-military relations, the advent of independence from colonial government, development policies and development administration. Two major themes emerge. One concerns the extent to which administrative organizations are instruments to be used or institutions which exercise an almost autonomous control over our lives; to what extent is public policy translated into real terms by the institutions concerned? The second theme is concerned with the impact of institution on people, both in terms of broad policy and programmes and in practical, day-to-day communication across the counter between rank-and-file bureaucrat and the ordinary citizen.

This two–volume collection, supported by an in-depth introduction that addresses origins, actuality, endgame and afterlife, brings together for the first time contemporary documentation and more recent scholarship to give a broad picture of Japan's Treaty Ports and their inhabitants at work and play in the second half of the nineteenth century. The material selected, shows how the ports'existence and the Japanese struggle to end their special status, impacted on many aspects of modern Japan beyond their primary role as trading stations. Compared with their counterparts in China, the Japanese treaty ports cast a small shadow. They were far fewer – only four really mattered – and lasted for just under fifty years, while the Chinese ports made their centenary. Yet the Japanese ports were important. The thriving modern cities of Yokohama and Kobe had their origins as treaty ports. Nagasaki, a major centre of foreign trade since at least the sixteenth century, may not have owed so much to its treaty-port status, but it was a factor in its modern development.

This book focuses on measuring democratic political systems as such, and is concerned more with the consequences and concomitants of political democracy in cross-national research. It examines the sequences and dynamics of political change between 1800 and 1986.

The fall of the Communist regime in the USSR and Russia's search for a democratic and prosperous market-based future is one of the most compelling episodes of the end of the twentieth century. A central part in this drama is being played by political elites. These essays, written by some of the leading scholars in the field, analyse various aspects of the role being played by elites and leaders in Russian politics. Among the issues dealt with are: the origins of the Russian elites, including the issue of continuity with the Soviet past; the relationship between political and economic elites; the means taken by elites to structure politics and their relations; the dynamic of elite politics, and the nature of post-communism. These essays deal with many of the crucial questions facing Russia today.

This book contains fresh approaches to the interaction between regime and society in twentieth-century Russia. It offers new answers to familiar questions: • How useful is'totalitarianism'as a model to categorise authoritarian regimes? • What chances existed for tsarism to establish itself as a constitutional monarchy? • Were Trotsky and Lenin dictators in waiting? • How did the Bolsheviks make the Lenin cult? • What opposition did intellectuals offer in the Soviet regime? • What is the nature of contemporary Russian constitutionalism? It is required reading for historians, political scientists, sociologists and everyone interested in modern Russia.

Although there is a vast body of literature covering the ongoing debates concerning the novelty and gravity of the contemporary terrorist threat, as well as the most appropriate response to it, few authors have thus far analysed the complex set of counterterrorism measures that both the individual Member States and the European Union (EU) have attempted to develop. This volume offers a critical analysis of the measures the European Union has taken to combat terrorism and how, in a number of key areas, EU counterterrorism policy is more of a paper tiger than an effective counterterrorism device. Several legal EU counterterrorism instruments have not been properly implemented at the national level and questions have been raised regarding their effectiveness, appropriateness, and proportionality. The capabilities of EU agencies in the area of counterterrorism remain rather weak and the EU Counterterrorism Coordinator does not have any real powers apart from persuasion. However, this does not mean that EU level action cannot offer any value-added in the fight against terrorism. There are several areas where the EU can provide genuine value-added in the fight against terrorism due to the transnational nature of the contemporary terrorist threat and the nature of a borderless Europe.

This emphasis of this collection is upon the history of courts and their procedures, they also illustrate the varied approaches and themes of legal history today.

This collection examines the subject of identification and surveillance from 16th C English parish registers to 21st C DNA databases. The contributors, who range from historians to legal specialists, provide an insight into the historical development behind such issues as biometric identification, immigration control and personal data use.