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On September 4, 1971, the office of Lewis Fielding, a psychiatrist practicing in Los Angeles, was broken into. It looked like a run of the mill drug raid. A month later, a homeless man was charged with burglary and the case was considered closed. On June 17, 1972, five men were charged with breaking and entering at the headquarters of the Democratic National Committee in the Watergate Hotel in Washington, D.C. With these two burglaries, one seemingly innocuous while the other was more serious because of the venue, the scandal known as Watergate was born. As the tale of Richard Nixon and his Plumbers began to unfold, it was discovered that one of Lewis Fielding's patients was Daniel Ellsberg, the man who released the Pentagon Papers to the New York Times. Ellsberg was high on Nixon's list of enemies and he vowed to destroy him at all costs. In Wild Man, Tom Wells explores the life of Daniel Ellsberg to discover what makes an individual enact the most severe breach of government security ever to occur in the United States. As Wells follows Ellsberg from his early days as a piano prodigy to his years of great promise at Harvard, we see the development of a volatile, narcissistic loner with a voracious sexual appetite, a highly developed intelligence and, most importantly, the overwhelming need to take centre stage in the pageant known as America. In Wild Man, Tom Wells creates an unforgettable picture of Daniel Ellsberg, an American Everyman for the seventies who embodied the promise and paranoia of that uncertain time. This is a thrilling piece of biography that will stand as one of the great American portraits.

From 1970 to 1977 a major project to uncover source material for students of contemporary British history and politics was undertaken at the British Library of Political and Economic Science. Fiananced by the Social Science Research Council, and under the direction of Dr Chris Cook, this project has attempted a unique and systematic operation to locate, and then to make readily available, those archives that provide the indispensable source material for the contemporary historian. This volume (the fifth in the series) provides a guide to the papers of propagandists who were influential in British public life. Included in this volume are the papers of such persons as newspaper editors, leading economists, social reformers, socialist thinkers, trade unionists, industrialists and a variety of theologians and philanthropists. In all, this volume not only completes the findings of the project but opens up the archive sources of a hitherto neglected area of research into contemporary social and political history.

This book explores what it meant to be ‘liberal'in interwar Czech, Austrian, and Slovenian politics. Up until 1918, these countries shared the common political framework of Cisleithania (the Austrian part of the Habsburg Monarchy). Within this framework was the predominantly pejorative function of the label ‘liberal,'and as a result after 1918, no major political party employed it to describe its own political orientation. Despite making considerable efforts to dissociate themselves from liberalism, many parties continued to be referred to as ‘liberal'by the contemporary public. This association with liberalism, the book argues, was primarily due to the parties'historical background rather than any ideological commitment to liberalism, and for that reason, the author refers to them as ‘national liberal heirs.'Examining the (dis)continuities of liberal party traditions, the book presents three representative cases of national liberal heirs: the Czechoslovak National Democracy; the Greater German People's Party; and the Slovenian sections of the Yugoslav Democratic Party, the Independent Democratic Party, and the Yugoslav National Party. Forming a distinctive part of early twentieth-century party landscapes in Central Europe, the national liberal heirs had inherited organisational structures, parts of electorate, as well as rootedness in specific cultural and social milieus from their liberal predecessors. Following the political trajectories of the national liberal heirs, the author seeks to answer in which spheres, in which manners, and to what extent liberalism survived or even continued to develop in the interwar Czech lands, Austria, and Slovenia.

Der Sammelband diskutiert unterschiedliche Glaubensformen, die gegenwärtig in spätmodernen Gesellschaften miteinander in Widerstreit geraten. Mit Blick auf zunehmende Polarisierungstendenzen werden Glaubensformen und belief systems entlang Yves Bizeuls These einer neuen gesellschaftlichen Konfliktlinie rund um Fragen kollektiver Identität beleuchtet. Neben traditionellen Formen religiösen Glaubens, welche zwischen fortschreitender Säkularisierung und neuer religiöser Radikalisierung changieren, werden mythische Glaubensformen untersucht, die, als Zugang zur Welt und als Autoritäten der Welterklärung, Potential für gesellschaftliche Disruption in sich tragen.

This book develops Marcuse's critique of advanced industrial society and deploys it as a lens to critically analyze contemporary neoliberalism and its structural failures. In the chapters, Marcuse scholars explore three related topics: First, Marcuse's theory as it applies to the relationship between neoliberalism and authoritarianism, including both the historical relationship between the two and the modern re-emergence of authoritarianism and nationalism in neoliberal states today. Second, a re-examination of the relationship between neoliberal subjectivity and technological rationality that seeks to understand the stabilizing forces of neoliberal society and the way these forces register at the level of thought. Third and finally, Marcuse's conception of socialism in conversation with contemporary neoliberal rationality, and ways in which alternatives to the status quo remain possible. Together, this volume contributes to recent discussions of neoliberalism and contribute to thedevelopment of Marcuse scholarship.

This book evaluates the legislative effectiveness of Nigeria's National Assembly under the Fourth Republic. The assessment covers five Assemblies (4th–8th) and focuses specifically on lawmaking, cost of running the National Assembly, and the budget making process. It empirically assesses the effectiveness of the Nigerian national legislature beyond previous emotional and sentimental evaluations of the institution. It has developed a model ‘Institutional Legislative Effectiveness Score'used in assessing the institutional performance of the National Assembly from two perspectives: first, by comparing the performances of the two chambers in the same Assembly; and second, by comparing the performances of the institution across Assemblies. Aside lawmaking, the book also covers the major topical issues that characterized public evaluation of the institution. These include: size of the institution, budgeting process, cost of funding the institution, and the debate on the appropriate way in reforming the National Assembly.

This book brings together a range of studies that aim at illustrating the ideas, institutions, historical patterns, and contemporary relevance of the social-political system that existed in the main part of East Asia during the premodern era. This is most often known as the Confucian literati-bureaucratic state, the imperial Chinese bureaucratic state, or the Confucian-Legalist state, that was established and endured most notably in China, but also in several East Asian societies such as Korea, Vietnam, Japan. That state and sociopolitical system also greatly shaped state making in several kingdoms in the region – such as Ryukyu and Dali – which were later merged into larger polities. Illuminating the significance of these historical patterns for today, this book will interest political scientists, historians, philosophers, and the general public.

This book deals with a central aspect of Marx's critique of society that is usually not examined further since it is taken as a matter of course: its scientific claim of being true. But what concept of truth underlies his way of reasoning which attempts to comprehend the social and political circumstances in terms of the possibility of their practical upheaval? In three studies focusing specifically on the development of Marx's scientific critique of capitalist society, his journalistic commentaries on European politics, and his reflections on the organisation of revolutionary subjectivity, the authors carve out the immanent relation between the scientifically substantiated claim to truth and the revolutionary perspective in Marxʼs writings. They argue that Marx does not grasp the world ‘as it is'but conceives it as an inverted state which cannot remain what it is but generates the means by which it can eventually be overcome. This is not something to be taken lightly: Such a concept has theoretical, political and even violent consequences—consequences that nevertheless derive neither from a subjective error nor a contamination of an otherwise ‘pure'science. By analyzing Marx's concept of truth the authors also attempt to shed light on a pivotal problematique of any modern critique of society that raises a reasoned claim of being true.

An extensive investigation of the rally-round-the-flag phenomenon of public opinion in the United States during wars and security crises. The'rally-round-the-flag'phenomenon in the United States is characterized by a sudden and sharp increase in the public approval rating of the sitting US president in response to a war or security crisis. While relatively uncommon, these moments can have a serious impact on policymaking as politicians might escalate a conflict abroad or restrict civil liberties at home. What, then, are the conditions and processes through which rallies have emerged? In Rally'round the Flag, Yuval Feinstein revisits the phenomenon to answer this question. He examines both the conditions under which rally periods have emerged in the US and the processes that have generated these rallies to introduce a novel rally theory. Drawing on an original data set of conflicts covering 1950 to 2020 and survey data, Feinstein shows that the rally-round-the-flag effect is not an automatic public reaction to international conflicts. Rather, it is a rare event that emerges only under circumstances that lead most Americans to believe it is necessary to take military action to maintain or restore collective honor and gain the respect of other nations. He further attributes public opinion shifts during rally periods to nationalist emotions that people experience when they believe that the president's actions effectively protect the nation's honor and international prestige. Identifying the unique sets of conditions for the emergence of rallies, Rally'round the Flag offers the most extensive investigation of this public opinion phenomenon and proposes future directions to research the topic for both the United States and other countries.

On October 3, 1990 the future of both Europe and Germany became powerfully and inexorably intertwined across a politically broadened continent powering transformative social, political and economic interactions. The thirty year mark after the then reigning chancellor Helmut Kohl promised'flourishing landscapes'in the former GDR is more than just a new anniversary from which mandatory reflections must follow. Arguably, it represents a temporal boundary between the adjustments and reactions conditioned and captivated by a sense of something new and uncertain, and that point moving forward from which unification's legacy inescapably tethers Germany's future to normal politics shaped by the issues of the moment, and not politics gripped by the debates of unification itself. That legacy is defined by an accumulation over thirty years of adjustments, mutations, counter-adjustments and strategic reactions which have now delivered through the many ripples of change a Germany managing thecourse-trajectory which unification has relentlessly plotted. The foreseeable future will certainly see that legacy of unification tenaciously continue to project yet shrouded within the background of Germany's routine politics. This volume explores that legacy within the post-unification era and reflects on the way forward into a near-term German future no longer consumed with unification itself but with the reality of politics it has steadily defined.

This book examines three cases of democratic transitions by self-transformation of the non-democratic regimes in Southern Europe—the Spanish reforma pactada-ruptura pactada of 1976-77, the Greek “Markezinis experiment” of 1973, and the Turkish democratic transition of 1983—in a comparative perspective. The author argues that a democratic transition initiated by the regime elites is, in contrast to widely held assumptions and notwithstanding some reservations on whether democracy can be (re-)introduced by non-democrats, worth viewing as a “window of opportunity” for democratisation. It is up to the democratic counter-elites to respond to it, using the civil society and the international factor as allies to achieve their goal of acquiring more concessions from the regime.

This edited volume presents an interdisciplinary and international revaluation of Friedrich Engels as much more than “junior partner” to Karl Marx or “second fiddle” in the Marxist orchestra. The nineteen critical essays in this collection are the work of scholars from Germany, USA, UK, Italy, China, India, Mexico and the Philippines. Together they present and evaluate archival material and scholarly commentary that covers epistemology, political economy, political theory, gender studies, cultural studies, political geography, philosophy of social science and sociological studies of class-conflict. Students, activists and specialists will find fresh consideration of familiar works, such as The Condition of the Working Class in England, The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, and The Dialectics of Nature. They will also be able to explore Engels's less familiar pamphleteering, literary criticism and political commentary through detailed contextualization andcareful analysis. Friedrich Engels for the 21st Century: Perspectives and Problems is unique in putting different intellectual and political receptions of Engels's work into productive conversation, particularly from non-Anglophone scholars, translated here into English. Readers will appreciate why Engels has been so widely celebrated some two hundred years after his birth.

Von Haus aus Jurist und Staatsrechtslehrer, vertritt Hermann Heller einen demokratischen Konstitutionalismus, der die Wirklichkeit der Demokratie mit der Normativität des Rechts zusammendenkt. Was Hellers Werk dabei in besonderer Weise fruchtbar erscheinen lässt, ist die Verbindung von Staatsrechtslehre, Politikwissenschaft und Soziologie, die erst die komplexe Wirklichkeit der Demokratie erfahrbar macht. In seinen späten Weimarer Schriften – etwa zum Autoritären Liberalismus – zeigt sich Heller als Analytiker der Krise, der uns heute den Blick für die Herausbildung autoritärer Politikstrukturen insbesondere auf europäischer Ebene schärft. Neben dieser kritischen Perspektive auf die Konstellationen und Dynamiken der (zum Teil schleichenden) Autokratisierung politischer Prozesse lassen sich auf Grundlage des Hellerschen Werkes auch die Voraussetzungen gelingender demokratischer Stabilität benennen. Die Rekonstruktion dieses Ansatzes eines dezidiert demokratischen Konstitutionalismus steht im Zentrum des geplanten Sammelbandes.

Following Marx's own itinerary from Paris to London, from politics to the critique of political economy, The Marx of Communism delves into a creatively unfolding international debate on the democracy-communism relation, while supporting a 21st century communism as a social alternative to capitalism. Taking into consideration Marx's analysis of communism both as a movement and a social formation, this study focuses on the dialectics of transition from capitalism to communism. Dealing with communism as the outcome of a long-term cultural and political process, the author defends Marxian communism as the open-ended constitution of a self-governed demos, whose citizens create their own way of life on the ground of a stateless and classless society. From this point of view, the end of the state does not mean the end, but the revival of politics in terms of a communist bios. Reshaping their collective and personal values and setting limits to the production/technology dynamics of their economy, this book argues, the citizens of a communist polis form a promising antithesis to the private individuals of a capitalist society.

This book provides a framework for understanding and analyzing Bernie Sanders's democratic socialism, its origins, its maturation, and its evolution between 1972, when Sanders ran for the Vermont gubernatorial election for the first time, and 2020, when he made his second presidential run. The core argument is that Bernie Sanders's characteristic brand of socialism evolved from the mould of late 19th century utopian radicalism to radical demands for state and corporate accountability in the 21st century, turning into a social movement for reparative justice that rose to national prominence in the wake of the Great Recession in 2008 and of the Occupy Wall Street movement in 2011.

'Democracy theories and comparative political science have been challenged within the last decade by an unexpected democratic deficit and the rise of populism in the new EU-member states. This volume written by German and Czech scholars gives some food for thought for solving these research problems by means of thorough analyses of the polity, the politics and selected policies of the Czech Republic since 1990.'Dieter Segert, retired Professor of Political Science (Area Studies on Eastern Europe), University of Vienna, Austria'Czech Democracy in Crisis is a long-overdue comprehensive study of the Czech political system. Using institutional approaches to change, it explores crucial policy outcomes. A perfect book for academics and practitioners who want to understand the challenges of democratic consolidation in a new democracy.'Lenka Bustikova, Associate Professor of Political Science, Arizona State University, USA, and author of Extreme Reactions: Radical Right Mobilization in Eastern EuropeThe image of the Czechs as a poster child of democratization has changed into a crisis narrative in recent years. This edited volume traces this change and examines the suitability of different theories to explain developments in Czech democracy. The contributors, all renowned experts in their fields, offer well-founded and compact insights into the post-1989 Czech political system. They cover political institutions and parties; civil society; the media; and selected policy areas such as foreign, economic, migration and regional policy. The book takes into account processes of democratization and Europeanization, explaining the political picture at various stages of development. Finding that many of today's problems—fragmented political parties, government instability, inefficient state administration and low quality of governance—have not been new developments but have constantly existed, the authors present a plea for theoretical adjustments that should be read by all academics, students, practitioners and readers with an interest in Czech politics and society.

This book examines the life and works of Friedrich Engels during the decade before he entered a political partnership with Karl Marx. It takes a thematic approach in three substantial chapters: Imagination, Observation, and Vocation. Throughout, the reader sees the world from Engels's perspective, not knowing how his story will turn out. This approach reveals the multifaceted and ambitious character of young Friedrich's achievements from age sixteen till just turning twenty-five. At the time that he accepted Marx's invitation to co-author a short political satire, Engels was far better known and much more accomplished. He had published many more articles on far more subjects, in both German and English, than Marx had managed. Moreover, he had written a critique of political economy from a perspective unique in the German context, and published his own pioneering and substantial study of working class conditions in an industrializing economy. Offering an innovative approach to a largely neglected period of Engels's life before meeting Marx, Carver upends standard narratives in existing biographical studies of Engels to reveal him as an important figure not just in relation to his more famous collaborator, but a key voice in the liberal-democratic, constitutional and nation-building revolutionism of the 1830s and 1840s.

Europe is a continent whose history has, in one form or another, long been dominated by integration. And yet the European integration process is often treated as synonymous with the evolution of just one particular, and until recently geographically quite limited, Western-centred organisation: the European Union (EU). This trend obscures the multitude of ways European states have acted collectively on both sides of the Iron Curtain – and continue to do so throughout the continent today. With contributors drawn from history and political science, this book explores some of these diverse integration efforts ‘beyond Brussels'. We shine a light on international organisations, trade frameworks, and various political, social, scientific and cultural forms of unity in both Eastern and Western Europe. In so doing, the book seeks to redefine the history of the European integration process not only as a less purely EU-centric phenomenon but as a less strictly Western European one too.

What explains France's unique Left? Many works have reflected upon the importance of Marxism in France, yet few studies have been devoted to the man who did most to introduce Marxism into its political culture: the today near-forgotten figure of Jules Guesde. It was with Guesde that Karl Marx drafted the world's first Marxist program, and Guesde who aroused the enthusiasm of countless worker-militants who saw him as their most important leader. Jules Guesde represents the first book-length study of the French socialist leader translated into the English language. For the radical Left today, Guesde is often considered a dogmatist who supported the Union sacrée during World War I and rejected the Bolshevik revolution; for the governmental Left, he embodies an intransigent ideologue who held back the modernization of the French Left. Throughout Jules Guesde, Jean-Numa Ducange argues that it is impossible to study the history of the French socialist movement without a close look at this singular figure and offers a fuller picture of the deep transformations of the Left and Marxism in France from the late 19th century up to the present. This scholarly biography of Jules Guesde seeks to put Guesde's record on a properly historical footing, closely analysing both archival sources and accounts by his contemporaries. Chapter One begins with his early life and the mark left on him by the Paris Commune and exile. Chapter Two emphasises Guesde's importance as leader of a distinct current of French socialism, recognised by figures like Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. Chapter Three sees Guesde become an MP for working-class Roubaix, exploring the contradictions between his revolutionary rhetoric and concrete political practice. Chapter Four turns to the years following his electoral defeat in 1898 and his renewed intransigence in the period of the Dreyfus affair and rivalry with Jaurès. Chapter Five explores his key role inthe formation of a united Socialist Party. Chapter Six examines the test of World War I and Guesde's anguish at the divisions of French socialism. The book then concludes with an examination of Guesde's contested legacy, as both a “founding father” and figure subject to often pejorative framings.

This book charts the economic, social and political rise of the Justice and Development Party (JDP) as well as its political resilience over the last sixteen years. Going beyond the standard dichotomy debate of political Islam versus secularism, the author shows how the JDP, a political party with substantial roots in political Islam, came to power in 2002 as an outcome of the socioeconomic transformation process that started in the country in the 1980s. The book further illustrates how the party consolidated its ruling power by catering to its core constituencies via a multifaceted set of policies that gave rise to the emergence of a powerful political machine. A careful analysis of the JDP's policy agenda highlights the discrepancy between the party's discourse and its supply of policies. Furthermore, the author shows how the party has skilfully (re-)framed its ideological stance by changing alliances, and in analysing this hybrid ideological framing she presents key underpinnings ofthe party that paved the way to a fundamental restructuring of the Turkish party system and establishment of a new regime that replaced the old guard. This book will be of interest to academics, graduate students and researchers interested in comparative politics, political science and sociology.

This book is the first collection within political theory to examine the ideas and debates of the German Revolution of 1918/19. It discusses the political theorists and actors of the revolution and uncovers an incredibly fertile body of political thought. Revolutionary events led to the proliferation of new political strategies, theoretical insights and institutional proposals. Key questions included the debate between a national assembly and a council system, the socialisation of the economy, the development of new forms of political representation and the proper role of parliaments, political parties and trade unions. This book offers novel perspectives on the history of the revolution, a thorough engagement with its main thinkers and an analysis of its relevance for contemporary political thought.

Japanese Political History Since the Meiji Restoration, 1868-2000 explores, through a combination of narrative and analysis, the changes in the political process which lay behind Japan's transformation into a modern nation state; its successive turn toward militarism, fascism, and the Pacific War; and the imposition of a fully democratic constitution. Sims examines closely such central topics as the Meiji renovation, samurai modernisers, the rise of liberal political parties, the Meiji constitution,'Taisho democracy', the wartime changes in the political system, postwar reforms and the'reverse course', four decades of Liberal Democratic rule, and the shake-up of Japanese politics during the 1990s. No other book has covered Japanese political history over the entire period since 1868 in such detail, and the present volume aims to fill the gap between the various general histories of modern Japan and the ever-increasing monographic literature.

This book uses the structure of Machiavelli's The Prince to show how governance has changed over the last 500 years. If Machiavelli focuses on power concentrated in the hands of the republic or principalities, The Oligarch looks at how states and companies today function as oligarchies. Rather than dealing with the form of government, it addresses the operations and networks of governance for both states and corporations as a single set of common processes. The author links politics, ecology and literature, by using the literary device of appropriation to raise awareness of ecology and the overreach of powerful people, offering both wielders and critics of power a common ground based on how people in power actually conduct themselves.

This book is the most comprehensive single volume reference work available for British political facts. Covering the period from 1900 to the present, it is the latest edition in a series previously edited by David Butler and various collaborators. This new edition updates the contents to the immediate post-European Union referendum period in the UK. It is useful to a wide range of potential readers, including students, educators, journalists, policy professionals, and anyone with an interest in politics and political history. It will be valuable to academics working in a variety of disciplines, including history and political science.

This book investigates the role of society groups in the making of the Arab Spring and under which conditions they attained their goals. Democracy and recognition of human rights and fundamental freedoms seem to be the main drives of the people organized in form of civil groups or grassroots movements in the Arab Spring countries; but it is essential to identify when they find it suitable to take such extreme action as taking the streets in an attempt to take down the repressive regimes. It is also important to investigate what methods they relied on in their action and how they challenged the state and the government. A review of the cases in this volume shows that civil society has certain limitations in its action. Analysis of the cases also challenges a commonly held assumption that the Arab world does not have strong and rich civil society tradition. However, for a lasting success and consolidation of democracy, something more than civil society action is obviouslyneeded. A strong organized opposition and a democratic culture seems to be indispensable elements for the evolution of a democratic order and tradition.

This edited volume considers the extent to which the Obama presidency matched the promises of hope and change that were held out in the 2008 election. Contributors assess the character of “change” and, within this context, survey the extent to which there was enduring change within particular policy areas, both domestic and foreign. The authors combine empirical detail with more speculative assessment of the limits and possibilities of change amidst a very dense institutional landscape and in an era of intense political polarization. Some see significant changes, the full consequences of which may only be evident in later years. Other authors in the collection present a markedly different picture and suggest that processes of change were not only limited and partial but at times leading the US in directions far removed from the promises of 2008. The book will make an important contribution to the debates about the Obama legacy.

Das Handbuch Internationale Beziehungen ist die zweite, vollständig überarbeitete und erweiterte Auflage des Handbuchs der Internationalen Politik. Das neue Handbuch vermittelt einen umfassenden Überblick über den state of the art der politikwissenschaftlichen Teildisziplin Internationale Beziehungen in deutscher Sprache. Es präsentiert theoretische und methodische Grundlagen der Forschung in den Internationalen Beziehungen und stellt die wesentlichen Akteure und Problemfelder der internationalen Politik vor. Das Nachschlagewerk richtet sich sowohl an Wissenschaftlerinnen und Wissenschaftler als auch an Studierende und die interessierte Öffentlichkeit.

This book explores the crisis of the British state. Though it has been particularly apparent since the outcome of both the 2014 Scottish independence and 2016 ‘Brexit'referendums, it stems from deep historical roots. The book traces the origins of the state to the original Act of Union of 1707 and demonstrates how different notions of British destiny - Protestant, imperial, social democratic – have held the state together at different times. The present crisis, it is argued, is due to the exhaustion of these senses of destiny. Moran shows how the United Kingdom is now held together as a militarised state prone to disastrous adventures like the invasion of Iraq, and concludes by examining some alternative futures for the state. This book will appeal to students, scholars and the general reader interested in British politics and political history.

The Politics of Feminist Knowledge Transfer draws together analytical work on gender training and gender expertise. Its chapters critically reflect on the politics of feminist knowledge transfer, understood as an inherently political, dynamic and contested process, the overall aim of which is to transform gendered power relations in pursuit of more equal societies, workplaces, and policies. At its core, the work explores the relationship between gender expertise, gender training, and broader processes of feminist transformation arising from knowledge transfer activities. Examining these in a reflective way, the book brings a primarily practice-based debate into the academic arena. With contributions from authors of diverse backgrounds, including academics, practitioners and representatives of gender training institutions, the editors combine a focus on gender expertise and gender training, with more theory-focused chapters.

Gosse, one of the foremost historians of the American postwar left, has crafted an engaging and concise synthetic history of the varied movements and organizations that have been placed under the broad umbrella known as the New Left. As one reader notes, gosse'has accomplished something difficult and rare, if not altogether unique, in providing a studied and moving account of the full array of protest movements - from civil rights and Black Power, to student and antiwar protest, to women's and gay liberation, to Native American, Asian American, and Puerto Rican activism - that defined the American sixties as an era of powerfully transformative rebellions...His is a'big-tent'view that shows just how rich and varied 1960s protest was.'In contrast to most other accounts of this subject, the SDS and white male radicals are taken out of the center of the story and placed more toward its margins. A prestigious project from a highly respected historian, The New Left in the United States, 1955-1975 will be a must-read for anyone interested in American politics of the postwar era.

In The Post-Liberal Imagination, Bruce Baum approaches American liberalism'in a critical spirit'by examining the relationship between popular culture and politics. The book analyzes movies, television, and popular music to rethink the liberal views of democracy, equality, racism, dissent, and animal rights in the Bush-Obama era.

This book brings together new perspectives on collective memory in the modern Muslim world. It discusses how memory cultures are established and used at national levels – in official history writing, through the erection of monuments, the fashioning of educational curricula and through media strategies – as well as in the interface with both artistic expressions and popular culture in the Muslim world at large. The representations of collective memory have been one of the foremost tools in national identity politics, grass-root mobilization, theological debates over Islam and general discussions on what constitutes ‘the modern in the Middle East'as well as in Muslim diaspora environments. Few, if any, contemporary conflicts in the region can be understood in depth without a certain focus on various uses of history, memory cultures and religious meta-narratives at all societal levels, and in art and literature. This book will be of use to students and scholars in the fields of Identity Politics, Islamic Studies, Media and Cultural Anthropology.

This book examines changing Soviet and Russian press coverage of the United States from the emergence of Mikhail Gorbachev through the presidency of Vladimir Putin. A new afterword focuses on recent developments in the Russian media and Russian press coverage of the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001. Becker argues that due to the absence of a language to support the reform strategy, the Soviet press presented positive images of its chief ideological and military opponent, the United States, as a means of supporting political, social and economic reform. He suggests that the end of the Cold War and the emergence of a more self-confident Russia means that the symbolic and discursive significance of the United States for Russia has diminished.

The book, which is the outcome of an international conference held under the auspices of the University of Florence, aims at sketching out, through the contributions by distinguished scholars from various nationalities, the origins and characteristics of the system which has been imposed on Europe between the end of the Second World War and the mid-1950s, as well as at analysing the most important consequences of the events which, from the fall of the Berlin Wall to the'end of the cold war', have radically transformed the European scene.

The British General Election of 2015 is a must-read for anyone wanting to know how the action unfolded in the most unpredictable election for a generation. Drawing on hundreds of confidential interviews with all the key players, it offers a compelling insider's guide to the election's background, campaign, and the results which led to the formation of the first majority Conservative government in eighteen years. Designed to appeal to everyone from Westminster insiders, politics students and the wider general public, this is the authoritative account of the 2015 election. Continuing a proud Palgrave Macmillan tradition, The British General Election of 2015 is the 19th edition and celebrates the 70th year of this prestigious series.

The forefathers of the European Union, led by Jean Monnet, hoped to create a'United States of Europe'with national sovereignties subordinated to a federal government. Few in Britain shared their dream. Yet Britain abandoned her aloof stand of 1950, and eventually joined the European Communities. Lord Beloff asks whether the key figures - Harold Macmillan, Sir Edward Heath and Harold Wilson, knowingly deceived the electorate into thinking that entry could be combined with the country's independence of action and historic constitution, or whether they thought that they could persuade continental statesmen from inside of the merits of a much looser structure. The actions and words of Lady Thatcher and John Major are scrutinised with this same question in mind, as are Labour's oscillations under Gaitskell, Wilson and Foot before plunging wholeheartedly into Eurofederalism under Kinnock and Blair. The key theme which emerges is of mutual misunderstanding between Britain and the continent, due to basic differences of outlook and interest, which have guaranteed continual controversy throughout our involvement in Europe.

Socialism, Social Ownership and Social Justice is concerned with the emergence in Europe over the centuries of dreams and aspirations amongst the poor and weak for new societies of justice and equality based on common ownership and common sharing. It ranges from the Greek legendary ideal of a simple communal golden age of equals and the dark reality of Spartan perverted communalism, to the collapse of Soviet communism and the abandonment by West European socialist parties of their commitment to transform ruling-class dominated capitalist societies into democratic, egalitarian socialist societies.

The International Almanac is the only up to date source for the history of election results in the Western world from their origins to the present. It provides clear and authoritative information for 25 different countries, ranging alphabetically from Australia to the USA, and geographically across four continents, including Japan and new Mediterranean democracies as well as old Anglo-American and Scandinavian democracies. Each chapter gives a comprehensive list of all parties that have contested one or more elections, its vote at each election and percentage share of the poll, and the number of seats won in the national assembly. The results have been checked from original sources in more than 15 languages. The new edition of the Almanac brings election results up to date and incorporates fresh materials from historical research, while retaining the features that have made the volume the authoritative book on elections.

Reclaiming the American Revolution examines the struggles for political ascendancy between Federalists and the Republicans in the early days of the American Republic. Watkins views the struggle through the lens of the Kentucky and Virginia Resolutions, charters written by Thomas Jefferson and James Madison respectively, that were responses to the Alien and Sedition Acts passed by Federalists that, among other things, made criticism of the federal government a crime. Viewing those acts as a threat to states'rights, as well as indicative of a national government that sought supreme power, the Resolutions restated the principles of the American Revolution and sought to return the nation to the tenets of the Constitution, in which rights for all were protected by checking the power of the national government.

This close examination of Kant's writings shows him to be both a conservative partisan of the international status quo of sovereign states and yet also the inspiration for radical, global reform for democracy and universal rights. The focus on Kant's concept of justice provides insight into the contemporary evolution of liberal internationalism, connecting Kant's legacy to the post-Cold War policy agenda and the moral dilemmas that currently confront political leaders and the societies they represent. Franceschet forces a reconsideration of Kant and a broadening of concern from democratic peace to cosmopolitan justice.

Both classical and modern accounts of justice largely overlook the question of how the communities within which justice applies are constituted in the first place. This book addresses that problem, arguing that we need to accord a place to the theory of'constitutive justice'alongside traditional categories of distributive and commutative justice.

Much of the literature on the emerging role of the EU as a non-proliferation actor has only a minimal engagement with theory. This collection aims to rectify this by placing the role of the EU in the non-proliferation of nuclear weapons within an analytical framework inspired by emerging literature on the performance of international organisations.

This collection addresses key issues in the critique of Eurocentrism and racism regarding debates on the production of knowledge, historical narratives and memories in Europe and the Americas. Contributors explore the history of liberation politics as well as academic and political reaction through formulas of accommodation that re-centre the West.

At the end of the Cold War, commentators were pondering how far Western ideas would spread; today, the debate seems to be how far Chinese ideas will reach. This volume examines Chinese international relations thought and practices, identifying the extent to which China's rise has provoked fresh geo-strategic and intellectual shifts within Asia.

One of modern democracy's biggest challenges is the overseas voter.This book is the first of its kind to explore the issues of military and overseas voting, an often neglected voting bloc, by investigating the successfulness of overseas voting initiatives, technologies, and policy efforts.

Eirini Karamouzi explores the history of the European Economic Community (EEC) in the turbulent decade of the 1970s and especially the Community's response to the fall of the Greek dictatorship and the country's application for EEC membership. The book constitutes the first multi-archival study on the second enlargement of the EEC.

By analysing case studies through the lens of new constructivist Institutionalist perspective, this book sheds new light on the failure of EU policies in the Mediterranean. It suggests that these failures are the result of problems at the very heart of EU policy-making which clearly privilege economic concerns over social concerns.

This study provides an original conception of liberalism that accounts for its internal contradictions and explains the current crisis of liberal internationalism. Examining the disjuncture between liberal theory and practice, it offers a firmer grasp on the historical role of liberalism in world politics.

The book brings civilizational politics back to the studies of international relations and foreign policy through a study of the multiple meanings of international relations and related terms in East Asia and the intrinsic relation of international relations to individual choices of scholarly identity.

This work offers a political and historical analysis of Newark's modern politics since 1950, culminating with Mayor Cory Booker's rise to power and prominence both in the city and in American political consciousness. Newark's recent political history offers an interesting case study in mayoral elections, community development, and coalition building politics. While Newark is the quintessential post-industrial city, Booker has received critical attention for his post-racial politics since he frequently bypasses racial and traditional urban politics. At the same time, relations between the mayor, the municipal council, and Newark's diverse communities were often so fractious that sustainable coalition building proved to be an elusive goal to resolve longstanding crime, education, and other social problems. Based on original interviews with Cory Booker, city council members, and other prominent Newark politicians, A Post Racial Change is Gonna Come is a powerful history of how Newark became the focal point for transformative politics in urban America.