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The Routledge Handbook of Political Campaigning provides an essential, global, and timely overview of current realities, as well as anticipating the trajectory and evolution of campaigning in the coming years.Offering a comprehensive analysis, the handbook is structured into seven thematic sections, including the campaign environment; rhetoric and persuasion; campaign strategies; campaign tactics and platform affordances; news and journalism; citizens and voters; and civil society. The chapters within each section reflect on the latest societal, technological, and cultural developments and their impact on campaigning, on democratic culture within societies, and on the roles that campaigns might play in both facilitating and impeding political engagement. Key trends and innovations are examined alongside case studies and examples from a range of nations and political contexts. Issues around trust and representation are further reflected in a focus on the wider campaigning environment and the rise in importance of grassroots and pressure groups, social movements, and movements that coalesce within digital environments.The Routledge Handbook of Political Campaigning is an essential resource for scholars, students, and practitioners in political communication, media and communication, elections and voting behavior, digital media, journalism, social movements, strategic communication, social media, and more broadly to democracy, sociology, and public policy.

This book makes a significant contribution to ongoing discussions about the crisis of democracy by delving into the impacts of digital communication technologies on the 2022 Brazilian elections. Written by a multidisciplinary group of experts in the field of digital politics, the chapters explore not only how these technologies are appropriated by political actors, but also how the affordances offered by digital platforms and their role in promoting them affect electoral integrity. Consequently, the book also contributes to debates concerning the urgent necessity of regulating digital corporations. In facing the potentially harmful effects of the uses of digital technologies on electoral integrity, the Brazilian case offers key lessons. Brazil stands as one of the most important global democracies, but it is also one that has been under attack from autocratic and extremist forces in the past decade. These forces have leveraged digital communication technologies extensively to advance their agendas and launch disinformation campaigns. Furthermore, the country is one of the main markets for digital companies. Their role in Brazil and how Brazilian actors react to them has a widespread impact in Latin America and beyond. As this book shows, the 2022 electoral process serves as a compelling case study of how various actors, including electoral authorities, civil society organizations, journalists, scholars, and prodemocracy activists, came together in the months leading up to the election to combat the rampant abuses facilitated by digital technologies and defend electoral integrity. Because of the similarities between the Brazilian context and the challenges being faced by other democracies, this book will be of interest to a broad international audience that is worried about the crisis of democracy and its resilience, as well as the impacts of asymmetric polarization.

Algorithmen und Künstliche Intelligenz wie die generative Sprach-KI ChatGPT übernehmen journalistische und publizistische Aufgaben – bei der Recherche, bei Produktion und Distribution. Wie ist es um die Zukunft des Journalismus unter den rasant sich verändernden Rahmenbedingungen bestellt? Worauf müssen sich Medienschaffende und Rezipienten einstellen? Wie können Medien auch in Krisenzeiten möglichst unabhängig bleiben und weiterhin Voraussetzung für eine funktionierende Demokratie sein? Der Band versammelt Beiträge zur Fachtagung'Neue Plattformen – neue Öffentlichkeiten'im September 2023 an der HTWK Leipzig.

This anthology of studies is a follow-up to Political Humor Worldwide: The Cultural Context of Political Comedy, Satire, and Parody. It further examines political humor as a distinct sub-discipline of political communication, influenced and shaped by a country's culture. The book's contributors, experts drawn from the academic fields of political science, communication, linguistics, sociology, culture studies, political psychology, and others, offer an assortment of studies from multiple disciplinary perspectives. Focusing on political humor in the media, the authors offer a panorama of political humor—including political satire, parody, and cartooning—in Spain, Poland, Montenegro, Turkey, Japan, Australia, Iran, Brazil, Argentina, Malaysia, and Indonesia, among others. They detail political humor's multifaceted and versatile nature, suggesting that national culture and political humor expressed in the news media are intertwined; thus, understanding political humor requires looking at the cultural landscape of a given country or society. The book helps readers to better understand the factors that shape political humor across the globe in a variety of political and media systems.

This book investigates how the radical left navigates the terrain of nationalism. Traversing Spain, Italy and Portugal, this in-depth study examines how radical left parties either embrace, rebuff or reshape nationalistic sentiments. From Spain's Podemos grappling with Franco's legacy, Italy's radical left switching from anti-fascist patriotism to cosmopolitanism, to Portugal's revolutionary echoes in left-leaning banal nationalism, the book offers comprehensive insight into the often-overlooked relationship between radical left politics and national identity. Through discourse analysis, interviews and participant observation, it delves into the reasons behind certain political positions and how they manifest discursively. A must-read for those eager to decipher the crossroads of national identity and left-wing politics in contemporary Europe.

In the decade since the 2014 Ferguson Uprising, re-intensified conversations about racial progress continue to be at the forefront of American culture. The moniker Black Lives Matter, for example, emerged as a rallying cry of Black-led mass rebellions calling into question the rigid Western social codes of race, gender, class, and sexuality. These values emerge through iconography: those social codes reflected by a corresponding rolodex of public symbols (whether positive or negative) in American culture. Black Lives Matter fractured icons such as the first Black president, the innocent police officer, and the charismatic Black male activist opening space for new theories and practices of Black radical disruption. At the same time, groups such as #BLM10, BLM Grassroots, and Mass Action for Black Liberation criticize the Black Lives Matter Global Network as having transformed into a new icon of racial progress, demonstrating that the meaning of Black liberation remains hotly contested. How do we discern Black radical thought and activism from the co-options of Western Man? Are we doomed to repeat a cycle of destroying a few icons only to inevitably produce new ones? In Black Iconoclasm, Charles Athanasopoulos dismantles the Eurocentric notion of iconoclasm as the physical destruction of icons and/or the recovery of supposedly pure counter-ideologies. Instead, Black iconoclasm refers to a liminal orientation toward cracks and fissures in narratives of linear racial progress and teleological narratives of Black liberation. Athanasopoulos examines conflicting messages surrounding Black liberation in post/Ferguson America across activism, Black radical theory, communicative situations, cinema, and street art. Across each arena of American culture, his orientation toward the liminal unsettles the supposed cyclical nature of icons/iconoclasm by demonstrating that theories and practices of Black radical disruption always reflect both Black radical excess and the iconographic residues of Western Man. Those residues do not preclude those theories/practices from teaching us important lessons, they are how those lessons are learned to evolve our theories and practices of Black radical disruption. Institutional capture is neither simply inevitable just as no movement, person, or idea will be totally immune to Western Man's racial icons. Thus, Black iconoclasm eschews purity politics and the pursuit of epistemological closure in favor of a critical orientation toward ritual transgression and Black radical discernment. Reframing iconoclasm in this way, Athanasopoulos opens avenues for new approaches to the relationship between Black resistance and the co-option of that resistance.

This book argues that treating politics as war derails essential democratic processes, including deliberation and policy argumentation, in complicated ways. “Politics is war” is not always just a figure of speech, but often a sincere expression of how people see disagreement—they mean it literally—and they use it to evade the responsibilities of rhetoric. This book takes the metaphor seriously. Using a series of case studies ranging from the 432 BCE “Debate at Sparta” to Bill O'Reilly's recent invention of a “War on Christmas,” Deliberating War illustrates pathologies of deliberation that arise when a community understands itself to be at political war. This book identifies recurrent rhetorical strategies that constrain or even effectively prohibit deliberation, such as deflecting, reframing, threat inflation, appealing to paired terms, claiming moral license, radicalizing a base. In short, what seems to be an effective solution to an immediate rhetorical problem—using hyperbole and demagoguery to persuade people to adopt a specific leader or policy—is a trap that prevents democratic practices of compromise, deliberation, fairness, reciprocity. Unhappily, threat inflation—even when well-intentioned--At some point, hyperbolic rhetoric becomes threat inflation, and then that inflated threat becomes the premise of policies, both foreign and domestic. And then agreeing as to the obvious existential threat posed by the Other and uniting behind the obvious policy solution is a necessary sign of being on the side of Good. Once communities become persuaded that they are in an apocalyptic battle between Good and Evil, politics as war can quickly become real war—often with far-reaching and catastrophic consequences.

This book presents a collection of studies related to populism in contemporary political discourse. Following growing scholarly interest in the topic, this volume offers a wide panorama on the discursive construction of populism across the political spectrum worldwide. International experts from different backgrounds provide a comprehensive analysis of populist communication in present-day politics. Each chapter in the book constitutes a case study from a different country, altogether offering a global perspective on the construction of populism in political discourse. In particular, the book presents studies from fourteen different countries across the globe: Belgium, France, Spain, the United States of America, Portugal, Montenegro, Italy, Ghana, the United Kingdom, Turkey, Japan, Russia, Poland, and Israel. Here, readers can (1) get acquainted with discourse on populism in the media; (2) have access to ample descriptions of populist communication strategies across frontiers; (3)explore populist discourse by contemporary societies'well-known political leaders from different countries; and (4) examine the intertwining of populism, policymaking, and religion. Rooted in different frameworks, the various chapters offer a comprehensive understanding of the complex phenomenon of populism. The volume also enables the reader to globally grasp similarities and differences in the way populist discourse is built from West to East. International and interdisciplinary approaches form the cornerstone of this volume that will appeal to scholars from diverse academic backgrounds.

The Council of the EU is a powerful institution whose centrality has been challenged by the Treaty of Lisbon. More than ten years after this major institutional revision, this book examines its role within the EU political regime and its interactions with other institutions. It explores how the Council Presidency has navigated major crises over the past decade and addressed internal challenges. The various chapters discuss key timely questions: How has the relationship between the Council and the European Council evolved over time? To what extent have the recent crises reshaped the relationship between the Council and the European Parliament, as well as its interactions with the Commission? Is the Council Presidency still a powerful mediator? What are its internal challenges? What are the prospects for the rotating presidency system?

Es kennzeichnet gegenwärtige Wahrnehmungen, dass sich die verschiedenen krisenhaften Entwicklungen, seien sie im Ursprung biologischer (Corona), technischer (Klima), kultureller (Identität) oder grundlegend politischer (Macht und Legitimität) Natur, in unklarer Weise aufeinander beziehen und zu vermischen scheinen. Und je stärker die eigentlichen Merkmale einer Krise – die fundamentale Unsicherheit und die Überforderung etablierter Managementstrategien – eine Situation dominieren, desto krasser können Glaubenssätze und Narrative auseinanderdriften und desto unvereinbarer werden die Rezepte für das jeweils geeignete Krisenmanagement. Die Unkenntnis über das Coronavirus rechtfertigte im Grunde jegliche Strategie der Krisenbewältigung, vom Laissez-faire bis zur absoluten Kontrolle, alles dazwischen oder auch fortwährende Richtungsanpassungen („Auf Sicht fahren“). Gleichzeitig bot sie die Voraussetzungen für eine tiefgreifende Politisierung des politisch-administrativen Krisenmanagements. Die Beiträge dieses Bandes diskutieren Probleme von Regierung, Verwaltung und Kritischen Infrastrukturen in der Corona-Pandemie.

Propaganda menschenfeindlicher Extremist•innen, grassierende Fake News, populistische Verschwörungsmythen oder ausländische Desinformationskampagnen: Die Wahrheit scheint in Gefahr, vor allem im Internet, und mit ihr die Demokratie und der öffentliche Zusammenhalt der Gesellschaft. Schließlich braucht es eine gemeinsame Faktenbasis, von der aus Konflikte gelöst, widerstreitende Interessen ausgehandelt und unterschiedliche Sichtweisen zusammengebracht werden. Dafür wird auf nachträgliche („Debunking') oder vorauseilende Aufklärung („Prebunking') gesetzt, auf die Förderung von Informationskompetenz oder das Nachprüfen bei verlässlichen Quellen angemahnt. Zwischen reinen Fakten und'der Wahrheit'einerseits, Lüge und Täuschung andererseits gibt es jedoch viele Grauzonen. Das meint nicht nur die selten klare Trennbarkeit von Tatsachen und Meinungen: Die Beiträge des Bandes befassen sich u. a. mit dem komplizierten Verhältnis von Wahrheit und Propaganda, mit Formen und gemeinschaftsbildenden Funktionen von Unwahrheit in Sozialen Medien sowie mit textpragmatischen und rhetorischen Aspekten, die uns für Misinformationen oder Falschmeldungen anfällig machen. Doch auch dass und wie Wahrheit jenseits von Faktizität und Faktualität – so im journalistischen Erzählen oder in Gleichnissen – vermittelt wird und welche Ähnlichkeiten wie essenziellen Unterschiede sich darin gegenüber'alternativen Fakten', Desinformation und Verschwörungsmythen zeigen, ist Thema.

Putins Krieg in der Ukraine wird nicht nur auf dem Schlachtfeld ausgetragen. Gekämpft wird auch an der digitalen Front. Worte und Informationen sind die Munition der modernen, der hybriden Kriegsführung - gegen das gegnerische Militär, aber insbesondere gegen Zivilisten. Es geht um Manipulation und Kontrolle. Um Verwirrung und Ablenkung von dem, was wirklich geschieht. Doch das Internet wird nicht nur zur Propaganda, sondern auch für die Aufklärung und die Logistik genutzt. Und dabei hinterlässt Russland eine Menge Spuren. Analyst Steven Broschart zeigt in verständlicher Sprache, die kein Vorwissen erfordert, welche psychologischen und kommunikativen Mittel an Putins digitaler Frontlinie zum Einsatz kommen.

This edited volume explores the media and political discourses during the COVID-19 crisis across thirteen nations. Despite warnings that a global pandemic was a matter of if rather than when, the virus caught governments worldwide unaware. The nature, extent and timespan of governmental responses varied significantly from country to country, but a number of features were common to all. The nation became the frame of reference used in an attempt to make sense of the crisis, to keep citizens united, to gain their trust, and to ensure compliance with unprecedented health mandates. With the same purpose, there was a recourse to ‘non-ideological'values and narratives (sometimes abstract, sometimes political) that could be accepted by all stakeholders. The analyses evidence the perception of the fragility of liberal democracy, caused by too much political and media consensus, by too much political and media dissent and by the threat of populism. The wide-ranging scope and multi-perspective methodology of the analyses offered in this book are an essential reading for academics and students of Media Studies, Politics, Political Communication, and Discourse Analysis and their associated disciplines. Written in accessible language, this volume (full of insightful and at times surprising ideas) will be of interest for all those keen to understand the role of political and media discourse in the communication of the COVID-19 crisis and its wider implications for liberal democracies.

This book examines the conceptual contributions of constituent representatives in Spain during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The Spanish Parliament has been the stage for the political modernisation of the country. Constitutional debates have historically led to the gradual acknowledgement and broadening – usually unevenly – of citizens'rights. At the same time, constitutional debates have created opportunities to design institutions and settle legal mechanisms to enforce rights and distribute state resources. The book identifies and analyses rhetorical and conceptual innovations produced in such debates from a historical perspective.

This book offers a systematization of the recourse to political incivility by different subjects and in different contexts. The authors argue that incivility has now become a strategic resource that can be used by various actors in the public arena to achieve specific goals. We are referring not only to traditional political subjects, but also to journalists, citizens, movements and protest groups, that is to a plurality of actors who, from different angles, contribute to the construction of the “political spectacle”. This resource can be activated according to circumstances and conveniences, whether their nature be political (to place an issue at the center of public debate or a new actor in the offer range), mediatic (to achieve an increase in visibility or viewership) or relational (to expand one's visibility and centrality in social media). The book identifies common elements linking the different levels of use of incivility, which can be traced in uncivil forms of communication. These are their expressive power (memorable gestures and unequivocal messages, which are immediately recognizable and visible), their aggregation power (they build group identities, and consolidate allegiances and bonds) and their mobilization power (they galvanize people, and inspire them to participate and take action).

Stadtöffentlichkeiten sind bunt, vielfältig und heterogen. Besonders deutlich wird dies bei der Analyse der beteiligten Akteure. Denn während klassische Öffentlichkeitsakteure, wie etwa lokale Medien bereits vielfach wissenschaftlich erforscht worden sind, nimmt dieses Buch eine Akteursgruppe unter die Lupe, die bisher aus kommunikations- und medienwissenschaftlicher Perspektive wenige Beachtung erfahren hat. Zivilgesellschaftliche Kollektive wie Sportvereine, soziale Bewegungen oder Kunst- und Kultureinrichtungen prägen mit ihren vielfältigen Angeboten und Aktionen das Stadtbild. Gleichzeitig prägen sie auch die städtische Öffentlichkeit, indem sie sich aktiv an ihrer Konstitution beteiligen. Die Autorin identifiziert sieben unterschiedliche Typen zivilgesellschaftlicher Kollektive, die jeweils ganz eigene Medienpraktiken und -ensembles zur öffentlichen Kommunikation einsetzen. Sie verfolgen dabei sehr unterschiedliche Ziele innerhalb der Stadtöffentlichkeit und agieren innerhalbjeweils sehr verschiedener Netzwerke. Das Buch stellt die äußerst relevante Rolle dieser Akteure bei der Öffentlichkeitskonstitution heraus und zeigt, dass es gewinnbringend ist, Akteure von Stadtöffentlichkeiten nicht isoliert zu erforschen, sondern innerhalb ihrer Beziehungsgefüge zu anderen Akteuren der Stadtöffentlichkeit.

This book compares Trump and Hitler as political performance artists. It explores their populist self-staging and rhetorical strategies and explains how they connected with their respective audiences. It also analyses the two men's character, work ethic, and management style. In addition, the book addresses seemingly peripheral issues like the reasons behind Hitler's toothbrush moustache and Trump's hairstyle. By demystifying Hitler and Trump, the author throws new light on both of them.

Die aktualisierte, neu strukturierte und um 19 Originalbeiträge ergänzte Neuauflage des Handbuchs Journalismustheorien liefert einen systematischen und detaillierten Überblick über die theoretischen Ansätze der Journalismusforschung. Zehn thematische Abschnitte ermöglichen schnelle Einstiege in die jeweiligen Theorienkomplexe und schaffen eine verständliche Orientierung über die Grundlagen, Entwicklungsstränge, Konzepte und Problemfelder der Journalismustheorien sowie darüber hinaus zu theoretischen Ansätzen zu Interrelationen des Journalismus mit Bereichen wie Kultur, Politik, Religion, Sport, Wirtschaft oder Wissenschaft. Für Studierende und Forschende der Journalistik, der Kommunikationswissenschaft und angrenzender Disziplinen bildet das Handbuch ein Standardwerk zum Verständnis des komplexen wissenschaftlichen Diskurses über die theoretischen Ansätze der Journalismusforschung.

In today's rapidly changing media landscape, Public Service Media (PSM) stands as a beacon of trust, credibility, and quality. As technological advancements reshape communication, PSM must adapt to new formats while tackling the challenges and threats that arise. This edited volume explores the vital role of PSM in an evolving media ecosystem, focusing on reinforcing trust and highlighting its indispensable features. Divided into three distinct sections, this book offers a comprehensive exploration of the challenges and discussions surrounding PSM. The first section delves into the corporate culture, governance systems, and public service values that define PSM as a trustworthy institution. The second section focuses on innovation, collaboration, and new approaches within the digital sphere. The final section sheds light on the impact of technology on PSM, including AI, algorithm-based technologies, and the game-changing potential of 5G. Drawing on the expertise of 40 academics from 20 universities across a dozen countries, this volume presents a proactive and confidence-driven perspective, reaffirming the purpose and legitimacy of PSM in a democratic, informed society. As such it will be of use to students and scholars interested in political science, communication, media, public administration, and policy studies.

This book is one of two volumes that examines the role of political communication, media and language in transforming politics, governance and democracy in Sub-Saharan Africa. Interdisciplinary in approach, this first volume assesses themes including participatory politics, mass media, digital censorship, and social media and politics in the region. It also considers how politicians utilise language and the media to legitimate their authority, influence citizens'behaviour, and the ways in which they vote. It will appeal to all those interested in governance, political communication, media studies and African politics.

This book examines public, political and media discourse in the context of failed states using Lebanon, a country torn by wars and political-financial corruption, as a contemporary case study. Using critical discourse analysis (CDA), the author brings political and economic theories into dialogue with socio-linguistics to argue that public discourse in a failed state not only plays a role in that collapse but is a key presenting symptom of social disintegration. Through CDA, the book makes this phenomenon visible, and contributes to existing definitions of the concept “failed” or “fragile” state. In addition, the qualitative data and analysis provided offer a tool to assess a state's vulnerability to collapse. The book also expands the sociolinguistic model to eavesdrop on the zeitgeist of the nation in order to examine the degrees of social cohesion, sectarianism and bonding. This book will be of interest to discourse analysts, journalists, politicians, policy-makers, and economists.

Wie lässt sich Künstliche Intelligenz (KI) sozialwissenschaftlich erschließen? Mit einer politikwissenschaftlichen Schwerpunktsetzung und im Kontext von Text Mining schlägt Simon Odrowski in diesem Band mehrere miteinander verbundene theoretische wie praktische Brücken zwischen sozialwissenschaftlichen Methoden einerseits und KI-Verfahren andererseits. Hierfür stellt er ein aus der Heterogenität der sozialwissenschaftlichen Methodenlehre heraus entwickeltes Reflexionsschema vor, mit dem sich Text-Mining-Verfahren sozialwissenschaftlich differenziert beschreiben, diskutieren und einordnen lassen. Den Nutzen des Schemas als praktisches Werkzeug für Sozialwissenschaftler veranschaulicht er durch dessen paradigmatische Anwendung auf ein neuartiges Verfahren des Text Mining: „TeCo“. Das unter sozialwissenschaftlicher Begleitung des Autors am DLR entwickelte Topic-Modeling-Verfahren TeCo dient der Identifikation von Themen in großen Textmengen. Durch dessen politikwissenschaftliche Nutzung zur Analyse zweier Textkorpora illustriert er zudem die Vorzüge eines in einem interdisziplinären Umfeld entstandenen Text-Mining-Verfahrens.

Social media and information and communication technologies (ICTs) have played a pivotal role in various conflicts around the world, including the Arab Spring in Tunisia, the war in Syria, Palestinian activism, and the recent protests in Iran. This book examines the use and impact of ICT and social media in these conflicts, focusing on countries in the MENA region. The research takes an on-the-ground approach, working closely with local people to understand their everyday use and appropriation of social media and ICT. The author presents four studies covering different aspects of social media use in conflict: the evolution of the media landscape in post-uprising Tunisia; Palestinian activists using social media to oppose the construction of the wall; the role of social media among Syrian Free Army fighters, activists and refugees; and young Iranians'strategies for circumventing internet restrictions. These studies reveal the ways in which social media and conflict intersect. The research assesses the impact of social media in these settings, considering the historical, socio-economic and socio-technical dynamics of the regions. Finally, the dissertation critically reflects on the methods used in this fieldwork, emphasizing the role of the researcher and personal biases.

In this anthology, a journey around the world and through time is undertaken in 21 countries on no less than six continents. In this way, the global reception of one of the biggest media events to date is given contour. Based on the coverage of the first manned moon landing, the global history of the Cold War at the time of the Space Race can be told in its many different local facets as well as in its worldwide interconnectedness.Against the backdrop of current efforts by various countries to return to the moon or even to establish a space army, as well as in view of the extremely tense geopolitical situation, which is already being invoked in many places as'Cold War 2.0', such a global look back to the time of'Cold War 1.0'certainly seems relevant in order to better understand the present and near future of political (media) cultures.

This collection of original chapters reflects the increasing interest over the past few decades in the relationship between political humor (as a distinct form of political discourse) and a country's culture: Beliefs, values, norms, institutions, and processes that are affected, shaped by, and related to historical experiences, socialization processes, social structure, religion, the economic system, and majority/minority relations. Written by contributors from various fields of study – political science, communication, linguistics, sociology, culture studies, and political psychology – the book looks at the central role played by “culture” in shaping and affecting the sundry aspects of political humor, including satire and parody. The chapters, focusing on diverse countries such as the USA, UK, Greece, Philippines, Israel, Poland, Italy, and Spain, as well as ethnic groups, offer a comprehensive overview of political humor as used by public figures, including politicians, artists, performers, as well as comedians, talk shows hosts and the general public. By presenting fresh perspectives on the relationship between culture and political humor as employed during political debates in parliament, in media interviews and shows, on the internet and in art, the book opens up new avenues for discussion regarding the factors that shape political humor across the globe in a variety of political and media systems.

The book examines how US media, public opinion, interest groups and think tanks respond to US Presidents'attempts to market their foreign policies in the MENA Region. The scope of the analysis extends from the war on terror to the so-called Arab Spring. It focuses on some case studies including the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Iran nuclear deal. The book fills a gap in the literature pertaining to analyzing US foreign policy in the MENA area from a political communication perspective rather than from IR or a political-theory angle, which remains the dominant literature. In so saying, the book will appeal to students, researchers as well as thinks tanks and policy makers.

Dieser Band analysiert das Selbstverständnis politischer Berater bezüglich ihrer Rolle in politischen Beratungsprozessen sowie ihre Sicht auf die Maßstäbe für die Legitimität und Legalität unterschiedlicher Beratungsvorgänge im politischen Entscheidungsprozess in Deutschland und Polen im Vergleich. Zudem werden auch weitere Aspekte aus dem Bereich der Politikberatung und Lobbyismus, wie die zunehmende Rolle der Medien in Beratungsprozessen, die Unterschiede in der Struktur und Beratungsressourcen der Abgeordnetenbüros, die Wahrnehmung des sogenannten „Drehtür-Effekts“ in beiden Ländern sowie die Möglichkeiten der Bürgerbeteiligung an politischen Konsultationsprozessen, aufgegriffen.

The second edition of this book (updated to February 24, 2024) presents a comprehensive evaluation of the strategy implemented by China to manage its modernization process. The author evaluates to what extent the economy has been developed, whether the imbalances due to the priority given to economic development have been corrected, and whether the improvements of science and technology have allowed China to develop world class high-tech sectors and a modern defence. Clearly, the end of the XX Century saw the fulfilment of Zhou En Lai ‘four modernizations', i.e. the acquisition of power resources that fulfilled Mao's proud 1949 statement: ‘we stood up', thereby projecting China into the international arena as a re-emerging world power. The author insists on the fundamental difference between American and Chinese ideologies as the main drivers of their foreign policy, i.e., the extreme rigidity of the former compared to the remarkable flexibility and adaptability of the latter. He further explains the consequences of the increasingly aggressive American foreign policy, i.e. the US pretence to act as the leader of the existential struggle between ‘democracy and dictatorship'. This posture reached its apex during the Ukrainian and the Middle East crises, that unveiled the irreversible decline of the West, and have become two formidable accelerators of the transition from the unipolar world ‘América made'to the multipolar world promoted by China, Russia and the BRICS.

This book explores how to identify and understand moral emotions—shame, guilt, pride, and hubris—in political messages and news media. Recognizing these emotions is crucial for assessing morality's role in public discourse, particularly as moral debates have deepened public divides on issues like abortion, migration, LGBTQ+ rights, and freedom of speech. These debates fuel political struggles between groups with different social values and moral intuitions, especially during election campaigns where moral conflicts are used to distinguish opposing forces. In these moral conflicts, each ideological camp seeks to affirm its legitimacy while questioning its opponents'reputations. Thus, understanding morality is vital for those interested in contemporary public discourses in divided nations. This book stimulates discussion on emotion-based morality, moral language, and discursive moral regulation in politics. It offers innovative analytical frameworks to study how political communication contributes to public moralization. The book combines descriptive, explorative, and comparative approaches to summarize findings from mixed-method analyses (qualitative and quantitative, textual and visual, content and survey) of moral emotional messages and media portrayals of prime minister candidates during Hungary's 2022 General Election Campaigns. Hungary serves as an illustrative case due to increasing concerns about the moral status of its political elite and extreme hostility between political blocs, leading to polarized views on governance. This book will be of interest to academics specializing in empirical moral studies and investigating public discussions in contentious and polarized societies.

Was versteht man unter dem Begriff Volksabstimmung und welche Mechanismen verbergen sich dahinter? In einer Zeit, in der das Vertrauen in die repräsentative Demokratie hinterfragt wird, analysiert dieses Buch verschiedene Formen von Volksabstimmungen sowie die potenziellen Gefahren, die davon ausgehen können. Es wendet sich an politisch interessierte Bürger, die glauben, der Volkswille könne in verknöcherten Strukturen von Parteiendemokratie und Parlamenten nicht mehr adäquat Ausdruck finden. Es ist ein Beitrag, der sich den Forderungen nach mehr Bürgerbeteiligung sachlich entgegenstellt. Ein besonderes Augenmerk liegt auf den Fragen: Wer ist das Volk? Kann es definitionsgemäß überhaupt einen einheitlichen Willen bilden? Ab wann gelten Mehrheiten als verbindlich? In welchem Umfang sollten Minderheitsinteressen berücksichtigt werden? Durch eine empirische Übersicht über gelungene und problematische Volksabstimmungen weist der Autor auf die Erfordernisse hin, die notwendig sind, damit ein Volksentscheid einen sachlich fundierten und dauerhaften Mehrheitswillen ausdrücken kann.

This book is one of two volumes that examines the successes and failures of the Ghanaian Fourth Republic from a political, public administration and public policy viewpoint. Published to coincide with the thirtieth anniversary of the founding of the Fourth Republic, these volumes bring together leading scholars to consider the political achievements and failures that have taken place in the country since the early 1990s, and what these tell us about the state of politics and democracy in twenty-first century Ghana and beyond. This volume focuses on party politics, political communication and public policy. It assesses themes such as interest groups, electoral politics, democratization, constitutionalism, the role of the media, and gender and politics. The volume also places Ghana in a global context, demonstrating how lessons learnt from the country can be applied elsewhere around the world, and what is unique about the Ghanaian political experience. It will appeal to all those interested in public policy, public administration and African politics.

The book explores the prohibition and prosecution of hate speech in international law. Building on the international legal framework, the invaluable jurisprudence of the Trial and Appeal Chambers of the UN ad hoc Tribunals (the ICTY and the ICTR), and views of scholars in the social sciences, the book focuses on two inter-related complexities in prosecuting hate speech in international criminal law: criminal participation and causation. A hypothetical scenario is developed, with numerous actors playing various roles in that given context, with the impact of altering their criminal liability, and raising further questions that touch on the issue of causation in criminal law.

This book reviews and advances the theoretical and empirical knowledge at the intersection of opinion change and democracy. Specifically, the volume addresses how opinion change and political persuasion unfold in three main domains of media effects: private media (i.e., news organizations), public service media (state-own media services), and social media platforms. Divided in these three different sections, the volume serves as a venue to discuss and further advance the most recent theoretical assumptions and empirical findings that underpin our current understanding on how media influence public opinion and shape liberal democracies. The book also explores how media literacy and critical thinking can mitigate the effects of misinformation and propaganda, emphasizing the importance of educating the public to discern credible information from deceptive content. Furthermore, it discusses the ethical implications of media practices and the responsibilities of media producers in maintaining the integrity of democratic discourse. By highlighting these aspects, the book provides a comprehensive understanding of the complex interplay between media, public opinion, and democracy, offering valuable insights for scholars, policymakers, and anyone interested in the role of media in shaping public opinion.

This book examines twentieth and twenty-first-century American political discourse through the framework of progressive liberalism and neoliberalism. Progressive liberalism and neoliberalism as forms of normative reason redefine specific political concepts, which are central to American liberalism—equality, liberty, the role of the state, and the pursuit of happiness. Language is how political reason and the norms accompanying it are expressed. The text moves through Presidents Franklin Delano Roosevelt to Barack Obama, exploring shifts in language and interpretations of political concepts through progressive liberal and neoliberal forms of normative reason. A tension emerges between progressive liberalism and neoliberalism, and a heterodoxy emerges. The heterodoxy we find ourselves in continues the problem that is foundational to American liberalism itself—liberalism is inherently a theory and discourse of rights, not of need. Because of this, no form of liberalism can appropriately respond to human needs from a standpoint that is not informed by having a right to or a right from.

This handbook represents the first comprehensive disciplinary investigation into the relationship between rhetoric and power as it is expressed in different aspects of society.Providing conceptual and empirical foundations for the study of the relationship between different forms of rhetorical expression and diverse structures, practices, habits, and networks of power, The Routledge Handbook of Rhetoric and Power is divided into six parts: Theoretical Foundations Propaganda, Politics, and the State Resistance and Social Movements Culture, Society, and Identity Discourses of Technique and Organization Prospects for the Future The guiding principle of this handbook is that power represents a capacity for coordinated action grounded in specific historical, technological, political, and economic conditions. It suggests that rhetoric is an art that adapts to these conditions and finds ways to transform, create, or undermine these capacities in other people through self-conscious persuasion. Featuring contributions from key scholars, this accessibly written handbook will be an indispensable resource for researchers and students in the fields of rhetoric, writing studies, communication studies, political communication, and social justice.

This book discusses theories of crisis management and the radical right, to shed light on how responses to crisis influence radical right parties in their presence, discourse, and evolution. The book offers a comparative perspective by examining case studies with various traditions of radical right actors, presenting data on how crisis exploitation can assist in exploring, reconsidering, bargaining, and learning about the prospects of change of political parties. The book focuses on the debate on radicalization and crisis management. Similar to the already existing economic, political, post-Brexit, and migration crises in Europe, discourses of fear around the latest health crisis are paving the way for further radicalised discourse from the far right. The book looks into how radical right parties in Europe have responded to these crises. It monitors and explores how crisis exploitation impacts political strategies, opportunity-seeking behaviours, and the evolution of the discourse of radical right parties in the contemporary political landscape. Therefore, this book is a must-read for researchers, students, and policy-makers, interested in a better understanding of populism, radical right parties, electoral studies, as well as comparative politics in general.

The book by the well-known German party researcher Elmar Wiesendahl presents the development, theoretical perspectives, research approaches, and fields of investigation in party research in light of the state of the art.

Unsere stark von netzbasierten und global verflochtenen Machtstrukturen geprägten Gesellschaften offenbaren angesichts globaler Herausforderungen und Krisen (u.a. menschengemachter Klimawandel; Corona-Pandemie; Big Data und Überwachung) ungelöste Fragen zu Ethik und Regulierung der öffentlichen Kommunikation, zu deren Klärung die Kommunikations- und Medienwissenschaft einiges beitragen kann. Die Pandemie beispielsweise ist unter anderem eine kommunikative Herausforderung, an der sich die prägende Bedeutung eines ethischen Kompasses für die Orientierung und Qualität von Journalismus erweist. Für demokratische Gesellschaften bleibt der öffentliche Diskurs zwar konstitutiv, aber zugleich gewinnt die Fähigkeit, mit Dissonanz und Streit umzugehen, immer mehr an Bedeutung. Die Beiträge des Bands befassen sich mit Theoriebildung und Normsetzung, Regulierungs- und Governancestrukturen, Regulierungsinhalten und Regulierungsherausforderungen, sowie mit Überlegungen zu einer Neujustierung der Kommunikations- und Medienethik.

In this edited volume, renowned scholars from around the globe rethink and update important political communication concepts in the light of the most recent changes that have been occurring in media environments. In particular, the authors discuss those caused by the use of social media in politics, e.g. prevalent disinformation, populism, political polarization, etc. This collection of key texts addresses the major concerns that arise in our rapidly changing media and political environments and provides a basis for discussions on the current state of political communication research.This makes this volume a must-read for students, researchers, and scholars of political communication, interested in a better understanding of key concepts and the current state of the research in the field.

Historically, Donald Trump will be remembered as the first American president to be impeached twice and indicted. He fed the grotesque myth that the election was stolen and summoned his supporters to storm Congress on 6 January 2021 in a bid to thwart the certification of Joe Biden's U.S. presidential election victory. This volume vividly recounts the dramatic narrative of the January 6 Coup in America and how close we came to losing U.S. democracy. For anyone seeking a comprehensive and multidisciplinary global overview of democracy, an astute analysis of the forces that drive the dominance of the (neo)liberal paradigm of the last decades should look no further than this volume. Yet the volume takes the issue further by vigorously documenting the decline of the U.S. treaty process (America's dysfunctional diplomacy and the doctrine of unpredictability). There is an urgent need for a massive infusion of strategic support for democracy in the United States. Because come 2024or thereafter an unfinished work might drag American democracy to a dangerous inflection point. Trump (who has a complete hold on the Republican party, still has a stranglehold on the MAGA base no matter what he does, was instrumental to the breaking of U.S. diplomacy. Undermining the democratic legitimacy of International Law adversely affected U.S. foreign policy. Some federal and lower courts in the judiciary of the United States pose a real threat to Americans'democracy as well. To that end, when ‘the principle of truth'loses its relevance and meaning as benchmarks for appraisals and decisions, and becomes a harmful tool for willful propaganda. Everybody should be worried about U.S. democracy. A'real'crisis is coming! U.S. Democracy is at a breaking point. Like a giant modern mirror standing behind democracy itself, this book is a citizen's guide to saving U.S. Democracy. Expertly drawn on global and regional examples and current literature, the volume closes agap in the multidisciplinary field. Quite useful as a valuable resource as it helps us understand the shifting Trump agenda in diverse areas. Essential reference across a range of subjects, bringing together contributions from scholars, and policymakers alike. This extraordinarily well-researched and practically crafted, culture-inclusive text could not be more relevant or timelier. It is a must for everyone. This volume will help to shape the political landscape of the 21st century and will remain a vital source of inspiration for modern-day scholars and political activists.

This book examines different dimensions of digital communication and populism in times of the COVID-19 pandemic. While doing so, it discusses views, opinions, and research results regarding the conditions, experiences, constraints, benefits, and challenges related to the topic - not only using theoretical and methodological approaches but also practical perspectives. The COVID-19 (SARS-CoV-2) pandemic significantly accelerated the technological revolution presenting many social, economic, and political challenges, as it pushed the world into cyberspace to ensure social distancing. At the same time, many populist protests expressed in the digital public sphere massively gained importance during the lockdowns. As a result, one of the most significant consequences of using electronic tools is not only greater e-participation of citizens, but - especially evident through elections during a pandemic - even greater transfer of political communication and election campaigns into the space of new media. The book broadly analyses various contexts of digitalization of communication processes and populist politics from both theoretical and empirical perspectives in various case studies on the digitalization of information, communication, or participation processes during the COVID-19 pandemic in selected European countries and beyond. This book will appeal to students, researchers, and scholars of political communication, political science, electoral studies, digital politics, and democracy, as well as policy-makers interested in a better understanding of digital communication and populism during the Covid-19 pandemic.

Dieses Buch bietet eine Analyse der Politik des Konsums und zeigt, wie der'gebildete Verbraucher'eine entscheidende Rolle bei der Förderung verantwortungsvoller Marktpraktiken und des Konsums spielt. Auf der Grundlage einer umfassenden interdisziplinären Perspektive untersucht es das Ausmaß, die Triebkräfte und die Verbindungen von Boykott, Kaufboykott, Kennzeichnungssystemen und sozialer Verantwortung von Unternehmen (CSR) in 20 europäischen Ländern. Eine zentrale Frage ist, ob makro-gesellschaftliche Orientierungsmuster hinsichtlich der Rolle des Staates, der Unternehmen und der Bürger individuelle und länderübergreifende Unterschiede beim Boykottieren und beim Kaufverbot erklären können. Wie das Buch zeigt, gibt es nicht nur einen Typus des'politischen Verbrauchers', sondern mehrere, und ihr Auftreten steht in direktem Zusammenhang mit nationalen Variationen von Kennzeichnungssystemen und der sozialen Verantwortung von Unternehmen. Die Verbraucher brauchen Anhaltspunkte und Informationen über die politischen Hintergründe ihrer Einkäufe, und die politischen Entscheidungsträger müssen diesem Bedarf durch politische Maßnahmen Rechnung tragen, die den nationalen Mustern in den Ansichten über Zusammenarbeit und Marktbeziehungen entsprechen.

This book analyzes how AKP's embedded intellectuals operate as media spin doctors, exploring their transformation from passionately engaged intellectuals into apparatchiks. This project adapts a post-Soviet geography approach to the media, intelligentsia, and political discourse as derivative of authoritarian regimes to the Turkish context. It offers a fresh look at the Turkish political and intellectual scene and a comparative study of the populist-authoritarian politics of Turkey. Situated in the literature on the post-Soviet authoritarian regimes and their ways of governing, as well as their manipulation of public opinion, the book analyzes AKP-aligned intellectuals as apparatchiks. Gürpınar explores the different constellations of pro-AKP intellectuals vindicating the AKP regime from various angles, including: liberal/progressive intellectuals who initially supported the party for its liberal vistas but continued their support by twisting their progressiverhetoric; Islamist intellectuals blending their Islamism with populism; and national security intellectuals who joined after the AKP came to propagate a national security agenda. The book also provides an overview of the mechanisms of political technology, including the media landscape and its running by the AKP, intellectuals themselves as operators of political technology, and the problem of “cultural power.” The book will be of interest to those studying comparative authoritarian politics, populism, political communication, and scholars of Middle East and Eastern Europe.

Adopting a systemic perspective, this book explores media-based communication and reason-giving as a linkage process that transcends time and space. Arguments, reasoning perspectives and emotional concerns link elites'and citizens'political judgement within and across a set of interrelated arenas in the political system.

Die Beiträge dieses Bandes analysieren die verschiedenen traditionellen und neueren Mittel der Kampagnenkommunikation sowie die Berichterstattung der Medien im Bundestagswahlkampf 2021. In der Fortschreibung früherer Untersuchungen dokumentieren sie zudem langfristige Trends in der Zeitungs- und Fernsehberichterstattung über die Kampagne.

The global trend of increasing violence against the press has spurred research interest into the questions of where, why, and how communicators are repressed. As a result, scholarship has demonstrating that hybrid regimes - which mix undemocratic and democratic elements - constitute a specifically dangerous and lethal context for these actors. Decentralized countries, in which some subnational political elites have retained authoritarian features, have been identified as the most perilous context for communicators. However, despite the burgeoning interest in illiberal practices and repression on the subnational level, it is still relatively unexplored how and why subnational political elites repress communicators within their multi-level setting. The author argues that communicators in subnational undemocratic regimes who can spread the scope of compromising information beyond subnational boundaries can cause uncertainties for subnational undemocratic regimes. The book explores how the political elites of these regimes repress these communicators in response.

Recent elections in Japan have been dramatic, and the 2021 general election was no exception. Worldwide turmoil caused by the coronavirus (COVID-19) pandemic, as well as domestic uncertainty following the resignation of long-serving Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) Prime Minister Abe Shinzō, left many voters and political observers wondering whether his successors were up to the task of leading the country through the crisis. In the end, the LDP and coalition partner Kōmeitō eked out an electoral victory—but one that masks important changes in the party system and nuanced changes in voter behavior and preferences. This fourth volume in the Japan Decides series features a comprehensive collection of analyses from leading experts, covering the legacy of Abe's tenure in office, the state of the LDP and other parties, the impact of COVID-19 and the postponed 2020 Tokyo Summer Olympics, and many other important topics in contemporary party politics and domestic and foreignpolicy.

This edited collection explores the intersections of populist communication, performative leadership and international politics. It investigates the mechanisms and dynamics connecting these core conceptual fields and offers empirical examples. Together, the contributors to the volume argue that populist communication, i.e. the language, deliberation and discursive performance of populist ideas, has a profound and lasting impact not only on domestic politics, but in terms of foreign policies as well as the conduct of international politics writ large. First, populist communication shapes how global, regional and transborder issues are debated and strategically used for political purposes domestically. Second, populist communication changes when and how states and other actors in turn formulate responses and policies vis-a-vis, for example, migration, global health, climate change, trade, or war. Finally, populist communication affects the nature of international politics. It influenceshow actors conduct themselves internationally, and how we may conceive of core concepts and practices such as diplomacy, security, cooperation, and order. To illustrate these mechanisms, the contributors explore cases from around the world, demonstrating the relevance of populist communication for international politics in both the Global South and the Global North.

This book uses critical metaphor analysis to show from a cognitive perspective how climate change is conceptualized in the USA. The author enriches his linguistic analysis with cognitive aspects such as source-target domain mapping and metaphor opposition to explain how metaphor works in terms of framing this issue, drawing on a Critical Discourse Analysis-informed framework to demonstrate how politicians represent the climate crisis in their attempts to trigger social change. Using a data set of speeches given by US-based politicians, governors and mayors speaking in the context of the withdrawal of the United States from the Paris Agreement, the book categorizes metaphors on different conceptions such as war, construction, unfairness, journey, and cleanliness to bridge the gap between ecolinguistics and critical metaphor analysis. This book will be of interest to students and scholars in fields including applied linguistics, political communication, ecolinguistics,and cognitive linguistics and psychology.

Ziel dieses Buches ist es, eine Bestandsaufnahme der von Paolo Urio seit 1997 durchgeführten Forschungsarbeiten über den Aufstieg des modernen China zu machen, wobei der Schwerpunkt auf dem strategischen öffentlichen Management liegt. Der Ausgangspunkt des Buches ist Chinas Wille, den Status einer Weltmacht wiederzuerlangen. Dieses Ziel ist von größter Bedeutung für das Verständnis der seit 1949 umgesetzten politischen Maßnahmen, ihrer Beweggründe, Inhalte und Folgen für die chinesische Gesellschaft und Wirtschaft sowie ihrer zeitlichen Abfolge, d. h. der zugrunde liegenden großen Strategie. Ausgehend von diesen Prämissen schlägt das Buch eine Analyse der Widersprüche vor, die sich in China seit 1949 herausgebildet haben, sowie der positiven und negativen Folgen der staatlichen Maßnahmen, die zur Überwindung dieser Ungleichgewichte ergriffen wurden, d.h. Der Ansehensverlust der Kommunistischen Partei am Ende der Mao-Ära, die Einführung von Marktmechanismen durch Deng und die daraus resultierenden Ungleichgewichte in der chinesischen Wirtschaft, Gesellschaft und Umwelt, die Politik der Wiederherstellung des Gleichgewichts in der Ära Hu Jintao und schließlich die durchsetzungsfähige Machtpolitik von Xi Jinping, sowohl auf nationaler Ebene, z. B. die Bekämpfung der Korruption, als auch auf internationaler Ebene, d. h. Chinas neue Rolle in der Welt, insbesondere als Konkurrent der Vereinigten Staaten.