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Media and refugees rhetorically live together and practically complement each other. Yet, it involves plenty of hidden political agendas and ethical issues in the (re)presentation of refugees in media. This collection raises questions: Should the media stand by refugees or maintain deliberate ‘neutrality'? Should the media dehumanize the refugees further in their humanitarian conditions? Are the media entitled to publish photographs of refugees without informed consent? Should the media stand by the state being responsible for generating refugee crisis or should the state be accountable for rendering its people refugees? What effective roles can media play in redressing the refugee ‘crisis'in the world? The book brings together scholars across disciplines and continents who reflect on the nexus between media and refugees in contexts around the world. It engages in cutting-edge methodological and theoretical discussions and challenges regarding the reciprocal engagement between media and refugees from both local and global perspectives.

The National Mind argues that understanding the power of nationalism requires probing into its cognitive and emotional influence on our everyday perceptions, feelings, beliefs, and behavior. Focusing particularly on the impact of canonical national narratives on thinking and feeling norms in society, it develops an interdisciplinary cognitive approach to the question of how nationalism shapes our minds, and eventually, our world. It derives insights from longstanding philosophical and scholarly debates on the social nature of knowledge and feeling as well as recent cognitive research on emotions and the perception of reality. Grounding its theoretical investigation in empirical observations about a prominent non-Western case, namely, contemporary Turkey, The National Mind demonstrates how nationalist narratives and conceptions dominate our social and political common sense, at both societal and global levels. It offers a comprehensive and original interpretation of how the ‘national mind'operates in everyday experiences. This groundbreaking book will appeal to students and scholars of psychology, philosophy, politics, history, sociology, and nationalism studies.

Football, Power, and Politics in Europe deals with the politics and policy-making in the field of football in a comparative perspective. Translated into English for the first time, this book systematizes political actors and their footprints not only in the field of sports, but in the political system as a whole—an approach unique in the broader literature on the societal dimension of sports. It offers an empirical analysis of power exercise with sociological means (field approach of Bourdieu) and helps us to understand the enormous relevance of football/soccer in European societies, shedding light on how (elected and non-elected) power holders use norms inherent to the field of football. While the analysis extends to various European countries and to the international arena, Germany and German football are in the centre of interest. Combining insights from political science, sociology, anthropology, and of course, sports studies, this book ultimately seeks to ask: How is political power exerted and controlled in a field where state institutions only have a limited leverage?

Evidence Based Policing (EBP) exerts significant influence on how actors think, act and speak about UK policing to the point that it is becoming institutionalised. Inspired by the insights of Michel Foucault into power-knowledge, governmentality and institutional reform over time, this book provides a comprehensive account of the emergence of EBP in Britain as well as original discourse analysis and analytical research into the texts produced by EBP. It presents a new history of EBP presented around EBP's story-lines, subject positions and the institutional changes it has created. This history shows EBP shares a genealogical heritage with modern discourses of managerialism and neoliberalism. EBP's roots are traced and it is re-presented as an extension of the problematic relationship in the production of criminological knowledge and the British state. This history fundamentally challenges the notion on which EBP rests: basing policing policy upon independent, robust knowledge. Instead this book argues EBP should be subject to greater illumination and challenge, suggesting EBP is a contestable device that is doing political work. It speaks to those interested in policing, critical criminology and political science.

This textbook is an introduction to thinking ethically about global issues. Unlike existing books in this area, this book is truly interdisciplinary and includes a range of voices from both the Global South and the Global North. Rather than simply applying Western theories to case studies, Prof. Stephen Minister shows readers how to consider context and complexity, while respecting the agency of people elsewhere. It weaves together the work of thinkers and writers from the Global South with philosophical work on global ethics, relevant scholarship from other academic fields, and stories from fieldwork studying global issues on four continents. The textbook explores a variety of topics, including: cultural difference, gender, population, poverty, natural disasters, and development. It then encourages students to build on these ideas and think more deeply about topics such as foreign aid, inequality, immigration, international trade, climate change, human rights, and war and terrorism. Because the book's style is accessible and engaging, it will be an excellent text for ethics and global studies courses, as well as being of interest to general readers who want to think better about global issues.

This open access book explores the politics of emotions under the ruling Justice and Development Party in Turkey and the leadership of President Recep Tayyip Erdoğan. It examines how emotional politics and, particularly, the use of a Neo-Ottomanist narrative created a new national mood and contributed to the durability of Erdoğan's rule. The author analyses the interactions between national narratives, symbolic politics and emotions. She argues that these interactions have formed the basis of Erdoğan's popular support for more than 20 years. The book is a valuable resource for scholars of political science and sociology, as well as policymakers interested in the rise of authoritarianism in Turkey.

This handbook provides a detailed and sustained examination of the scope, purpose and practical application of crisis and disaster management communication in this critical region of the African continent, sub-Saharan Africa (SSA). The volume lays the foundation that enables a nuanced appreciation of two significant issues. The first pertains to SSA's vulnerability to both natural and man-made phenomena. Secondly, it argues that communication plays a critical role in so far as the identification, social construction, raising awareness, preparation, mitigation and eradication of crises and disasters in the region. Communication plays a critical role in potentially reducing the impacts of crises and disasters before their occurrence. This handbook is a key resource for academics, students and practitioners in areas such as political communication, media communication, language and communication, brand communication, social/digital media communication, and crisis communication, among others.

This book examines the establishment and implementation of the AfCFTA, which is the largest free trade area globally, covering 54 African countries. It explores how this initiative has the potential to reshape Africa-EU relations by promoting intra-African trade, economic integration, and diversification, as well as inter- regional trade. Both continents have the potential to serve as global actors in reshaping the global order in ways that can affect how multilateralism fosters inclusive development. However, whether this will happen would be a function of how the EU and AU define their interests and relationship.

This edited volume focuses on the (un)equal access to the public space granted to the various groups that make up hybrid and multicultural societies: i.e. majority vs minority groups, immigrants vs non-immigrants, and so forth. With ‘access to public space'the authors refer not only to participation through discursive practices in the public arena (e.g. political, social and institutional debates) but also to a full operationalization of the knowledge, habits and opportunities attached to true citizenship. Furthermore, in contexts of inequality and sociocultural conflict, the role of mediators has always been underscored as third-party figures (in)formally acknowledged and authorized–by participants in the interaction and/or external bodies–to set the ground for mutual understanding and foster balanced communication. Such mediation can range from interpreting in legal and medical encounters to dispute-resolution practices in situations of sociocultural clash among groups or individuals. Therefore, as is shown by the contributions in this volume, (intercultural) mediators are key agents in facilitating integration and providing disadvantaged groups with effective tools to gain access to the public sphere.

This book presents the reality of democratic reversals and waves of coups cutting throughAfrica, explores the political economy of coups, and through a case studyapproach, provides a nuanced analysis of the negative impacts of coups inAfrica, and interrogates the roles of African regional organisations incurtailing coups and foreign powers in distorting the security architecture ofAfrican states, particularly in the Sahel region. It proffers sustainablepolicy templates for political development, professionalism of the military,and the subsequent withdrawal of the military from African politics. Apart fromits policy relevance, it will serve as a resource pool for researchers workingin the area of African political development, peace and security, and securitysector reforms. With the incremental exit of France from the Sahel, the bookwill also offer a nuanced perspective on the ‘scramble for the soul'of theSahel by non-Western powers, such as China, Russia, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia.

This book delves into Trinidad and Tobago's development with a fresh lens. It stands as the inaugural empirical exploration of the country's unique attributes, including its diversity, ex-British colony status, small-state categorization by population size, and its dependence on hydrocarbons.Through meticulous empirical analysis, this book scrutinizes the nation's economic, social, and political outcomes within the context of these four distinctive parameters, offering fresh insights into the country's development trajectory.What sets this book apart is its unwavering commitment to a data-driven approach. Drawing upon a vast array of databases from both international and national sources, it provides a thorough examination of development indicators, household welfare metrics, firm-level performance, and individual perspectives on a wide range of political, economic, and social issues.For scholars, policymakers, and anyone with an interest in understanding how unique contextual factors shape a Trinidad and Tobago's development, this book offers an enlightening and data-rich perspective on the nation's journey towards progress and prosperity.

This book examines how jihadist groups in sub-Saharan Africa have managed to advance their extremist agenda and recruit new followers thanks to digital media fueled by the information revolution since the dawn of the 21st century. This examination is based on a mixture of historical accounts, contemporary descriptions, case studies, theoretical applications, and an in-depth applied study (in the late chapters of the manuscript). An important conclusion is that the progress of jihadism in sub-Saharan Africa has been commensurate with the development and availability of digital media. This book breaks new ground in three ways. It is the first major academic work to devote most of its content exclusively to the use of digital media by jihadist groups in that region. Examples of jihadist digital media include social networking sites, online instructional videos, propaganda videos, and online jihadist magazines―among others. Secondly, it provides detailed case studies of both well-knownAfrican groups (e.g., Al-Shabaab, Boko Haram) and lesser-known ones― e.g., the Allied Democratic Forces in the Congo (which have, nevertheless, wreaked so much damage). Lastly, it is the first book to include an in-depth thematic analysis of online jihadist magazines―Inspire, Dabiq, Rumiyah, and Gaidi Mtaani―on their content dedicated to sub-Saharan Africa.

This book deals with the citizenship status of the Biharis in Bangladesh and their ability to access rights associated with citizenship. The main argument of the book is that although legally the Biharis are citizens of Bangladesh, they still do not have access to many important rights of citizenship that can make their citizenship meaningful. Their inability to access many important citizenship rights made them de facto stateless, although they are de-jure citizens. Taking a law and society approach this book examines both legal and non-legal factors behind the deplorable conditions of the Biharis in Bangladesh. Based on fieldwork, this book analyses that the Biharis'inability to access citizenship rights is inconsistent with citizenship theory, citizenship laws, and the Constitution of Bangladesh. To make the Biharis citizenship effective or meaningful the author suggests some recommendations for policy changes that would enable Biharis to access rights associated with citizenship.

This book provides an analysis of social media and women's resistance in Iran with relevance to similar polities. The author examines how Iranian women continue to fight against the regime's gender discriminatory laws and protest the government in public squares and in virtual spaces. The book presents a critical approach to technology's role in politics and society and an in-depth analysis of authoritarianism and its relationship to social media harms and state violence. With a particular focus on images, hashtags, and other digital content, it calls for a rethinking of the concepts of crime, culture, and control in the technosocial world. The author draws on conceptual contributions from the fields of criminology, philosophy, psychology, technology and media studies.

This edited collection conceptualizes professional basketball not just as a sport but as an historically, culturally, and economically embedded entity. The chapters analyse the fact that the sport of basketball contains alternative logics that can easily clash, and by treating professional basketball as the negotiation place of these multiple demands, ideas, and logics, the editors have identified three areas in which these clashes manifest: the realization of the game; the cultural impact of professional basketball and the global outreach of professional basketball. The book is explanatory and qualitative, offering new perspectives and touching on topics including gender, diversity, racism, and minority experiences within professional basketball. As such it will be of interest to sport sociologists, as well as those researching the history of sport, sports marketing and cultural studies.

This open access book by Nils Karlson explores the strategies used by left- and right-wing populists to make populism intelligible, recognizable, and contestable. It presents a synthesized explanatory model for how populists promote autocratization through the deliberate polarization of society. It traces the ideational roots of the core populist ideas and shows that these ideas form a collectivistic identity politics. Karlson argues that to fight back requires the revival of liberalism itself by defending and developing the liberal institutions, the liberal spirit, liberal narratives, and liberal statecraft. The book also presents and discusses an extensive list of counterstrategies against populism. Written within the tradition of political theory and institutional economics, this book uses a wide variety of sources, including results and analyses from social psychology, ethics, law, and history.

This open access book presents contributions to decolonize development studies. It seeks to promote and sustain new forms of solidarity and conviviality that work towards achieving social justice.Recognising global poverty and inequalities as historic injustices, the book addresses how these can be challenged through teaching, research, and engagement in policy and practice, and the sorts of political barriers these might encounter. From a variety of perspectives and contexts, these chapters examine how decoloniality and solidarity can be developed, offering in-depth historical, theoretical, epistemological, and empirical analyses.

This book takes a critical and comparative approach to the analysis of the governance of police stops across Europe. It draws on an EU COST Action research network on Police Stops which engaged academics and practitioners from 29 countries to better understand the practice of police stops. It begins by examining how police stops are defined and the various legal rules and levels of accountability afforded. The chapters are arranged by theme to focus on a core aspect of the governance of police stops. These include: legal frameworks and police discretion; internal governance; external accountability and civilian oversight; possibilities for legal recourse; and the different roles of data and technology. Each compares the distinct approaches evident across Europe, often employing case studies. The book adopts a critical approach, acknowledging governance as contested and involving diverse (state, non-state and supranational) actors. It considers implications for policing in a rapidly changing environment globally.

The literature on the fall of communism contains numerous interpretations of the changes that took place in Central and Eastern Europe in 1989, while debates about how best to characterize the fall of the communist regimes have raged for many years. Researchers continue to ponder and argue over how ‘revolutionary', as opposed to ‘evolutionary'(or ‘reformatory') these changes were. In this new study, author Paweł Ukielski proposes the term ‘counterrevolution'to describe the historical process that took place and uses it as an analytical construct to better understand the crisis of Soviet communism and the subsequent transitions that took place.

This book explores how 21st-century media-based discourses on migrants, refugees, and displaced people both reinforce and reconfigure existing negative stereotypes about these groups as'other.'It is particularly pertinent considering the increasingly polarized world context and the evolving communication ecosystem with new media as privileged platforms for exclusionary narratives toward the ‘outgroups'of migrants, refugees, and displaced people. The book's contributions encompass various methodologies and disciplines within communication studies, including qualitative analyses of media representations and quantitative research on public opinion. Unlike much of the existing English-language scholarship on these marginalized communities, this book de-centers North America and the UK to offer a global perspective focusing on regions such as continental and eastern Europe, the Middle East and Persian Gulf, India, China, Turkey, Russia, and Scandinavia.

This volume brings together top articles on feminist political theory published in Contemporary Political Theory. With chapters on topics like abortion, the legacies of individual thinkers, and the role of care, the authors contribute varied but timely perspectives to the study of gender and politics.

Just war theory concerns the morality of engaging in warfare, the conduct in war and justice – including democratization and reconstruction – in the aftermath to end war. The morality of war can be measured from a variety of military and philosophical ethics that include theological, consequentialist and realist schools of thought. Various military interventions, such as Bosnia, Afghanistan and Iraq, have been analyzed and evaluated and criticized from a Western and, especially, liberal point of view. In this book, Danny Singh addresses foreign interventions from a different normative paradigm. Namely, he addresses the morality of foreign military interventions in light of Afro-communitarianism, a dominant philosophical approach in sub-Saharan Africa. According to Afro-communitarianism, positive communal relationships/social harmony are the greatest good that can be achieved to form friendship (which can be understood as the combination of shared identity and goodwill). Even though Afro-communitarianism prioritizes peaceful communal relations, enmity-behavior and violence are morally permissible if it either leads to a less disharmonious state of affairs or to a harmonious state of affairs or there are no friendly alternatives to achieve any of both desired outcomes but the initiator of conflict desires to promote them. Moreover, Afro-communitarianism prescribes dialogue as a guiding action to avoid military conflict. The book provides an alternative, and non-Western, approach to the morality of war and efforts to promote sustainable peace in the aftermath of conflict between warring belligerent parties.

This open access book analyses the convergence between ‘post-truth'political culture and the politics of populism. The premise is that there is an intrinsic link between post-truth discourse (referring to mis/disinformation, ‘alternative facts', ‘fake news', conspiracy theories and the general distrust of expert knowledge and official sources of information) and the central narrative of populism, which opposes the ‘common sense'wisdom of ordinary honest people to the ‘expert knowledge'of duplicitous technocratic elites. The book investigates the current post-truth phenomenon as a distinct feature of contemporary political life, and the specific ways in which it intersects with the resurgence of populism. While there has been a considerable literature on both post-truth and populism, they are largely treated as separate phenomena, and very little research has been conducted on their actual connection. The original contribution of this book to an emerging field of study is to develop a strong, coherent and empirically informed theoretical framework for understanding the specific paradigm of post-truth populism. The authors propose this paradigm as a way of interpreting different contemporary political phenomena, such as conspiracy theories, political destabilisation, and debates around immigration, the role of journalists and the media, climate change, gender and sexuality, Islam, and minority rights, as well as a way of understanding the threats and challenges this poses to the liberal democratic model and way of life.

This short book focuses on the Disappearances that occurred during the Troubles in Northern Ireland. Using in-depth interviews with thirteen families of those individuals who were abducted, murdered and secretly buried from the 1970's onwards, this book examines the experience of the families and communities left behind. Through an exploration of the historic and cultural origins of the contemporary IRA and how they came to be in the position of power within Catholic/Nationalist communities during the troubles, the context to the disappearances are presented. This book reviews the journey undertaken by the families, from the initial disappearance of their loved one and the suffocating silence that followed, through their coming together as a self-help group. It follows their lobbying on a national and international basis leading to the return of the bodies of some of their loved ones and the solidarity which leads them to fight on as a group to recover the bodies that remain missing. It also examines the involvement of the British and Irish and American governments in the set up of the International Commission for the Location of Victim's Remains and tells the story of the Clinton's personal involvement in supporting the families in their ongoing quest for recovery. It is written accessibly for researchers and practitioners.

In this anthology, a journey around the world and through time is undertaken in 21 countries on no less than six continents. In this way, the global reception of one of the biggest media events to date is given contour. Based on the coverage of the first manned moon landing, the global history of the Cold War at the time of the Space Race can be told in its many different local facets as well as in its worldwide interconnectedness.Against the backdrop of current efforts by various countries to return to the moon or even to establish a space army, as well as in view of the extremely tense geopolitical situation, which is already being invoked in many places as'Cold War 2.0', such a global look back to the time of'Cold War 1.0'certainly seems relevant in order to better understand the present and near future of political (media) cultures.

This edited volume explores the media and political discourses during the COVID-19 crisis across thirteen nations. Despite warnings that a global pandemic was a matter of if rather than when, the virus caught governments worldwide unaware. The nature, extent and timespan of governmental responses varied significantly from country to country, but a number of features were common to all. The nation became the frame of reference used in an attempt to make sense of the crisis, to keep citizens united, to gain their trust, and to ensure compliance with unprecedented health mandates. With the same purpose, there was a recourse to ‘non-ideological'values and narratives (sometimes abstract, sometimes political) that could be accepted by all stakeholders. The analyses evidence the perception of the fragility of liberal democracy, caused by too much political and media consensus, by too much political and media dissent and by the threat of populism. The wide-ranging scope and multi-perspective methodology of the analyses offered in this book are an essential reading for academics and students of Media Studies, Politics, Political Communication, and Discourse Analysis and their associated disciplines. Written in accessible language, this volume (full of insightful and at times surprising ideas) will be of interest for all those keen to understand the role of political and media discourse in the communication of the COVID-19 crisis and its wider implications for liberal democracies.

The overarching aim of the book is to provide the first comprehensive account of Sweden's feminist foreign policy and its dissemination through digital diplomacy. In contrast to other scholarly studies of digital diplomacy that tend to view it as a technological and apolitical device for online diplomatic communication, this book examines the specific political dynamics of digital diplomacy. It posits that digital diplomacy is a highly political practice and form of communication. The book offers an in-depth examination of the interdependent relationship between digital diplomacy and feminist foreign policy, with an empirical focus on Sweden. Additionally, it introduces a novel theoretical framework to analyse the political characteristics of digital diplomacy, emphasising the oscillation between antagonism and agonism at the intersection of feminist foreign policy and digital diplomacy. In sum, the book provides new theoretical and empirical knowledge of why, how, and in what ways power-political dynamics are produced, sustained, and transformed within the contexts of feminist foreign policy and digital diplomacy. While the focus centres on Sweden, the authors contend that their novel approach to examining the political dynamics of digital diplomacy and feminist foreign policy applies to other country case studies as well. This is an open access book.

The book explores the development of the American eugenics movement and how it still plays a role in American life. Building on a brief overview of the concept of eugenics, Shannon Bow O'Brien charts the foundations of the ideas, significant influences, and influencers of the movement in the last 19th and early 20th centuries. She discusses how these ideals and social life shaped American culture and encouraged attitudes toward racial and ethnic biases, including immigration policies in that period. O'Brien examines how the founding of the United States of America was built on unwanted individuals from the United Kingdom; transported felons and indentured servants were many of the original colonists. As the population forged its new nation, many of these individuals were the focus of restrictive immigration policies that sought to amend the identity of the American citizen and sought to define acceptable roles for Black persons within American society. Faithful slave monuments provided physical models to help engrain these roles within American life. O'Brien traces the development of the Mammy statue movement and its intersectionality with the restrictive immigration laws. Finally, she turns to the rhetoric of Donald Trump and contextualizes his speech in the ideology of the superiority of White Nordic nativism within American life.

This volume examines land and resource contestations in the East African Albertine region, where Uganda, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda, Burundi and Tanzania intersect. It is one of the most biodiverse regions on the continent, and became highly contested when Uganda discovered oil there in 2006. The resource contestation in this region has resulted in ongoing conflict, and has defined and re-defined identity and citizenship. Contributors of this volume succinctly bring out the major forces that have been responsible for resource contestations and conflicts together with an emphasis on the existing mechanisms for peaceful co-existence, particularly in relation to alternative dispute resolution mechanisms within indigenous knowledge systems.

This book explores how unresolved questions of social justice shape the character of the political terrain and political actors, through the lens of social media. It treats communication as the medium through which social issues and processes are made visible. Given the rise and spread of populist politics, the views of ordinary people on social issues have never mattered more. One platform through which these voices can be studied extensively is social media. Platforms such as Facebook, Twitter now X, YouTube, and Instagram, among others, afford ordinary citizens—often marginalized by traditional mainstream media—space to vent their opinions, engage in discussions of whatever topic, share information and ideas, and explore various kinds of information as well as data, links to which are often provided through various macro and micro discursive spaces therein. Arguably, therefore, social media have become a quintessential platform for studying contemporary sociality. Social media mustbe studied not just as a communication platform, but one through which the social world, social processes and social issues are made visible and, in some cases, enacted. With rich case studies from the Global South, and a particular focus on Africa, this collection does just that.

This book asks what it means to think globally about world politics. In an attempt to contextualise the recent ‘globalising turn'in International Relations (IR), it takes stock of more than 30 years of efforts at addressing IR's Eurocentric limitations, and explores what ‘thinking globally'means in practice through focusing on the study of (international) security and foreign policy. The authors offer thinking globally about world politics not as an alternative to, but as a critical engagement with, IR. It involves curiosity about what others think about the world, making a sustained effort to locate the knowledge they have produced, and recognising past and present contributions to what we otherwise view as ‘European'ideas, practices, and institutions. Rather than focusing on abstract debates about the state of the discipline, the aim is to provide researchers with the conceptual tools to think globally and design their own research projects.

It is a well-known fact both among scholars of propaganda and disinformation, and among political leaders that Sputnik and RT are using their news coverage for disinformation purposes to harm Western and European societies. Following the Russian invasion of Ukraine, which enhanced the security threat by disinformation, the EU decided to ban these two media. Against this backdrop, the study asks what the disinformation about Sweden in Sputnik and RT looked like prior to the ban (It should be noted that both channels still publish news for a European audience by way of VPN and other pathways.) It is done by way of a narrative approach, which means that the analyses seek to trace what stories that were told and how. The study thus analyzes the narrative logic of propaganda and disinformation narratives promulgated by Russian state-sponsored media platforms Sputnik and RT, and aim to show how these media have sought to denigrate Sweden. This is an open access book.

Thirty years of developments in deliberative democracy (DD) have consolidated this subfield of democratic theory. The acquired disciplinary prestige has made theorist and practitioners very confident about the ability of DD to address the legitimacy crisis experienced by liberal democracies at present at both theoretical and practical levels. The book advance a critical analysis of these developments that casts doubts on those certainties -- current theoretical debates are reproposing old methodological divisions, and are afraid to move beyond the minimalist model of democracy advocated by liberal thinkers; democratic experimentation at the micro-level seems to have no impact at the macro-level, and remain sets of isolated experiences. The book indicates that those defects are mainly due to the liberal minimalist frame of reference within which reflection in democratic theory and practice takes place. Consequently, it suggests to move beyond liberal understandings of democracy as a game in need of external rules, and adopt instead a vision of democracy as a self-correcting metagame.

The rise and fall of states in the international system has been an interesting problem that has received attention amongst scholars, policy makers, journalists, politicians and leaders of states. Interestingly there have been numerous attempts that have sought to define, explain and interpret the consequences of these developments that occur in the international system (Chan, 2008:1). Efforts have been made to define ‘Great Powers', ‘Middle Powers', ‘Emerging Powers', ‘Small Powers', Super Powers', ‘Hegemons'etc, of which the idea of ‘Great Power'and ‘Emerging Power', receives primary attention in this research. The dramatic rise of China and India in particular, in terms of their economy and military capabilities, has brought about a paradigm shift in terms of thinking of world politics that is coupled with the decline of the US'hegemonic status. Randall Schweller points out that there have been arguments that support the fact of the increasing potential for security competition and war between the US and China and on the other hand he also directs the reader to the optimist's argument that the transition of power would be smooth and evolutionary where there will be efforts towards accommodating these changes that are occurring in the international system. He also points out that there will be efforts by great powers to accept these changes through restraint, reciprocity, cooperation and establish a mutually acceptable order that would benefit all (Schweller, 2011: 285). These complexities make it both interesting as well as a serious concern in terms of peace and security in the world.

This book examines the conceptual contributions of constituent representatives in Spain during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The Spanish Parliament has been the stage for the political modernisation of the country. Constitutional debates have historically led to the gradual acknowledgement and broadening – usually unevenly – of citizens'rights. At the same time, constitutional debates have created opportunities to design institutions and settle legal mechanisms to enforce rights and distribute state resources. The book identifies and analyses rhetorical and conceptual innovations produced in such debates from a historical perspective.

​This book offers a comprehensive analysis of social protection in Latin America, its origins, institutions, and outcomes. The chapters are organised in three groups. The earlier chapters discuss in turn appropriate methods, an analytical framework, and core institutions. The book advocates a causal inference approach to the study of the institutions that have dominated social protection in the region: occupational insurance, individual retirement savings, and social assistance. The middle chapters study social protection's main stratification effects, focussing on stratification effects on employment, protection, and worker incorporation. The later chapters then assess social protection outcomes and identify country groupings including their evolution over time. The book, and its approach and findings, contributes to the advancement of a theory of social protection amongst late industrialisers.This is an open access book.

This book offers a history of migration in the Mediterranean written about and from the perspective of women. It gives a complex picture of individual journeys of migrant women, and in a radical departure from the miserabilist or culturalist approach through which women are usually viewed, the book argues for a politically and socially aware, activist feminism that is attuned to what border-obsessed migration policies actually do to women.The research presented in this book is based on multi-sited fieldwork that led the author to closely follow migration survivors. The book depicts the journey of women as they experience brutal separations, have to make heart-wrenching decisions and end up wandering from one place to another, but also as they make acquaintances and find new opportunities. The first-person accounts collected here demonstrate that the reasons behind these women's decision to leave are anything but simple and linear: they combine various forms of persecution and oppression, a desire for autonomy and a yearning for new horizons, as well as changes in gender relations in their countries of origin.The book further explores the daily lives of women in reception centres, where they are in limbo, their journey as if “suspended,” as they wait for this Europe rejecting them to acknowledge their presence. These women live on and “in” the border – a border that relentlessly haunts them and pursues them everywhere they go. Boredom is constant and, likewise, racism and marginalisation processes are pervasive. At the same time, this study shows that these women are also resisting, strategising, taking charge of their own destinies and journeys, and looking for a way out.Written from the standpoint of a geographer, this study accordingly puts the space of everyday life front and centre. Such a space acts as an impediment to these women's journeys: it generates a “moralscape” of waiting, which plays a key role in these women's daily lives.However, it can also help these women gain greater autonomy, thus empowering them, and it may be subverted through various tactics and stratagems, which sometimes take the form of spatialised strategies.

This book offers a systematization of the recourse to political incivility by different subjects and in different contexts. The authors argue that incivility has now become a strategic resource that can be used by various actors in the public arena to achieve specific goals. We are referring not only to traditional political subjects, but also to journalists, citizens, movements and protest groups, that is to a plurality of actors who, from different angles, contribute to the construction of the “political spectacle”. This resource can be activated according to circumstances and conveniences, whether their nature be political (to place an issue at the center of public debate or a new actor in the offer range), mediatic (to achieve an increase in visibility or viewership) or relational (to expand one's visibility and centrality in social media). The book identifies common elements linking the different levels of use of incivility, which can be traced in uncivil forms of communication. These are their expressive power (memorable gestures and unequivocal messages, which are immediately recognizable and visible), their aggregation power (they build group identities, and consolidate allegiances and bonds) and their mobilization power (they galvanize people, and inspire them to participate and take action).

This book provides a uniquely detailed analysis of presidential elections in Nigeria's Fourth Republic. The authors explore the changing dynamics of voting patterns, religious politics, politicians'behaviour and the broader political system to offer new insights into presidential systems in Africa and beyond. In doing so, they address an often-neglected area of political science and cast light on the political challenges facing one of the world's largest democracies. The book's comprehensive coverage of Nigerian presidential elections – and the lessons they hold for developing countries across the globe – is a valuable resource for researchers, students, international institutions and non-governmental organisations.

This book engages the concept of necropolitics to present a vision of how to understand the physical body as a space of power and resistance to social order, in the context of the Kashmir resistance. The author sheds new light on the relations between India and Pakistan, with a focus on tensions over the Kashmir region, in order to better understand the emergence and stabilization of the narrative that criminalizes and thus justifies the population that rebels against state actions in the region. The research draws from archival and interview research and presents the reader with new insight into both conceptual and material dimensions of necropolitics.

Over a million Kurdish-Yezidi refugees are dispersed across European cities and towns. However, they are neither recognized as a distinct community of stateless immigrants nor as a distinct European ethnic or religious minority. They are frequently utilized as data sources without having a voice to address their challenges. This oral testimony project, moving beyond, but contributing to, conventional academic research, provides these communities with a space to tackle multiple questions in their own languages and with their own voices. The book seeks to answer what drives their departures from their home countries, how they escape, what shapes their lives in receiving cities, and finally, how homeland affairs influence their lives in new environments. By addressing all these themes, this book presents refugee-centric knowledge by and with refugees as objects and subjects of their narratives and transcends neoliberal humanitarian, state-centric, and colonial hegemonic epistemes thatlimit refugees'epistemic capabilities and viewpoints.

The book provides an examination of the evolution of China and Taiwan after 1949. This starting point situates the contestation for power between the two entities in the region after Taipei was recognized by the international community as the representative of China. The ramifications for Taiwan were drastic as country after country switched its recognition to China including those in the Caribbean and Latin America. Taiwan was able to maintain diplomatic relations with several countries in both regions through diplomatic strategies including providing financial assistance. This has waned over time considering China's economic rise to power and Western Europe's and the United States'fall in global economic and political prestige and power.This book discusses China's and Taiwan's continuing engagement with countries in Latin America and the Caribbean with a particular emphasis on the sharp rise in trade between China and the two regions. China's foreign policyagenda, and how Taiwan reacts to China's policies, are also examined.

This book analyses the effects of public governance reforms on gender equality policy in Finland. Recent economic crises, rising austerity and increasing opposition to gender equality have led to the defunding of gender equality bodies, and the side-lining of gender equality as a political goal. This policy backlash has taken place alongside transformations to the state and governance, that have changed the discourses, knowledge, actors, and practices of gender equality policy. This book contributes to these discussions by demonstrating the subtleties of the constantly changing governance reform agendas, their operation in practice, and how they intertwine with other elements of the gender equality policy backlash. It is based on more than 100 interviews with civil servants, politicians, non-governmental organisations, social partners, and think tanks, and a broad range of policy documents and media material. It will appeal to students and scholars of gender studies, public policy and governance.

This book investigates how the radical left navigates the terrain of nationalism. Traversing Spain, Italy and Portugal, this in-depth study examines how radical left parties either embrace, rebuff or reshape nationalistic sentiments. From Spain's Podemos grappling with Franco's legacy, Italy's radical left switching from anti-fascist patriotism to cosmopolitanism, to Portugal's revolutionary echoes in left-leaning banal nationalism, the book offers comprehensive insight into the often-overlooked relationship between radical left politics and national identity. Through discourse analysis, interviews and participant observation, it delves into the reasons behind certain political positions and how they manifest discursively. A must-read for those eager to decipher the crossroads of national identity and left-wing politics in contemporary Europe.

This book examines how fashion intersects with political expression in the United States and across the globe. The chapters cover a diversity of perspectives, including experiences of men, minoritized people and women, and LGBTQ persons, as well as examining strategic choices by political actors ranging from dictators to elected officials and from protesters to mothers. Perhaps more importantly, this handbook allows chapters written about the US by mainly US-based academics to be in dialogue with scholarship about other regions of the world largely written by non-US and non-European scholars. Several chapters address regions of the world often understudied by political scientists, including Africa (Kenya, Ethiopia, Uganda, Sudan, Liberia, Nigeria, and Cameroon); Asia (North Korea, Turkmenistan, Indonesia, and Pakistan); and Latin America (Argentina and Mexico). This work goes beyond the usual analyses that cast clothing choices as trivial or constraining and shows how political actors from dictators to elected officials and from citizen activists to social movement leaders incorporate strategic choices about their clothing – ranging from uniforms and business attire to hijab and traditional ethnic attire – in order to advance their political agendas.

This book begins with an examination of the internet as a central institution of the post-Cold War liberal order. From this starting point, Johannes Thumfart analyzes the contemporary rise of digital sovereignty in Asia and Europe, alongside the establishment of private government within digital networks. He interprets these phenomena as indications of an emerging postliberal era. Thumfart engages with a wide array of empirical research and assesses liberal ideals such as state and net neutrality by discussing thinkers like Hegel, Schmitt, Mouffe, Taylor, Sandel, Fukuyama, Anderson, Jasanoff, and Girard, as well as network and rational choice theories. He contends that the internet's reification of liberal values has, paradoxically, subverted these values and catalyzed the transition to postliberalism. Thumfart suggests that instead of adhering to the traditional liberal focus on neutrality, states should adopt the more flexible approach of neutralization to respond to the complexities of this digital and postliberal era.

This book identifies and examines the role of Baro Tumsa in clandestinely bringing together a few Oromo nationalists of diverse backgrounds from all over Oromia, the Oromo country, to establish the Oromo Liberation Front (OLF) between the late 1960s and the mid- 1970s in Oromia and Ethiopia. The Haile Selassie government's destruction of Oromo movements, mainly the Macha-Tulama Self-Help Association (MTA), was an immediate reason for the birth of the front. While most Oromos have supported and sympathized with this liberation organization, the colonizers and their agents have vilified and attacked it to make the Oromo society leaderless. For almost a half-century, the OLF has been struggling to uproot Ethiopian (Amhara-Tigray) settler colonialism and its institutions from Oromia to end the domination and exploitation of the Oromo. The book also examines the roles of leaders and social movements in organizing oppressed peoples for collective actions by creating organizations that have visions and missions to liberate themselves. It is a case study of global social movements and leadership studies.

This open access book provides the first in-depth study of the development of federal gender equality politics and policy in Australia from the 1970s to the present day. Australia has a history of gender equality innovation, including granting women's suffrage long before equivalent countries. From the 1970s on, it became the first country to introduce a women's adviser, femocrats (feminist bureaucrats) and gender responsive budgeting but then fell behind, partly due to the influence of Anglosphere neoliberalism. However, the Albanese government has pledged to make Australia a world leader in gender equality again. The book situates Australia in an international context, assessing the useful, though sometimes salutary, lessons which the Australian experience provides. It engages with key literature, including feminist political theory, discursive framing analysis, gendered public policy analysis, LBGTIQ+ issues, path dependency, and gender and leadership. It will interest academics, undergraduate and postgraduate researchers, public policy experts and practitioners, and a broader readership interested in issues of gender equality. The book makes innovative contributions to the study of the politics of gender equality policy, addressing what a gender equality policy agenda could look like if the needs of women, in all their intersectional social diversity, were the driving force. In doing so, it addresses a range of issues that are impacting the future of women, including an ongoing pandemic, technology, education and training agendas, issues of sovereign capability, securitisation, climate change and the growth of campaigns that oppose so-called “gender ideology”. It explores how current government agendas, such as the focus on wellbeing, could be made even more gender-inclusive. Finally, the book suggests that Australia, as a multicultural but predominantly Western, settler-colonial society situated in the Asia-Pacific has some potentially unique insights to offer in a world facing major geoeconomic and geopolitical change.

This book explores the news media's coverage of Indigenous-settler reconciliation following the conclusion of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission of Canada (TRC). Using a comparative case study research design, the book examines news coverage of three significant Indigenous rights issues and events during the post-TRC era. The findings presented demonstrate that in the post-TRC era, the Canadian news media continue to produce systemic patterns in coverage which reject, marginalize and erase the territorial rights and claims of Indigenous Peoples. The author concludes that rather than helping to move the relationship between Indigenous Peoples and settlers forward along a path of reconciliation, power-sharing, and the resurgence of land-based self-determination, the news media are continuing to construct discourses and representations that work against the political objectives of Indigenous Peoples and reinforce settler colonial power relationships in Canada.

This volume illustrates and analyses the stereotypes and prejudices underlying the social representation of violence against women as it is narrated and described in Italy by the press and by court judgements. After a theoretical reflection on the role of culture and socialisation in reproducing the conditions underlying gender-based violence and its normalisation, and after reconstructing the historical evolution of gender roles and the stages of women's condition, the book presents the results of a sociological and of a socio-linguistic analysis on a vast corpus of 16,715 newspaper articles published by fifteen Italian newspapers on gender crimes (specifically: femicide; sexual violence; domestic violence; women trafficking). The chapters analyze how national, macro-regional and local Italian press narrates violence against women but they also analyze a repertoire of 283 judicial sentences. The results show a clear tendency to redistribute the responsibilities of these crimes between the perpetrator and the victim, leading not only to secondary victimization but also to tertiary victimization, affecting the quality of Italian institutions as well as the democratic fiber of the nation. The volume finally includes a compendium of the best and the worst practices found in the corpuses of sentences and newspapers'articles and a set of recommendations addressed to the institutional actors and journalists for a correct representation of gender-based violence, free from those stereotypes and prejudices that violate the dignity of male violence'victims and prevent them from accessing justice.