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This textbook is an introduction to thinking ethically about global issues. Unlike existing books in this area, this book is truly interdisciplinary and includes a range of voices from both the Global South and the Global North. Rather than simply applying Western theories to case studies, Prof. Stephen Minister shows readers how to consider context and complexity, while respecting the agency of people elsewhere. It weaves together the work of thinkers and writers from the Global South with philosophical work on global ethics, relevant scholarship from other academic fields, and stories from fieldwork studying global issues on four continents. The textbook explores a variety of topics, including: cultural difference, gender, population, poverty, natural disasters, and development. It then encourages students to build on these ideas and think more deeply about topics such as foreign aid, inequality, immigration, international trade, climate change, human rights, and war and terrorism. Because the book's style is accessible and engaging, it will be an excellent text for ethics and global studies courses, as well as being of interest to general readers who want to think better about global issues.

Drawing on theories in politics, sociology, gender and feminist studies, and social movement studies, this book compares and contrasts NGOized feminist organizations and informal street feminist groups in Belgium and Romania in order to understand the transformation of modern and contemporary feminist movements. Chapters trace the development of this NGOization process and its entanglements with neoliberal modes of governance and techniques and proposes an historically and empirically grounded analytical model to studying the NGOization of feminist movements as a multidimensional process. By analyzing the NGOization process through a cross-national comparison based on very different cases, the book disentangles the links between institutionalization, professionalization, bureaucratization and precarization and brings clarifications concerning the outcomes associated with them, such as demobilization, depoliticization, co-optation and burn-out. This book places the NGOization offeminist movement organizations within the specific context of relations between the state and the market in neoliberalism. This book will be of interest to scholars and researchers across Gender & Feminist Studies, Social Movements, Sociology, and Politics.

This book explores the possibility of alienation amongst the British working-class and argues that the class is, in fact, alienated. Its point of departure is the right-communitarians, who outline how the working class has become alienated as a result of a loss of its political agency, the breakdown of its communities, and the undermining of its dignity. However, where these scholars tend to propose solutions from a right-communitarian perspective, this book adopts a more inclusive, left-wing, position to address working-class concerns.

This book analyzes two types of nationalisms that are represented by the Portuguese groupuscular right, that is, the extra-party right. One faction is guided by ethnonationalism and nativism, looking at Portugal through an ethnically European prism. Small groups fight for a white Portugal linked to an imagined white world, rooted in ideas such as race and biology, following models from the US. The other faction looks for a future in a non-European confederation and wants Portuguese citizenship for non-European groups originating from the former colonies, while maintaining ties with the Portuguese extreme right, notably, the one that comes from the Salazar right-wing dictatorship (Estado Novo, 1926–1974). This faction suggests addressing questions of immigration by accepting immigration of non-European people from former imperial space and by initiating a confederation of countries, in which Portugal is the only state with a white majority. Guimarães analyzes the means of communication of these two factions, the language they use to articulate their viewpoints, and the worldviews of various groups in Portugal. He argues that the far right in Portugal is a space filled with radical styles of nationalism.

This book critically analyses important social issues experienced in Australia, such as economic inequality, precarious work, unequal access to quality education and health care, housing insecurity, colonisation, racism and discrimination, activism and social change. In doing so, it contributes to urgent discussions in key areas of Australian society. At a moment in time where a more progressive, caring, inclusive and optimistic public discourse is required, this book takes up the challenge of thinking constructively and creatively about the possibilities for change. While the book focuses on Australian-specific experiences, connections to international examples are made to ensure this work has relevance to people beyond an Australian context.

This book is an in-depth study of Fratelli d'Italia, the party led by Italian Prime Minister Giorgia Meloni. After providing a concise history of the neo-fascist and post-fascist parties to which Fratelli d'Italia is heir, the book examines its founding, statutory rules and internal organisation. The authors explore Meloni's communication style and the national conservative ideology she has embraced, Fratelli d'Italia's international network of alliances and its place in EU politics, and the composition of the electorate that led to the success of her and the party in the 2022 parliamentary elections. Through well-documented, rigorous and impartial analysis, the book offers insights into the path Fratelli d'Italia has taken and the identity it has built in its first ten years – explaining why a political tradition that seemed destined for extinction has come to power and is now attempting to change coalition politics in the EU. In doing so, the authors challenge several entrenched assumptions about populist and radical right-wing parties. The Italian edition of the book was reviewed in national newspapers and other media, garnering praise from a wide range of political perspectives.

This comparative law book aims at formulating a new analytical approach to constitutional comparisons, assuming as a starting point the different legal perspectives implied in the (Sunni) Islamic outlook on the juridical phenomena and the Western concept of law, with particular reference to constitutionalism. The volume adopts a wider and comprehensive viewpoint, comparing the different ways in which the Islamic sharīʿa and Western legal categories interact, regardless of substantive contents of specific provisions, thus avoiding conceptual biases that can sometime affect present literature on the matter. The book explores the various dynamics subtended to the interactions between sharīʿa and Western constitutionalism, providing a new classification to the different contemporary models. The philosophical and legal comparisons are analyzed in a dynamic way, based on a wide range of contemporary constitutional systems, virtually encompassing all the States in which Sunni Islam plays a major cultural role, and taking also into consideration non-State actors and non-recognized actors.'Published in cooperation with gLAWcal - Global Law Initiatives for Sustainable Development, Hornchurch, Essex, United Kingdom'.

This book offers a much-needed analysis of the difficulties associated with providing state protection from violence based on sexual orientation and gender identity in Europe. Focusing on Poland as a national case study, encompassed in the broader European context, the book provides a holistic analysis of internal and external factors influencing state-level policy outcomes. By focusing on hate crime advocacy and carefully dissecting it from the rest of the LGBT rights “package,” the book fills a gap in queer scholarship, which has overlooked this aspect of mobilisation. The book also examines the emerging international standards and provides a comparative analysis of national laws, policies and practices on anti-LGBT hate crime across Europe. Highlighting variance in outcomes in different areas of LGBT rights, this book considers the role of lesser-known actors and mechanisms who are key in enacting critical policy changes. State Responses to Anti-LGBT Violence provides a critical reflection on the complicated relationships between queer communities and the state.

This book engages the concept of necropolitics to present a vision of how to understand the physical body as a space of power and resistance to social order, in the context of the Kashmir resistance. The author sheds new light on the relations between India and Pakistan, with a focus on tensions over the Kashmir region, in order to better understand the emergence and stabilization of the narrative that criminalizes and thus justifies the population that rebels against state actions in the region. The research draws from archival and interview research and presents the reader with new insight into both conceptual and material dimensions of necropolitics.

This book deals with the citizenship status of the Biharis in Bangladesh and their ability to access rights associated with citizenship. The main argument of the book is that although legally the Biharis are citizens of Bangladesh, they still do not have access to many important rights of citizenship that can make their citizenship meaningful. Their inability to access many important citizenship rights made them de facto stateless, although they are de-jure citizens. Taking a law and society approach this book examines both legal and non-legal factors behind the deplorable conditions of the Biharis in Bangladesh. Based on fieldwork, this book analyses that the Biharis'inability to access citizenship rights is inconsistent with citizenship theory, citizenship laws, and the Constitution of Bangladesh. To make the Biharis citizenship effective or meaningful the author suggests some recommendations for policy changes that would enable Biharis to access rights associated with citizenship.

This book investigates how the radical left navigates the terrain of nationalism. Traversing Spain, Italy and Portugal, this in-depth study examines how radical left parties either embrace, rebuff or reshape nationalistic sentiments. From Spain's Podemos grappling with Franco's legacy, Italy's radical left switching from anti-fascist patriotism to cosmopolitanism, to Portugal's revolutionary echoes in left-leaning banal nationalism, the book offers comprehensive insight into the often-overlooked relationship between radical left politics and national identity. Through discourse analysis, interviews and participant observation, it delves into the reasons behind certain political positions and how they manifest discursively. A must-read for those eager to decipher the crossroads of national identity and left-wing politics in contemporary Europe.

This open access book presents contributions to decolonize development studies. It seeks to promote and sustain new forms of solidarity and conviviality that work towards achieving social justice.Recognising global poverty and inequalities as historic injustices, the book addresses how these can be challenged through teaching, research, and engagement in policy and practice, and the sorts of political barriers these might encounter. From a variety of perspectives and contexts, these chapters examine how decoloniality and solidarity can be developed, offering in-depth historical, theoretical, epistemological, and empirical analyses.

This open access book is the first comprehensive guide to identifying antisemitism online today, in both its explicit and implicit (or coded) forms. Developed through years of on-the-ground analysis of over 100,000 authentic comments posted by social media users in the UK, France, Germany and beyond, the book introduces and explains the central historical, conceptual and linguistic-semiotic elements of 46 antisemitic concepts, stereotypes and speech acts. The guide was assembled by researchers working on the Decoding Antisemitism project at the Centre for Research on Antisemitism at Technische Universität Berlin, building on existing basic definitions of antisemitism, and drawing on expertise in various fields. Using authentic examples taken from social media over the past four years, it sets out a pioneering step-by-step approach to identifying and categorising antisemitic content, providing guidance on how to recognise a statement as antisemitic or not. This book will be an invaluable tool through which researchers, students, practitioners and social media moderators can learn to recognise contemporary antisemitism online – and the structural aspects of hate speech more generally – in all its breadth and diversity.

Hong Kong Politics: A Comparative Introduction is a comprehensive and pioneering guide of this emerging field. It aims to advance scholarly understanding of Hong Kong's political developments since the handover of sovereignty in 1997, using a comparative politics approach. The book advances a unique integrated comparative framework for studying Hong Kong through geopolitical, autonomy, centre-periphery, democratisation, political-economic, and governance perspectives. It guides readers to understand and interpret the various political dimensions of Hong Kong in a comprehensive and holistic way. This book will be of key interest to scholars and students of comparative politics. Experienced political researchers in Hong Kong will find this book illuminating; while comparative political scholars worldwide would also find it a handy introductory text to the important case of Hong Kong. This book is also an excellent resource for instructors and students of Asian Studies, China Studies, and Hong Kong Studies.

In the decade since the 2014 Ferguson Uprising, re-intensified conversations about racial progress continue to be at the forefront of American culture. The moniker Black Lives Matter, for example, emerged as a rallying cry of Black-led mass rebellions calling into question the rigid Western social codes of race, gender, class, and sexuality. These values emerge through iconography: those social codes reflected by a corresponding rolodex of public symbols (whether positive or negative) in American culture. Black Lives Matter fractured icons such as the first Black president, the innocent police officer, and the charismatic Black male activist opening space for new theories and practices of Black radical disruption. At the same time, groups such as #BLM10, BLM Grassroots, and Mass Action for Black Liberation criticize the Black Lives Matter Global Network as having transformed into a new icon of racial progress, demonstrating that the meaning of Black liberation remains hotly contested. How do we discern Black radical thought and activism from the co-options of Western Man? Are we doomed to repeat a cycle of destroying a few icons only to inevitably produce new ones? In Black Iconoclasm, Charles Athanasopoulos dismantles the Eurocentric notion of iconoclasm as the physical destruction of icons and/or the recovery of supposedly pure counter-ideologies. Instead, Black iconoclasm refers to a liminal orientation toward cracks and fissures in narratives of linear racial progress and teleological narratives of Black liberation. Athanasopoulos examines conflicting messages surrounding Black liberation in post/Ferguson America across activism, Black radical theory, communicative situations, cinema, and street art. Across each arena of American culture, his orientation toward the liminal unsettles the supposed cyclical nature of icons/iconoclasm by demonstrating that theories and practices of Black radical disruption always reflect both Black radical excess and the iconographic residues of Western Man. Those residues do not preclude those theories/practices from teaching us important lessons, they are how those lessons are learned to evolve our theories and practices of Black radical disruption. Institutional capture is neither simply inevitable just as no movement, person, or idea will be totally immune to Western Man's racial icons. Thus, Black iconoclasm eschews purity politics and the pursuit of epistemological closure in favor of a critical orientation toward ritual transgression and Black radical discernment. Reframing iconoclasm in this way, Athanasopoulos opens avenues for new approaches to the relationship between Black resistance and the co-option of that resistance.

This volume examines land and resource contestations in the East African Albertine region, where Uganda, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Rwanda, Burundi and Tanzania intersect. It is one of the most biodiverse regions on the continent, and became highly contested when Uganda discovered oil there in 2006. The resource contestation in this region has resulted in ongoing conflict, and has defined and re-defined identity and citizenship. Contributors of this volume succinctly bring out the major forces that have been responsible for resource contestations and conflicts together with an emphasis on the existing mechanisms for peaceful co-existence, particularly in relation to alternative dispute resolution mechanisms within indigenous knowledge systems.

Chapter(s) “Chapter 12.” is available open access under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License via link.springer.com.

This book argues that treating politics as war derails essential democratic processes, including deliberation and policy argumentation, in complicated ways. “Politics is war” is not always just a figure of speech, but often a sincere expression of how people see disagreement—they mean it literally—and they use it to evade the responsibilities of rhetoric. This book takes the metaphor seriously. Using a series of case studies ranging from the 432 BCE “Debate at Sparta” to Bill O'Reilly's recent invention of a “War on Christmas,” Deliberating War illustrates pathologies of deliberation that arise when a community understands itself to be at political war. This book identifies recurrent rhetorical strategies that constrain or even effectively prohibit deliberation, such as deflecting, reframing, threat inflation, appealing to paired terms, claiming moral license, radicalizing a base. In short, what seems to be an effective solution to an immediate rhetorical problem—using hyperbole and demagoguery to persuade people to adopt a specific leader or policy—is a trap that prevents democratic practices of compromise, deliberation, fairness, reciprocity. Unhappily, threat inflation—even when well-intentioned--At some point, hyperbolic rhetoric becomes threat inflation, and then that inflated threat becomes the premise of policies, both foreign and domestic. And then agreeing as to the obvious existential threat posed by the Other and uniting behind the obvious policy solution is a necessary sign of being on the side of Good. Once communities become persuaded that they are in an apocalyptic battle between Good and Evil, politics as war can quickly become real war—often with far-reaching and catastrophic consequences.

Polarization in the United States has been on the rise for several decades. In this context, few observers expect politics today to stop “at the water's edge,” as the old cliché goes. But key questions about the relationship between polarization and US foreign policy remain to be fully answered. To what extent are American ideas about foreign policy now polarized along partisan lines? How is polarization changing the foreign policy behavior of the US Congress and President? And how is polarization altering the effectiveness of US foreign policy and influencing America's role in the world? This edited volume explores these questions and more, bringing together existing knowledge as well as considering how the political dynamics and execution of US foreign policy may evolve in the years ahead.

In recent years, attacks on the rise of ‘gender ideology'and ‘genderism'as a political force, on gender studies as an academic field, and on feminist, queer and trans individuals seen to be their embodied representatives, have grown in scope and intensity. This edited volume understands such attacks as a global force in need of urgent analytical and political attention. Drawing on contributions from and about a varied range of geographical locations including Argentina, Chile, China, Germany, the Persian Gulf, Hungary, India, Pakistan, Peru, South Africa, Spain, Turkey, Uganda, the UK and the US, this book explores how anti-gender mobilisations work as a transnational formation shaped by the legacies of colonialism, racial capitalism, and resurgent nationalisms and how these can be resisted. By transnationalising our inquiries into the epistemic, affective and political nature of the anti-gender phenomenon, this volume troubles the ‘origin stories'we tell about where anti-genderpolitics come from, and helps to better locate the various sources, actors, and networks behind these attacks, contesting the notion that anti-gender politics derive solely from right-wing nationalist or conservative religious actors, to show how they also derive from more centrist, liberal, leftist and even presumably feminist positions. The book thus invites us to sharpen and rethink the conceptual vocabularies and strategies we use to understand and resist anti-gender attacks, opening up space for envisioning new political imaginaries and transnational feminist solidarities.Chapter 1 is available open access under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License via link.springer.com.

The Council of the EU is a powerful institution whose centrality has been challenged by the Treaty of Lisbon. More than ten years after this major institutional revision, this book examines its role within the EU political regime and its interactions with other institutions. It explores how the Council Presidency has navigated major crises over the past decade and addressed internal challenges. The various chapters discuss key timely questions: How has the relationship between the Council and the European Council evolved over time? To what extent have the recent crises reshaped the relationship between the Council and the European Parliament, as well as its interactions with the Commission? Is the Council Presidency still a powerful mediator? What are its internal challenges? What are the prospects for the rotating presidency system?

This book examines the establishment and implementation of the AfCFTA, which is the largest free trade area globally, covering 54 African countries. It explores how this initiative has the potential to reshape Africa-EU relations by promoting intra-African trade, economic integration, and diversification, as well as inter- regional trade. Both continents have the potential to serve as global actors in reshaping the global order in ways that can affect how multilateralism fosters inclusive development. However, whether this will happen would be a function of how the EU and AU define their interests and relationship.

​This book explores the intersections of affect, memory and privilege among Bogota's upper middle class. Combining approaches from memory studies, anthropology, feminist and affect theory, this work is concerned with the implications for the present and potential futures contained in affective encounters. It is structured along four affects describing the social, spatial, historical and political aspects of ‘being affected'by the Colombian conflict. After showing how the Colombian conflict is rooted in specific affective relationships to land, disappointment and crushed hopes in the context of various peace negotiations are portrayed as the central experiences nurturing a sense of a doubling or re-experiencing of past emotions. Then, a specifically upper-middle class emotional habitus and its implication for the social connections to people more directly affected by the conflict are outlined, and peace as an upper middle-class affect is revealed as a privilege not everyone deserves.

This edited volume focuses on the (un)equal access to the public space granted to the various groups that make up hybrid and multicultural societies: i.e. majority vs minority groups, immigrants vs non-immigrants, and so forth. With ‘access to public space'the authors refer not only to participation through discursive practices in the public arena (e.g. political, social and institutional debates) but also to a full operationalization of the knowledge, habits and opportunities attached to true citizenship. Furthermore, in contexts of inequality and sociocultural conflict, the role of mediators has always been underscored as third-party figures (in)formally acknowledged and authorized–by participants in the interaction and/or external bodies–to set the ground for mutual understanding and foster balanced communication. Such mediation can range from interpreting in legal and medical encounters to dispute-resolution practices in situations of sociocultural clash among groups or individuals. Therefore, as is shown by the contributions in this volume, (intercultural) mediators are key agents in facilitating integration and providing disadvantaged groups with effective tools to gain access to the public sphere.

This book presents the reality of democratic reversals and waves of coups cutting throughAfrica, explores the political economy of coups, and through a case studyapproach, provides a nuanced analysis of the negative impacts of coups inAfrica, and interrogates the roles of African regional organisations incurtailing coups and foreign powers in distorting the security architecture ofAfrican states, particularly in the Sahel region. It proffers sustainablepolicy templates for political development, professionalism of the military,and the subsequent withdrawal of the military from African politics. Apart fromits policy relevance, it will serve as a resource pool for researchers workingin the area of African political development, peace and security, and securitysector reforms. With the incremental exit of France from the Sahel, the bookwill also offer a nuanced perspective on the ‘scramble for the soul'of theSahel by non-Western powers, such as China, Russia, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia.

This book delves into Trinidad and Tobago's development with a fresh lens. It stands as the inaugural empirical exploration of the country's unique attributes, including its diversity, ex-British colony status, small-state categorization by population size, and its dependence on hydrocarbons.Through meticulous empirical analysis, this book scrutinizes the nation's economic, social, and political outcomes within the context of these four distinctive parameters, offering fresh insights into the country's development trajectory.What sets this book apart is its unwavering commitment to a data-driven approach. Drawing upon a vast array of databases from both international and national sources, it provides a thorough examination of development indicators, household welfare metrics, firm-level performance, and individual perspectives on a wide range of political, economic, and social issues.For scholars, policymakers, and anyone with an interest in understanding how unique contextual factors shape a Trinidad and Tobago's development, this book offers an enlightening and data-rich perspective on the nation's journey towards progress and prosperity.

This volume offers a critical examination of how counterterrorism measures influence democratic processes, with a specific focus on the case study of post-2011 Tunisia. More concretely, it assesses the effects of counterterrorist discourses and practices on the democratic transition initiated after the Dignity Revolution of 2010-2011. Tunisia has been the only Arab country to experience a structured democratic transition after the Arab uprisings. However, the measures taken to counter the rise of salafi jihadism in the country strongly marked the transitional process. This research analyses the detrimental impact of counterterrorism on Tunisian political transition and democratic consolidation. It highlights human rights violations and their legitimization, the strengthening of repressive mechanisms, the enactment of liberticidal laws, the normalization of exceptional governance, and the constriction of public space, while also detailing its negative effects on the state's economy.The book posits that the counterterrorism rhetoric and policies have played a significant role in facilitating the democratic backsliding witnessed in Tunisia beginning in 2021. The research adopts a discursive-ethnographic approach that integrates critical analysis of presidential and parliamentary discourse with extensive fieldwork among institutional and associative actors in Tunisia. The volume represents the first comprehensive and holistic assessment of counterterrorism discourses and policies implemented in post-2011 Tunisia, highlighting their progressive impact on democratic transition.

This handbook reviews the extant literature on the most important issues in health and science journalism, with a focus on summarizing the relevant research and identifying key questions that are yet to be answered. It explores challenges and best practices in health and science reporting, formats and audiences, key topics such as climate change, pandemics and space science, and the ethics and political impacts of science and health journalist practice. With numerous international contributions, it provides a comprehensive overview of an emerging area of journalism studies and science communication.

This book discusses Human Security from a theoretical perspective. It builds theories in order to understand a phenomenon in a structured and well-ordered way. It sheds light on the conditions of the economy, food, health, community, environmental and political security in Asian states. It explores the idea of human security to understand the issues jeopardizing an individual's security in the Asian continent and suggests policies to overcome these problems. This book argues that the nature of the government and the constitution are equally essential in ensuring the human security of a country. Some countries in Asia are not only economically vulnerable but also politically disrupted. The issues of hunger, poverty, illiteracy, militancy, terrorism, and ethnoreligious conflicts have posed threats to human security. The pandemic COVID-19 has brought a great humanitarian crisis. The role of the Asian states in combatting COVID-19 and protecting public health is highlightedin this book. With a multidimensional outlook this edited volume attempts to delineate an interdisciplinary discourse of human security in an Asian context.

This open access handbook examines the phenomenon of South-South migration and its relationship to inequality in the Global South, where at least a third of all international migration takes place. Drawing on contributions from nearly 70 leading migration scholars, mainly from the Global South, the handbook challenges dominant conceptualisations of migration, offering new perspectives and insights that can inform theoretical and policy understandings and unlock migration's development potential. The handbook is divided into four parts, each highlighting often overlooked mobility patterns within and between regions of the Global South, as well as the inequalities faced by those who move. Key cross-cutting themes include gender, race, poverty and income inequality, migration decision making, intermediaries, remittances, technology, climate change, food security and migration governance. The handbook is an indispensable resource on South-South migration and inequality for academics, researchers, postgraduates and development practitioners.

This volume presents an analytical and empirical overview of the array of issues that the Mexican media faces in the post-authoritarian age, which jointly explains how a partially accomplished democracy, its authoritarian inertias, and its unintended consequences hinder the democratic performance of the media. This is analyzed from three points of view: the stalemate Mexican media system and ineffective regulations, the conditions of risk and insecurity of the journalists on the field, and the limits of freedom of expression, political substance, and inclusiveness of media content. A binational effort, with research from US and Mexican authors, a wide analytic perspective is provided on the macro, meso, and micro levels, allowing for a deep conceptual richness and a comprehensive understanding of the Mexican case. With leading researchers in the field, the volume revolves around the problems of the media in post-authoritarian democracies. By answering the questions of how and why the Mexican media has not fully democratized, the works encompassed here can resonate with and are relevant to other post-authoritarian countries and academic disciplines.

This book critiques the practices of managerialism and their effects on those who live and work in prisons. It draws upon ethnographic research conducted in English prisons over a 15 year period, written by a former prison governor. Since the last years of the 20th century, public services in England have increasingly adopted managerial approaches with an architecture of target setting, surveillance and assertive line management. The book examines how this system was created and then evolved during the period of austerity after 2010 and was disrupted during the coronavirus pandemic of 2020-22. It proposes an alternative approach, re-energising the agency of prison managers, reinvigorating a more localised approach, and developing measures that address the lived experience of people in prison. This book will be of particular relevance to prison managers and policy makers, researchers interested in criminology, the sociology of prisons, and the sociology of work, as well as to post-graduate students exploring prison work.

What is Realpolitik? How did the concept come about, and what does it stand for? This book explores the origins and meaning of a core precept of international history and politics. Statesmen, diplomats, and analysts alike deploy the term as if it were a timeless label. Endlessly, they suppose, states compete with each other for power in a zero-sum game. Yet Realpolitik was born in Germany in the mid-nineteenth century. The circumstances of its birth are key to its meaning. Realpolitik emerged among Europe's constitutional struggles on the one hand, and the wars of Italian and German unification on the other. Revolutionary disappointment, the end of the Romantic era, and the rise of a new scientific materialism all informed a Realist period of political strongmen. Rather than describing a permanent state of things, this book suggests, Realpolitik is rooted in nineteenth-century European and German politics, and consequently the rise of an aggressive nationalism.

This book explores what it meant to be ‘liberal'in interwar Czech, Austrian, and Slovenian politics. Up until 1918, these countries shared the common political framework of Cisleithania (the Austrian part of the Habsburg Monarchy). Within this framework was the predominantly pejorative function of the label ‘liberal,'and as a result after 1918, no major political party employed it to describe its own political orientation. Despite making considerable efforts to dissociate themselves from liberalism, many parties continued to be referred to as ‘liberal'by the contemporary public. This association with liberalism, the book argues, was primarily due to the parties'historical background rather than any ideological commitment to liberalism, and for that reason, the author refers to them as ‘national liberal heirs.'Examining the (dis)continuities of liberal party traditions, the book presents three representative cases of national liberal heirs: the Czechoslovak National Democracy; the Greater German People's Party; and the Slovenian sections of the Yugoslav Democratic Party, the Independent Democratic Party, and the Yugoslav National Party. Forming a distinctive part of early twentieth-century party landscapes in Central Europe, the national liberal heirs had inherited organisational structures, parts of electorate, as well as rootedness in specific cultural and social milieus from their liberal predecessors. Following the political trajectories of the national liberal heirs, the author seeks to answer in which spheres, in which manners, and to what extent liberalism survived or even continued to develop in the interwar Czech lands, Austria, and Slovenia.

This edited volume explores the media and political discourses during the COVID-19 crisis across thirteen nations. Despite warnings that a global pandemic was a matter of if rather than when, the virus caught governments worldwide unaware. The nature, extent and timespan of governmental responses varied significantly from country to country, but a number of features were common to all. The nation became the frame of reference used in an attempt to make sense of the crisis, to keep citizens united, to gain their trust, and to ensure compliance with unprecedented health mandates. With the same purpose, there was a recourse to ‘non-ideological'values and narratives (sometimes abstract, sometimes political) that could be accepted by all stakeholders. The analyses evidence the perception of the fragility of liberal democracy, caused by too much political and media consensus, by too much political and media dissent and by the threat of populism. The wide-ranging scope and multi-perspective methodology of the analyses offered in this book are an essential reading for academics and students of Media Studies, Politics, Political Communication, and Discourse Analysis and their associated disciplines. Written in accessible language, this volume (full of insightful and at times surprising ideas) will be of interest for all those keen to understand the role of political and media discourse in the communication of the COVID-19 crisis and its wider implications for liberal democracies.

The overarching aim of the book is to provide the first comprehensive account of Sweden's feminist foreign policy and its dissemination through digital diplomacy. In contrast to other scholarly studies of digital diplomacy that tend to view it as a technological and apolitical device for online diplomatic communication, this book examines the specific political dynamics of digital diplomacy. It posits that digital diplomacy is a highly political practice and form of communication. The book offers an in-depth examination of the interdependent relationship between digital diplomacy and feminist foreign policy, with an empirical focus on Sweden. Additionally, it introduces a novel theoretical framework to analyse the political characteristics of digital diplomacy, emphasising the oscillation between antagonism and agonism at the intersection of feminist foreign policy and digital diplomacy. In sum, the book provides new theoretical and empirical knowledge of why, how, and in what ways power-political dynamics are produced, sustained, and transformed within the contexts of feminist foreign policy and digital diplomacy. While the focus centres on Sweden, the authors contend that their novel approach to examining the political dynamics of digital diplomacy and feminist foreign policy applies to other country case studies as well. This is an open access book.

This book examines the British colonial and American post-colonial oil policies toward the Persian Gulf from a postcolonial critical perspective, taking into account the coloniality and postcoloniality of power structures. It examines colonization, decolonization, and postcolonization of oil in the Persian Gulf through the parameters of political order, formulated policies, market structure, concession system, imperial/national interests, and great powers rivalry. In this work, the author uses qualitative, theory testing, and comparative case study method. There are several reasons that are encouraging for the selection of these two cases: first, British colonial and American post-colonial oil policies toward the Gulf region show similar patterns of domination and exploitation; second, both colonial and post-colonial great powers consider the control of the Gulf oil among their national security priorities; third, both use military interventions, install military bases and involve in coup d'etat in the region to maintain their established oil order; and fourth, both justifies their colonial/imperial oil order in the region with humanitarian objectives such as ‘civilizing mission'or ‘democratization.'In this research, the state-level of analysis is used to explore the oil policies of Anglo-American governments. The governance history of oil in the Persian Gulf can be broadly divided into three phases: (1) the colonial period 1901–1950; (2) the decolonization period 1950–1972; and (3) the post-colonial period, since the mid-1970s to the present. Chronologically, the oil policies of Anglo-American governments are examined in loose temporal and spatial contexts, and each period is introduced in independent chapters, but they are complementary to each other.

This book examines the conceptual contributions of constituent representatives in Spain during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. The Spanish Parliament has been the stage for the political modernisation of the country. Constitutional debates have historically led to the gradual acknowledgement and broadening – usually unevenly – of citizens'rights. At the same time, constitutional debates have created opportunities to design institutions and settle legal mechanisms to enforce rights and distribute state resources. The book identifies and analyses rhetorical and conceptual innovations produced in such debates from a historical perspective.

This book analyses the impact of the coronavirus pandemic on three ethnic minorities in three European cities: Bangladeshi in London, Turks in Stuttgart and Peruvians in Milan. Considerable debate has emerged during the pandemic concerning its impact on minorities, and although considerable quantitative data has been generated by epidemiologists, qualitative studies also have great relevance, socially and culturally as well as institutionally. While in normal circumstances the position of migrant communities is associated with unequal access to scarce resources such as wealth, power and social prestige, the coronavirus pandemic shifted the focus to more specific variables: living in segmented or overcrowded conditions, working in jobs with higher risk exposure, difficulties with online schooling, and lack of access to health care and information.The book will therefore be of interest to researchers and students of sociology, anthropology, global studies, migration and urban studies.

This book will discuss the growing socio-economic and political diversity of the groups that comprise the British South Asian diaspora, with a focus on the formation of the British South Asian'middle classes'. They will be framed within this work as a heterogenous sub-population, but this book is be the first comprehensive effort to define them sociologically as a distinct ethnoracial collective with a unique political profile. It does this with reference to secondary statistical data and primary interview data, and engages with relevant academic and non-academic literature. It describes the ways in which socially mobile South Asian migrants and particularly their descendants in the UK relate to their racial, ethnic, religious, classed and gendered identities, their relationship with ‘Britishness', and their politics. It will therefore be of interest to students and researchers of political sociology, particularly those specialising in race, processes of racism and racialisation, ethnic and ethno-religious identity, class and social mobility amongst ethnic minority groups, and the interaction between minority identity and political identity.

This book offers a systematization of the recourse to political incivility by different subjects and in different contexts. The authors argue that incivility has now become a strategic resource that can be used by various actors in the public arena to achieve specific goals. We are referring not only to traditional political subjects, but also to journalists, citizens, movements and protest groups, that is to a plurality of actors who, from different angles, contribute to the construction of the “political spectacle”. This resource can be activated according to circumstances and conveniences, whether their nature be political (to place an issue at the center of public debate or a new actor in the offer range), mediatic (to achieve an increase in visibility or viewership) or relational (to expand one's visibility and centrality in social media). The book identifies common elements linking the different levels of use of incivility, which can be traced in uncivil forms of communication. These are their expressive power (memorable gestures and unequivocal messages, which are immediately recognizable and visible), their aggregation power (they build group identities, and consolidate allegiances and bonds) and their mobilization power (they galvanize people, and inspire them to participate and take action).

This book offers a comprehensive exploration of the widespread issue of fake news and misinformation. Using real-life examples and semiotic theory, the author demonstrates how language, images, and symbols are being utilized in media production and distribution with the intention of altering the perception of individuals and shaping their beliefs. The book also addresses how social and cultural factors influence the spread of information and emphasizes the importance of understanding the context in which information is being received and shared. This book is a must-read for anyone seeking to understand the impact of fake news and misinformation on society, especially academics, researchers, journalists, policymakers, and media professionals at all levels. The author provides contemporary theories and practical strategies to navigate the complex and ever-changing media landscape.

This book compares Trump and Hitler as political performance artists. It explores their populist self-staging and rhetorical strategies and explains how they connected with their respective audiences. It also analyses the two men's character, work ethic, and management style. In addition, the book addresses seemingly peripheral issues like the reasons behind Hitler's toothbrush moustache and Trump's hairstyle. By demystifying Hitler and Trump, the author throws new light on both of them.

This open access book explains why southern European countries with significant Muslim communities have experienced few religiously inspired violent attacks – or have avoided the kind of securitised response to such attacks seen in many other Western states. The authors provide a unique contribution to the literature on violent extremism – which has traditionally focused on countries such as France, the US and the UK – by studying the causes of relatively low rates of radicalisation in Greece, Italy and Spain. The book explores many of the dynamics between (non) radicalisation and issues such as socioeconomic inequality, experiences of conflict, and systemic racism and other forms of discrimination. It establishes a new analytical framework for the development of, and resilience against, violent radicalisation in the region and beyond.

Scholars and practitioners usually regard the nuclear non-proliferation regime as composed of two categories of countries – those with and those without nuclear weapons. The latter are regarded as the core designers of that regime, while the former have their prominence in shaping non-proliferation institutions eclipsed or ignored. This book proposes to go beyond that duality by focusing on a usually neglected group of states: latent nuclear countries. Those are the countries that possess advanced nuclear capabilities but no weapons. This book shows that latent nuclear countries not only participate actively in non-proliferation institutions but also promote the creation of new frameworks highlighting concerns and perspectives different from their nuclear-weapon and nuclear-free counterparts. The author makes this argument through an intricate combination of quantitative and qualitative methods, with an in-depth analysis of Brazil and Germany as sources for case studies. He makes the case to understand the nuclear non-proliferation regime as an inclusive and refined approach that takes into consideration countries'nuclear capabilities, identities, role conceptions, and domestic structures.

The literature on the fall of communism contains numerous interpretations of the changes that took place in Central and Eastern Europe in 1989, while debates about how best to characterize the fall of the communist regimes have raged for many years. Researchers continue to ponder and argue over how ‘revolutionary', as opposed to ‘evolutionary'(or ‘reformatory') these changes were. In this new study, author Paweł Ukielski proposes the term ‘counterrevolution'to describe the historical process that took place and uses it as an analytical construct to better understand the crisis of Soviet communism and the subsequent transitions that took place.

This book explores the relationship of natural and artificial intelligence in our rapidly evolving world. It does so anchored in an innovative multidisciplinary framework and the premise that society is a composition of multiple dimensions, with individuals (micro), communities (meso), countries (macro) and planet (meta) in the collective sphere, and individuals themselves as multidimensional beings (aspirations, emotions, thoughts, sensations). This perspective is applied to analyze the implications of our transition into a phase where online and offline realms are increasingly intertwined. Special attention is given to the influence of all pervasive technology on our perception of the self and society. The central message is that we must learn to harness Agency amid AI, which entails double literacy – of artificial and natural intelligence.

This book examines how jihadist groups in sub-Saharan Africa have managed to advance their extremist agenda and recruit new followers thanks to digital media fueled by the information revolution since the dawn of the 21st century. This examination is based on a mixture of historical accounts, contemporary descriptions, case studies, theoretical applications, and an in-depth applied study (in the late chapters of the manuscript). An important conclusion is that the progress of jihadism in sub-Saharan Africa has been commensurate with the development and availability of digital media. This book breaks new ground in three ways. It is the first major academic work to devote most of its content exclusively to the use of digital media by jihadist groups in that region. Examples of jihadist digital media include social networking sites, online instructional videos, propaganda videos, and online jihadist magazines―among others. Secondly, it provides detailed case studies of both well-knownAfrican groups (e.g., Al-Shabaab, Boko Haram) and lesser-known ones― e.g., the Allied Democratic Forces in the Congo (which have, nevertheless, wreaked so much damage). Lastly, it is the first book to include an in-depth thematic analysis of online jihadist magazines―Inspire, Dabiq, Rumiyah, and Gaidi Mtaani―on their content dedicated to sub-Saharan Africa.

This book explores the careers, professional trajectories and legal cultures of judges in the federal judiciary in Mexico. So far, there has been limited research on internal factors contributing to the understanding of judicial power dynamics in Mexico and other Latin American countries at large; this Work fills an important gap in the literature through its empirical investigation of internal legal cultures and judicial norms, offering new data, measurement strategies,and insights into the interactions between law, politics, norms, legal culture(s), as well as judicial behavior. Utilising an original survey, the chapters analyse judicial conceptualizations of role norms, legal cultures, proclivities for judicial activism, and judicial behavior. In so doing, this book contributes to understanding of underlying key internal factors of judicial activism or restraint, in turn moving forward the debate that seeks to explain judicial behavior reliant on internal and ideational perspectives. Complementing limited but existing studies of judicial politics in Mexico through its analysis of judges beyond those that sit at the Supreme Court, this book will be of particular interest to Latin-American judicial politics scholars due to its focus on the judicial power from internal perspectives as well as sub-national judges, filling a void in the literature vis-à-vis the study of courts in Latin America. This Work was originally written in Spanish, and the translation was done with the help of artificial intelligence. A subsequent human revision was done primarily in terms of content.

This book examines the timely issue of police stops as a public and political issue, focussing on the European states. Contrary to much other work it focuses on wider Europe and the social and political context in which the police practice of stopping citizens emerges, develops and can be curtailed. More specifically, the volume analyses public controversies about police stops, i.e. events in which conflicts emerge about how the performance of police stops is explained and justified. This book stems from an EU COST Action research network on Police Stops which engages academics and practitioners from 29 countries. It appeals to those in law, criminology and policing studies with some potential for wider interest in cultural studies/history and public policy/politics, as well as to practitioners in police scrutiny, oversight and other professional bodies and in training organisations.