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Updating the papers from the 2011 Asan Conference to cover the end of 2011, this book reflects the state of analysis on the eve of the important 2012-13 transition to China's fifth-generation leaders.

Offering a comprehensive account of the work of Hedley Bull, Ayson analyses the breadth of Bull's work as a Foreign Office official for Harold Wilson's government, the complexity of his views, including Bull's unpublished papers, and challenges some of the comfortable assertions about Bull's place in the English School of IR.

This text is a compilation of papers together with a summing-up of the origins and sustainability of change in the Soviet Union and the implications for the super-power dialogue, for East-West strategic and economic relations, for Europe and for the Asia-Pacific.

Polarization in the United States has been on the rise for several decades. In this context, few observers expect politics today to stop “at the water's edge,” as the old cliché goes. But key questions about the relationship between polarization and US foreign policy remain to be fully answered. To what extent are American ideas about foreign policy now polarized along partisan lines? How is polarization changing the foreign policy behavior of the US Congress and President? And how is polarization altering the effectiveness of US foreign policy and influencing America's role in the world? This edited volume explores these questions and more, bringing together existing knowledge as well as considering how the political dynamics and execution of US foreign policy may evolve in the years ahead.

What is Realpolitik? How did the concept come about, and what does it stand for? This book explores the origins and meaning of a core precept of international history and politics. Statesmen, diplomats, and analysts alike deploy the term as if it were a timeless label. Endlessly, they suppose, states compete with each other for power in a zero-sum game. Yet Realpolitik was born in Germany in the mid-nineteenth century. The circumstances of its birth are key to its meaning. Realpolitik emerged among Europe's constitutional struggles on the one hand, and the wars of Italian and German unification on the other. Revolutionary disappointment, the end of the Romantic era, and the rise of a new scientific materialism all informed a Realist period of political strongmen. Rather than describing a permanent state of things, this book suggests, Realpolitik is rooted in nineteenth-century European and German politics, and consequently the rise of an aggressive nationalism.

Scholars and practitioners usually regard the nuclear non-proliferation regime as composed of two categories of countries – those with and those without nuclear weapons. The latter are regarded as the core designers of that regime, while the former have their prominence in shaping non-proliferation institutions eclipsed or ignored. This book proposes to go beyond that duality by focusing on a usually neglected group of states: latent nuclear countries. Those are the countries that possess advanced nuclear capabilities but no weapons. This book shows that latent nuclear countries not only participate actively in non-proliferation institutions but also promote the creation of new frameworks highlighting concerns and perspectives different from their nuclear-weapon and nuclear-free counterparts. The author makes this argument through an intricate combination of quantitative and qualitative methods, with an in-depth analysis of Brazil and Germany as sources for case studies. He makes the case to understand the nuclear non-proliferation regime as an inclusive and refined approach that takes into consideration countries'nuclear capabilities, identities, role conceptions, and domestic structures.

The literature on the fall of communism contains numerous interpretations of the changes that took place in Central and Eastern Europe in 1989, while debates about how best to characterize the fall of the communist regimes have raged for many years. Researchers continue to ponder and argue over how ‘revolutionary', as opposed to ‘evolutionary'(or ‘reformatory') these changes were. In this new study, author Paweł Ukielski proposes the term ‘counterrevolution'to describe the historical process that took place and uses it as an analytical construct to better understand the crisis of Soviet communism and the subsequent transitions that took place.

This book asks what it means to think globally about world politics. In an attempt to contextualise the recent ‘globalising turn'in International Relations (IR), it takes stock of more than 30 years of efforts at addressing IR's Eurocentric limitations, and explores what ‘thinking globally'means in practice through focusing on the study of (international) security and foreign policy. The authors offer thinking globally about world politics not as an alternative to, but as a critical engagement with, IR. It involves curiosity about what others think about the world, making a sustained effort to locate the knowledge they have produced, and recognising past and present contributions to what we otherwise view as ‘European'ideas, practices, and institutions. Rather than focusing on abstract debates about the state of the discipline, the aim is to provide researchers with the conceptual tools to think globally and design their own research projects.

The rise and fall of states in the international system has been an interesting problem that has received attention amongst scholars, policy makers, journalists, politicians and leaders of states. Interestingly there have been numerous attempts that have sought to define, explain and interpret the consequences of these developments that occur in the international system (Chan, 2008:1). Efforts have been made to define ‘Great Powers', ‘Middle Powers', ‘Emerging Powers', ‘Small Powers', Super Powers', ‘Hegemons'etc, of which the idea of ‘Great Power'and ‘Emerging Power', receives primary attention in this research. The dramatic rise of China and India in particular, in terms of their economy and military capabilities, has brought about a paradigm shift in terms of thinking of world politics that is coupled with the decline of the US'hegemonic status. Randall Schweller points out that there have been arguments that support the fact of the increasing potential for security competition and war between the US and China and on the other hand he also directs the reader to the optimist's argument that the transition of power would be smooth and evolutionary where there will be efforts towards accommodating these changes that are occurring in the international system. He also points out that there will be efforts by great powers to accept these changes through restraint, reciprocity, cooperation and establish a mutually acceptable order that would benefit all (Schweller, 2011: 285). These complexities make it both interesting as well as a serious concern in terms of peace and security in the world.

This book surveys the testimony of international organizations of the impact of American foreign policy on Iraq. Each reveals a fragment of Iraq's mosaic of misery and desolation, but lacks the context to permit our understanding why this has happened. A parallel lack of context characterizes most of the political commentary, overlooking the recurring pattern of victimization of Iraqis, regardless of which political party controls the White House. This book takes a broader perspective, to reveal the enduring pattern linking specific events.

The book provides an examination of the evolution of China and Taiwan after 1949. This starting point situates the contestation for power between the two entities in the region after Taipei was recognized by the international community as the representative of China. The ramifications for Taiwan were drastic as country after country switched its recognition to China including those in the Caribbean and Latin America. Taiwan was able to maintain diplomatic relations with several countries in both regions through diplomatic strategies including providing financial assistance. This has waned over time considering China's economic rise to power and Western Europe's and the United States'fall in global economic and political prestige and power.This book discusses China's and Taiwan's continuing engagement with countries in Latin America and the Caribbean with a particular emphasis on the sharp rise in trade between China and the two regions. China's foreign policyagenda, and how Taiwan reacts to China's policies, are also examined.

The book examines how US media, public opinion, interest groups and think tanks respond to US Presidents'attempts to market their foreign policies in the MENA Region. The scope of the analysis extends from the war on terror to the so-called Arab Spring. It focuses on some case studies including the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Iran nuclear deal. The book fills a gap in the literature pertaining to analyzing US foreign policy in the MENA area from a political communication perspective rather than from IR or a political-theory angle, which remains the dominant literature. In so saying, the book will appeal to students, researchers as well as thinks tanks and policy makers.

This volume explains the behavior of the European Union (EU) towards Central Asia. In so doing, the responses of regional actors which impact the EU's regional conduct, and the effects of competing external governance providers (particularly Russia and China), are considered. The current literature – often from an interdisciplinary, descriptive area studies angle – reveals some research gaps. Scholars chiefly explore the impacts of the EU on Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan, while action of the EU itself with its decision-making, preferences, and underlying drivers, remains underspecified. Focusing more explicitly on the EU, chapters in the book are systematically organized along a set of shared, overarching questions. Ultimately, the authors depict and explain EU action and assess how successful the organization has been in achieving its stated regional objectives in a number of policy fields: Economic Development and Trade; Security; Democratizationand Human Rights; Water; and Education.

In the years since Independence in 1962, Jamaica's foreign policy has reflected the flux and reflux of international affairs. There has been continuity in the midst of change; and while the country has sought to deepen its traditional friendships and widen its network of allies, it has also experienced occasions of externally determined crisis and major disagreement both within the Caribbean and in the wider world. Bearing in mind the profound changes which have taken place in the international sphere since independence, this book examines some of the main initiatives and responses which have characterised Jamaican foreign policy over the last sixty years.

This book is about Russia. Yet, this book is not about Russia per se. To those, whose sole interest is a better understanding of the Kremlin's decision making and how it shapes Russia's present and future, we would refer to a rather long list of sources that we dutifully noted throughout the book. Instead, based on our expertise in Russian studies and the challenges that we experienced in the past 2 years, this book aims to offer a methodology to address questions when there is no ‘right'or ‘wrong'answer (due to lacking reliable information). Any attempt to answer this sort of questions using the commonly accepted deductive approach, based on scientific methods is bound to fail, because of the very nature of these questions. Therefore, using Russia as a case study, this book aims to advance a way of analysing (however limited, biased and uncertain) available information to advance a more critical understanding of the subject in question by using the methodology of dialectic inquiry.

Populism has lately experienced a meteoric rise to become one of the most widely used terms in academic and wider public discourses and a supposedly defining feature of both domestic and world politics. Situated at the intersection of International Relations (IR), Political Theory and Comparative Politics, this book makes a critical intervention into the burgeoning IR scholarship on populism and problematizes the often hyperbolic and sweeping usage of the term as a general descriptor for non-centrist politics of different persuasions. The book seeks to move into a different theoretical direction and broaden the empirical focus of existing IR research. Theoretically, it bridges the gap between theories of populism and IR by bringing the Laclauian, discursive approach and IR poststructuralism together in a theoretical framework. The proposed framework moves away from the search for the policy preferences and impact of populism, and instead conceptualizes foreign policy and world politics as potential sites for practicing populism, ranging from the articulation of societal grievances to the construction of populist identities such as ‘the people'. Empirically, the book takes IR scholarship beyond the predominant focus on the populist radical right and single-country and -region studies. Building on the discourse analysis of an original data set, it offers a comparative analysis of right-wing and left-wing populist discourses in different world regions as well as populist cross-border collaboration and identity construction.

This volume explores the implications of pluralism for international order. Distinguished contributors from around the world offer insights into the character of a pluralistic world order. They focus especially on the manifestations of international pluralism in great power relations, multilateralism, and regionalism. Contributors examine the myriad challenges a pluralistic world order will face in the years ahead, yet they eschew alarmist conclusions. There is still scope for the great powers to better manage their relations, and equally important, much space for multilateralism and regionalism to play their increasingly important roles in stabilizing world order. Distinctive in bringing the themes of pluralism and world order together in both theoretical exposition and policy discussion, this book offers a stimulating reading for scholars and practitioners of world politics.

This is a first book-long analysis showing how the notion of ‘hybrid warfare'was used to transform security policies and discourses in an EU/NATO country. Building on current debates in International Political Sociology, Critical Security Studies, and Critical Geopolitics, it provides a novel account of how crisis, geopolitics, uncertainty, and expertise are intertwined in the social construction of threats. Based on extensive and original empirical research of large textual archive and elite interviews in the Czech Republic and Brussels, the book shows how officials, bureaucrats, journalists, activists, and experts all participate in the reshaping of security in a new geopolitical environment. Zooming on the case of Czechia and its specific Central European context, it complements the predominantly Western-centric studies of insecurity with an account of how the liminal position on an East/West boundary influences security politics. As a first study of its kind and scope, it will be of interest to academics and students interested in Central European politics, practices and discourses of hybrid warfare, as well as critical approaches to security and geopolitics.

This book brings together a range of studies that aim at illustrating the ideas, institutions, historical patterns, and contemporary relevance of the social-political system that existed in the main part of East Asia during the premodern era. This is most often known as the Confucian literati-bureaucratic state, the imperial Chinese bureaucratic state, or the Confucian-Legalist state, that was established and endured most notably in China, but also in several East Asian societies such as Korea, Vietnam, Japan. That state and sociopolitical system also greatly shaped state making in several kingdoms in the region – such as Ryukyu and Dali – which were later merged into larger polities. Illuminating the significance of these historical patterns for today, this book will interest political scientists, historians, philosophers, and the general public.

This book presents South Asian women's voices which have been marginalised in the theory and practice of international relations in the region. It highlights critical issues of importance for women which are often neglected in traditional International Relations (IR). Embracing Feminist epistemology, the book re imagines the theory and practice of IR in South Asia, placing women's experiences and their diverse voices at the centre. Refusing the temptation to typecast women, the book showcases the varied voices of South Asian women in international relations with contributions from an eclectic set of authors from different nationalities. In doing so, the book expands the ontological and epistemological limits of IR by including caste, conflict, protest perspectives. While some of these are uniquely South Asian, like caste, all of them show how the field of IR in general can become enriched by being more inclusive. This book will be of interest to researchers as it provides a fresh conceptual re-conceptualization of the field of IR from gender as well as global south perspective. The book will also help graduate students seeking to understand the intersection of gender and IR.

This book provides a broad, interdisciplinary analysis of events impacting on North Macedonia since its independence, particularly during the last decade. In the past thirty years, the country has gone through deep political, social and economic transition, along with a name change from ‘Macedonia'to the ‘Republic of North Macedonia'following the Prespa Agreement signed with Greece. The contributors consider Macedonia's challenges, its multi-ethnic make-up and its ambition to enter the European mainstream through the auspices of the European Union and NATO. The volume includes chapters on international politics and North Macedonia's place in the region's security architecture as well as the difficulties of the privatisation of socially owned enterprises, political corruption, state capture and backsliding. The book also covers the controversial ‘Skopje 2014'project in addition to the impact of migration along the ‘Balkan Route'and the current wranglings with Bulgaria over identitypolitics.

In this book, Eurasia will be discussed in the context of the Greater Eurasian Partnership proposed by Russia, the “eastward” transformations spurred by Neo-Eurasianism and the Greater Eurasian Partnership, and cooperation with China through the BRI, while related countries of Atlanticism was used to described the U.S., Europe, and their allies. The Greater Eurasian Partnership proposed by Russia is an initiative with specific diplomatic considerations, economic development strategies, and geopolitical implications. The initiative represents an attempt by Russia to shift foreign policy thinking, which has traditionally focused on alignment with the U.S. and the West. The Greater Eurasian Partnership contains both short-term strategies to cope with Western pressure and long-term strategic goals for building a new international and regional order. What this portends for the future of Sino-Russian relations is of interest to geopoliticians, economists and journalists.

This book defines Russophobia as the irrational fear of Russia, a key theme in the study of propaganda in the West as Russia has throughout history been assigned a diametrically opposite identity as the “Other.” Propaganda is the science of convincing an audience without appealing to reason. The West and Russia have been juxtaposed as Western versus Eastern, European versus Asiatic, civilized versus barbaric, modern versus backward, liberal versus autocratic, and even good versus evil. During the Cold War, ideological dividing lines fell naturally by casting the debate as capitalism versus communism, democracy versus totalitarianism, and Christianity versus atheism. After the Cold War, anti-Russian propaganda aims to filter all political questions through the simplistic binary stereotype of democracy versus authoritarianism, which provides little if any heuristic value to understand the complexities of relations. A key feature of propaganda against the inferior “Other” is both contemptuous derision and panic-stricken fear of the threat to civilization. Russia has therefore throughout history been allowed to play one of two roles—either an apprentice of Western civilization by accepting the subordinate role as the student and political object, or a threat that must be contained or defeated. While propaganda has the positive effect of promoting unity and mobilizing resources toward rational and strategic objectives, it can also have the negative effect of creating irrational decision-making and obstructing a workable peace.

This book presents a comprehensive analysis of regional integration in East Africa in the last century, reflecting the general trends of integration processes in the East Africa sub-region with a focus on the East African Community. Particular attention is paid to the cyclicality of integration dynamics, as well as the analysis of the interconnection and competition between different regional organizations in East Africa. In this context, the specificity of the so-called overlapping membership of African states in regional organizations with similar roles but conflicting treaties and mandates is explored. This situation to a certain extent affects the relations of states in the region with external actors specifically trade negotiations with EU that the book comprehensively analyses. This book therefore offers a deeper understanding of the processes of regional integration in East Africa that had been missed before, which reflects the general integration dynamics on the African continent.

This book examines the slide into a new Cold War in the Caribbean. The primary argument is that the Caribbean's geopolitics have shifted from a period of relative great power disinterest in the aftermath of the Cold War to a gradual movement into a new Cold War in which a global rivalry between the U.S. and China is acted out regionally. The result of this is a gradual polarization of countries in the Caribbean as they are increasingly pressured to choose between Washington and Beijing (this being very evident during the Trump years). It can be argued that the U.S. focus on the Caribbean in the late 1990s through the early 21st century diminished, leaving the region open to a China ready and eager to do business and guided by a diverse set of objectives. The book brings the reader into a discussion on international relations with a main focus on U.S.-Chinese relations being played out in the Caribbean, an important strategic region for the North American country.

This book explores the transformation of the political organization of the world as manifest in different spheres of world politics, in particular, in world politics, regional studies, interaction of MNCs and government agencies, and state responses to biogenic challenges. To achieve this goal, M. Lebedeva proposes the concept of a political organization of the world, which in modern conditions is in the process of transformation. The transformation of the political organization of the world is accompanied by megatrends (globalization, integration, democratization) and the opposite trends (de-globalization disintegration, dedemocratization). Interdisciplinary in nature, this book brings together scholars from Russia, the United States, and Canada, and provides a compelling perspective on the geopolitics of our time.

This book is the first study of multilateral LGBT human rights diplomacy viewed from the perspective of its practitioners: diplomats, LGBT activists, human rights experts and multilateral specialists. It demonstrates how diplomats and advocates work to promote LGBT rights on the world stage, often using Western constructs of sexual and gender identity. In turn, these efforts have triggered conflict and polarization: opposing states often deploy cultural, religious and moral discourses to minimize LGBT rights as a “legitimate” human right. The author, a seasoned Canadian foreign service officer, human rights negotiator and former community activist and researcher, uses insider perspectives to critically assess both bilateral and multilateral diplomatic engagement on LGBT human rights issues. Janoff's research involved participation in UN meetings in Geneva and New York and 29 interviews with diplomats, human rights advocates and experts, and representatives from the UN and other inter-governmental organizations. Although LGBT issues have been mainstreamed into many areas of bilateral and multilateral human rights policy, his research found a considerable gap: a coordinated diplomatic and civil society approach is needed to more effectively address ongoing human rights violations against LGBT people around the world.

This book focuses on the propaganda war between the Syrian government and the opposition movement, which excludes the Islamic State and the Kurdish-led SDF. Drawing on international relations, psychology, and media studies, the book encourages readers to question the dominant discourse on the war. The core of the book outlines the propaganda battles over the main paradigms and narratives that framed the war, exploring the shortcomings of those paradigms and narratives, identifying who won the propaganda war and why, and assessing what impact it had on the military side of the war. In particular, it focuses on the role of cognitive bias amongst primary and secondary sources in determining the outcome of the propaganda war, and whether the influence of this propaganda is best explained by effects or limited effects theory. Through explaining the dynamics of the propaganda war, the book encourages readers to critically question the dominant discourse on the war, assists them in understanding primary and secondary reporting on the war, and shows that the impact of the propaganda war is best understood in terms of limited effects theory. The book's main findings are that: i) the opposition won the international propaganda war but failed to win the propaganda war inside Syria; ii) propaganda had relatively little effect on shaping attitudes either inside Syria or internationally (instead, its main effect was to reinforce attitudes that had already been shaped by other factors); and iii) the reality of the war lies between the conflicting paradigms and narratives being promoted by each side.

The book aims to trace and explain the historical evolution of Moscow, the capital of the Tsardom of Russia, Soviet Union and Russian Federation, as a political entity and political community, and to understand what place Moscow occupied within the Russian political space and what role it played in Russian political life for centuries until 2018. The authors consistently examine the dramatic political history of the contemporary Russian capital in the Moscow (13th – 17th centuries) and St. Petersburg (18th – 19th centuries) epochs, in the Soviet period, in the post-Soviet era, and identify its key points and the most pivotal events.

This book examines the foundations of China's grand strategy as it is critical to any assessment of current and future Chinese regional and global strategic behavior, especially Beijing's policies toward the USA. This eclectic study aims to analyze the current Chinese and American flexible grand strategies, based on present complexity and disorder. It identifies the major building blocks of both strategies, their major material, and ideational drivers and assesses how they might evolve in the future. Additionally, the author looks at China's relations with important international players such as Russia, ASEAN, UN, EU, and BRICS.

This book explores the debate and politicisation of the Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) negotiations in the Spanish, French and British public spheres. It addresses the questions of how and to what extent the national media discourses about TTIP were Europeanised, and how this type ofEuropeanisation contributes to the democratic legitimacy of the EU. The author argues that the politicisation of TTIP should be seen as a symptom of the ‘normal'politics of a democratic polity, as it enlarges the political arena by embedding European issues into national political debates. Demands for ‘Another Europe is Possible'empower rather than hinder the legitimacy of the EU.

This work contains papers presented at a conference called'Current Developments in Laos'in Washington DC in 1988. The topics covered range from Lao nationalism and American policy, 1954-1959, to Laotian refugees in Thailand.

Drawing on newly released government papers, John Gearson assesses the development of Harold Macmillan's foreign policy during the Berlin Wall Crisis. Tracing the bitter alliance disputes of the crisis, Dr Gearson shows how Macmillan's attempts to chart an independent course, crucially undermined his standing with his European partners and revealed his confused approach to European security. Berlin is placed at the centre of consideration of British foreign policy, making this book an important contribution to the historiography of the period.

This book is a timely resource for the debate around “revitalizing” Canada's public diplomacy, bringing together some of the top scholars of Canadian public diplomacy and practitioners past and present to build a one-stop shop for thinking on the past, present, and future of Canadian engagement with foreign publics. The volume builds on Justin Trudeau's media profile and the success of Canada's image in 2016 but does not stop at the Niagara frontier post. Canada is a significant and under-discussed case of public diplomacy, and its experience as a middle power is more likely to be applicable to others than the experience of the usual case of the United States. Offering a comprehensive discussion of a major non-US case in contemporary public diplomacy and soft power, contributors also explore new angles of public diplomacy, including city, gift, art, and archaeological diplomacy as well as digital diplomacy.

This book analyzes the connections between social policies and politics of sensibilities. The authors show how social policies build sociabilities, experiences and sensibilities, producing processes of conflict avoidance and consecration of the given. After discussing violence against women as a case study in order to understand the current state of social policies, the authors then describe how the “place” and “value” of education have become central features to social policies in order to disband conflict. Finally, they explain the emergence of a social phenomenon in the last sixteen years in Latin America and particularly Argentina: the compensatory consumption system and the resulting emergence of the “assisted citizen.”

“This book is a timely reminder of the ties that join Russia and the European Union and the opportunities that still exist to improve a troubled relationship. The book does not shy away from the difficulties that the relationship currently faces, but seeks to find opportunities in these obstacles that could lead to improvements. With the voice of Russian scholars fully audible in this excellent collection of essays, this book provides an excellent opportunities for English-speaking audiences to learn more about this complex relationship.”Victor Bulmer-Thomas, Chatham House, UK“The thinking of Evgeny Pashentsev in this volume presents an enlightening analysis and synthesis of the integration of the political, social, cultural and technological advances around the globe with respect to their impact on EU-Russia relations. His chapters are a must read for both scholars and strategic consultants who seek to understand the future of the paradigm shift taking place in these countries.”Bruce I. Newman, DePaul University, USA, and Founding Editor-in-Chief, Journal of Political MarketingIn this book the international team of EU, Russian and US researchers focus on the dangerous challenges of the current unstable international equilibrium and opportunities of the breakthrough for a better future. Eight chapters engage with a variety of issues, ranging from general tendencies and controversies in EU–Russia strategic communication and its political and economic aspects to reputation management of Russian companies in the EU and the psychological aspect of US sanctions in EU-Russia relations. Analyzing the security dimension, the authors focus on the geopolitical threats, opportunities and risks of advanced technologies such as artificial intelligence, robotics, cyborgization and human genetics.

This is the first work to engage with intelligence studies through the lens of queer theory. Adding to the literature in critical intelligence studies and critical international relations theory, this work considers the ways in which both the spy, and the activities of espionage can be viewed as queer. Part One argues that the spy plays a role which represents a third path between the hard power of the military and the soft power of diplomacy. Part Two shows how the intelligence community plays a key role in enabling leaders of democracies to conduct covert activities running counter to that mission and ideology, in this way allowing a leader to have two foreign policies—an overt, public policy and a second, closeted, queer foreign policy.

This book explores the growing importance of subnational diplomacy by examining the state of California. As the fifth largest economy in the world, California's tribes, counties, cities and the state itself are changing the shape of diplomatic theory and practice and defining what it means to be a ‘global'state. As both a theoretical text and a practical guide, this book offers a current snapshot of California, then connects this narrative to the fundamental international relations concepts of diplomacy and sovereignty and the working assumptions of professionals in the field. Through interviews with those representing all of the entities of the state - as well as the diplomats sent to the United States to represent the interests of their home countries - Holmes creates what she calls the ‘vertical axis of diplomacy', providing context and depth to a (re)emerging form of diplomacy, increasingly relevant in this pandemic moment.

This book explores how the European Union responds to the ongoing challenges to the liberal international order. These challenges arise both within the EU itself and beyond its borders, and put into question the values of free trade and liberal democracy. The book's interdisciplinary approach brings together scholars from economics, law, and political science to provide a comprehensive analysis of how shifts in the international order affect the global position of the EU in dimensions such as foreign and security policy, trade, migration, populism, rule of law, and climate change. All chapters include policy recommendations which make the book particularly useful for decision makers and policy advisors, besides researchers and students, as well as for anyone interested in the future of the EU.

This book analyses the discourse on Pakistan by exploring the knowledge production processes through which the International Relations community, Asian and South Asian area study centres, and think-tanks construct Pakistan's identity. This book does not attempt to trace how Pakistan has been historically defined, explained, or understood by the International Relations interpretive communities or to supplant these understandings with the author's version of what Pakistan is. Instead, this study focuses on investigating how the identity of Pakistan is fixed or stabilized via practices of the interpretive communities. In other words, this book attempts to address the following questions: How is the knowledge on Pakistan produced discursively? How is this knowledge represented in the writings on Pakistan? What are the conditions under which it is possible to make authoritative claims about Pakistan?

This book explores the history of Syria's borders and boundaries, from their creation (1920) until the civil war (2011) and their contestation by the Islamic State or the Kurdish movement. The volume's main objective is to reconsider the “artificial” character of the Syrian territory and to reveal the processes by which its borders were shaped and eventually internalized by the country's main actors. Based on extensive archival research, the book first documents the creation and stabilization of Syrian borders before and during the mandates period (nineteenth century to 1946), studying Ottoman and French territorialization strategies but also emphasizing the key role of the borderlands in this process. In turn, it investigates the perceptual boundaries resulting from the conflict, and how they materialized in space. Lastly, it explores the geographical and political imaginaries of non-state actors (PYD, ISIS) that emerged from the war.

This book, the 32nd volume in the Canada Among Nations series, looks to the wide array of foreign policy challenges, choices and priorities that Canada confronts in relations with the US where the line between international and domestic affairs is increasingly blurred. In the context of the Canada-US relationship, this blurring is manifest as a cooperative effort by officials to manage aspects of the relationship in which bilateral institutional cooperation goes on largely unnoticed. Chapters in this volume focus on longstanding issues reflecting some degree of Canada-US coordination, if not integration, such as trade, the environment and energy. Other chapters focus on emerging issues such as drug policies, energy, corruption and immigration within the context of these institutional arrangements.

This book draws together philosophy, jurisprudence, political science, and international relations to study the main categories of political modernity and its development trends. Grounded in critical theory—from Marx to later currents such as the Frankfurt School—Critical Theory and Political Modernity circulates around state power and oligarchy as well as emancipatory possibilities from their foundations to the present, such as radical democracy. Domingues analyzes the main categories of political modernity, including the juridical dimension, to conceptually articulate its long-term processes of development. In so doing, he examines rights, law and citizenship, state and domination abstract and concrete, the political system, state power, freedom and autonomy, scalar configurations, political regimes, oligarchy and democracy.

This book explores the images and perceptions of the EU in the eyes of their Strategic Partners. Spanning four continents, these ten important global actors – the BRICS together with the USA, Canada, Japan, South Korea and Mexico – are of profound significance to the EU in economics, politics, security and global governance. In 2015, the volume's editors and contributors were commissioned by the European External Action Service to research these countries'perceptions towards the EU. The research highlights how in changing multilateral settings, images and perceptions significantly influence the behaviour and foreign policy choices of actors. The findings presented in this book helped to inform the content and focus of the 2016 EU Global Strategy, and will be of interest to scholars, students and practitioners of EU foreign policy, European integration and public diplomacy.

This book explores narratives produced in the Maghreb in order to illustrate shortcomings of imagination in the discipline of international relations (IR). It focuses on the politics of narrating postcolonial Maghreb through a number of writers, including Abdelkebir Khatibi, Fatema Mernissi, Kateb Yacine and Jacques Derrida, who explicitly embraced the task of (re)imagining their respective societies after colonial independence and subsequent nation-building processes. Narratives are thus considered political acts speaking to the turbulent context in which postcolonial Maghrebian Francophone literature emerges as sites of resistance and contestation. Throughout the chapters, the author promotes an encounter between narratives from the Maghreb and IR and makes a case for the kinds of thinking and writing strategies that could be used to better approach international and global studies.

In 2020, America will elect a president, deciding not just the trajectory of its national politics but the future of American foreign policy. Will the Alt-Right, nationalist, and mercantilist approaches to international trade that characterized Donald Trump's rise to power maintain its hold? Or will the “national security establishment” ultimately prevail, continuing the illusion of the indispensable nation? In A Democratic Foreign Policy, renowned IR scholar Ned Lebow draws upon decades of research and government experience to reject both options and set forth an alternative vision of American foreign policy, one based on a tragic understanding of life and politics. Lebow challenges the assumptions of establishment voices on both sides of the aisle, and offers a probing rethinking of America's role in the world to disrupt the inertia of a bipartisan ideology that has dominated foreign policymaking since the days of Truman. Emphasizing the importance of America's core values for shaping domestic and foreign policies, A Democratic Foreign Policy provides a vision and blueprint for a new congress and president to reorient America's relationship with the world

This volume brings together well-versed authors from four continents to critically discuss the roots of neoliberalism and how academics use the word today. Neoliberalism has recently recycled and mutated towards new forms of radicalization where fear plays a leading role legitimating policies, which would otherwise be overtly neglected by citizens. The authors ignite a new discussion within social sciences, combining the advances of sociology, history, anthropology, communication and the theory of mobilities to understand the different faces and guises of neoliberalism.

​The scholarly study of international relations tends to go over the same cases, issues, and themes. This book addresses this by challenging readers to think creatively about international politics. It highlights some of the strangest and rarest phenomena in diplomacy and world politics. Comprised of a series of vignettes and organized by common themes like nonsensical borders, quasi-countries, and diplomatic taboos, Weird IR encourages readers to think critically about the discipline without losing one's sense of humor completely.

This volume discusses the presidential foreign policies of the post–Cold War era, beginning with George H. W. Bush and ending with the first 17 months of Donald Trump's presidency. During this period, the United States emerged from the Cold War as the world's most powerful nation. Nevertheless, the presidents of this era faced a host of problems that tested their ability to successfully blend realism and idealism. Some were more successful than others.

This book presents the evolution of the field of foreign policy analysis and explains the theories that have structured research in this area over the last 50 years. It provides the essentials of emerging theoretical trends, data and methodological pitfalls and major case-studies and is designed to be a key entry point for graduate students, upper-level undergraduates and scholars into the discipline. The volume features an eclectic panorama of different conceptual, theoretical and methodological approaches to foreign political analysis, focusing on different models of analysis such as two-level game analysis, bureaucratic politics, strategic culture, cybernetics, poliheuristic analysis, cognitive mapping, gender studies, groupthink and the systemic sources of foreign policy. The authors also clarify conceptual notions such as doctrines, ideologies and national interest, through the lenses of foreign policy analysis.