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This book questions the epistemological foundations of education in the Anthropocene. It reviews a body of evidence that strongly supports the view that the Earth's systems are emerging into an epoch known as the Anthropocene. This volume examines a number of concepts including the political ecology and the modes of veridiction in the Anthropocene as well as philosophy, anthropology and history of the concept of courage and the humanities. It champions forward-looking educational initiatives and presents a new philosophy on education for the Anthropocene. The concept of the Anthropocene extends to many fields of sciences. It is now anchored in a multidisciplinary scientific literature and recognized by both sides of the ideological and political battle of the 21st century, on which several controversies are grafted in a complex way. It also has a strong anthropological consistency: what kind of humans do we want to become? The author explores how the recognition of the crisis helps to see the history of humanity with unexpected freshness. This work contributes to an epistemological and paradigmatic reflection on the foundations of education in the Anthropocene epoch. The author has seized on the biogeophysical ruptures of the Anthropocene to develop a pedagogical and anthropological reflection in a stimulating and creative way. This volume is of interest to researchers of the Anthropocene, as well as to scholars in ecology, social sciences, pedagogy, and philosophy.

This book offers a comprehensive study on the dynamics of policing under contexts of political regime transformation in the interplay between democratization and de-democratization through a cross-case comparative analysis among Venezuela, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Ukraine. The central concern lies in working out the intertwining between politics and policing by examining the development trajectories of democratic police reforms under scenarios of democratic stagnation, backsliding and autocratic consolidation. In particular, this book analyzes those changes experienced by the police as an institution, their powers and the practices for policing society in the framework of the endeavors for politicization, militarization and informalization of policing. This analysis is addressed from a macro-level actor-based approach, which accounts for the decisive role of ruling political actors and senior police managers as critical players who influence the decisions and patterns of political regime transformation and policing. Therefore, this book offers a groundbreaking study of the interrelationship among contemporary processes of de-democratization and police counter-reform from an actor-based perspective.

The Routledge Handbook of Great Power Competition is a comprehensive, pioneering, and interdisciplinary guide of this re-emerging field.Offering a team of cutting-edge researchers in the field, it advances an analytical framework of great power competition. It surveys the major theories (mainstream and critical), actors (state, quasi-state, and non-state), mechanisms (military, economic, and ideational influence), and domains (territorial and non-territorial) pertaining to contemporary great power competition.This Handbook is an essential text for scholars and students of international relations, security studies, global governance, and comparative politics. It will also appeal to global policy makers and practitioners who need to observe contemporary great power competition.

Feminist Foreign Policy in Theory and in Practice outlines the foundations of feminist foreign policy and the fundamental concepts discussed and utilized by governments, civil society organizations, and those in the academic community as they define, formulate, and implement it.This book furthers the global conversation around how countries can develop and execute approaches to foreign policy and national security that go beyond conflict prevention and resolution and use a feminist or gender lens to increase gender equality and women's leadership in the security sector. It reviews how governments have implemented feminist foreign, development, and trade policies at the multilateral and national levels, and sets forth the unique global role of the U.S. government, using case studies to discuss what would be needed to implement a feminist foreign policy in the U.S. The authors provide a roadmap, stressing the necessity of applying a gender analysis and perspective to all peace and security decision-making and involving women in all aspects of conflict prevention and resolution, peacebuilding, post-conflict reconstruction, and humanitarian relief. They tie together the movements for human rights, women's rights, feminism, and peace and security, highlighting how each of these strands brings key perspectives to the study of foreign policy.This book complements the study of the women, peace, and security agenda. It will be of great use to practitioners, including government officials, addressing issues of foreign policy, multilateral and bilateral engagement, and the promotion of gender equality and social inclusion. It will also be of interest to students and scholars of foreign policy, security studies, international relations, gender studies, development, governance, and political science.

Polarization in the United States has been on the rise for several decades. In this context, few observers expect politics today to stop “at the water's edge,” as the old cliché goes. But key questions about the relationship between polarization and US foreign policy remain to be fully answered. To what extent are American ideas about foreign policy now polarized along partisan lines? How is polarization changing the foreign policy behavior of the US Congress and President? And how is polarization altering the effectiveness of US foreign policy and influencing America's role in the world? This edited volume explores these questions and more, bringing together existing knowledge as well as considering how the political dynamics and execution of US foreign policy may evolve in the years ahead.

What is Realpolitik? How did the concept come about, and what does it stand for? This book explores the origins and meaning of a core precept of international history and politics. Statesmen, diplomats, and analysts alike deploy the term as if it were a timeless label. Endlessly, they suppose, states compete with each other for power in a zero-sum game. Yet Realpolitik was born in Germany in the mid-nineteenth century. The circumstances of its birth are key to its meaning. Realpolitik emerged among Europe's constitutional struggles on the one hand, and the wars of Italian and German unification on the other. Revolutionary disappointment, the end of the Romantic era, and the rise of a new scientific materialism all informed a Realist period of political strongmen. Rather than describing a permanent state of things, this book suggests, Realpolitik is rooted in nineteenth-century European and German politics, and consequently the rise of an aggressive nationalism.

The Oxford Handbook of International Studies Pedagogy brings together world class scholars to describe and analyze a wide array of pedagogical approaches and developments in International Studies. It reflects the extraordinary creativity visible in the ways instructors in International Studies interact, engage, and struggle with the students in their classrooms. The first section of the volume exposes readers to different worldviews, teaching worlds, and methods that enable a more diverse set of considerations when thinking about the international. Chapters in this section demonstrate a set of pedagogical practices that can allow non-western perspectives to emerge and to be valued. This maintains import beyond simply enabling broader literatures, contexts, and experiences to enrich the study of the international-it also is a critical component of adopting a set of humanizing pedagogies where care, inclusion, and compassion are modelled. At the heart of some of the contributions is a recognition that being more thoughtful and engaging of our students in constructing the learning environment is fundamental to enabling a broader set of worldviews and teaching worlds to emerge. The second section of the volume focuses on teaching and learning inside and outside the classroom. The chapters in this section fundamentally talk about strategies, and particular experiences that people have had, and how they relate those experiences either to their own positions or how they have understood them to be effective. While the chapters tend to focus on practice, it is also apparent how contributors embed their work in a set of values around equity, diversity, inclusion, and reconciliation. Ultimately, accepting the way we teach matters, and this volume seeks to empower those teaching international studies to engage their students and prepare them to understand and work within a complicated and challenging international system.

Scholars and practitioners usually regard the nuclear non-proliferation regime as composed of two categories of countries – those with and those without nuclear weapons. The latter are regarded as the core designers of that regime, while the former have their prominence in shaping non-proliferation institutions eclipsed or ignored. This book proposes to go beyond that duality by focusing on a usually neglected group of states: latent nuclear countries. Those are the countries that possess advanced nuclear capabilities but no weapons. This book shows that latent nuclear countries not only participate actively in non-proliferation institutions but also promote the creation of new frameworks highlighting concerns and perspectives different from their nuclear-weapon and nuclear-free counterparts. The author makes this argument through an intricate combination of quantitative and qualitative methods, with an in-depth analysis of Brazil and Germany as sources for case studies. He makes the case to understand the nuclear non-proliferation regime as an inclusive and refined approach that takes into consideration countries'nuclear capabilities, identities, role conceptions, and domestic structures.

The literature on the fall of communism contains numerous interpretations of the changes that took place in Central and Eastern Europe in 1989, while debates about how best to characterize the fall of the communist regimes have raged for many years. Researchers continue to ponder and argue over how ‘revolutionary', as opposed to ‘evolutionary'(or ‘reformatory') these changes were. In this new study, author Paweł Ukielski proposes the term ‘counterrevolution'to describe the historical process that took place and uses it as an analytical construct to better understand the crisis of Soviet communism and the subsequent transitions that took place.

The 2024 U.S. presidential election will hinge on two very different basic approaches to domestic and foreign policy, two very different sets of underlying premises, and two very different types of presidential and high-level official personalities at the administrative helm putting them into effect. Republican presidential nominee Donald Trump is campaigning on a nationalist conservative preservation platform. It is a direct antithesis of the Biden-Harris- Waltz progressive transformation agenda. This volume comparatively analyzes the choices of presidential doctrine that are likely to define the principles, beliefs, and nature of U.S. foreign policy in the years following the election of either candidate and their vastly different agendas.'Renshon, Suedfeld, and contributors do an excellent job of analyzing the different foreign policy assumptions and implications associated with the Trump and Biden presidencies at a time of deepening international crisis.'Richard Ned Lebow, King's College London'I can think of no better book to objectively compare and contrast President Biden's foreign policy with that of the Trump administration. A very useful and fair-minded collection of essays containing a range of perspectives.'Colin Dueck, George Mason University

This book explores the relationship between China and international norms through the lens of The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).Presenting seven case studies, this book highlights China's stances toward international norms that govern different international issues. The case studies reveal that the normative function of the networks built under the BRI is limited and contains noticeable variations between domestic norms and international ones in China, resulting in implementation gaps between rhetoric and deeds. Unlike current literature on this issue, which is scattered in terms of topics covered and methodology used, it constructs a holistic theoretical/methodological framework which can be utilized to study a State's position toward different international standards.In light of China's increasing international influence and proactive and assertive foreign policy, this study will be of interest to officials and practitioners involved in foreign policy and international cooperation, and to student and scholars of global development and international relations.

This book asks what it means to think globally about world politics. In an attempt to contextualise the recent ‘globalising turn'in International Relations (IR), it takes stock of more than 30 years of efforts at addressing IR's Eurocentric limitations, and explores what ‘thinking globally'means in practice through focusing on the study of (international) security and foreign policy. The authors offer thinking globally about world politics not as an alternative to, but as a critical engagement with, IR. It involves curiosity about what others think about the world, making a sustained effort to locate the knowledge they have produced, and recognising past and present contributions to what we otherwise view as ‘European'ideas, practices, and institutions. Rather than focusing on abstract debates about the state of the discipline, the aim is to provide researchers with the conceptual tools to think globally and design their own research projects.

The rise and fall of states in the international system has been an interesting problem that has received attention amongst scholars, policy makers, journalists, politicians and leaders of states. Interestingly there have been numerous attempts that have sought to define, explain and interpret the consequences of these developments that occur in the international system (Chan, 2008:1). Efforts have been made to define ‘Great Powers', ‘Middle Powers', ‘Emerging Powers', ‘Small Powers', Super Powers', ‘Hegemons'etc, of which the idea of ‘Great Power'and ‘Emerging Power', receives primary attention in this research. The dramatic rise of China and India in particular, in terms of their economy and military capabilities, has brought about a paradigm shift in terms of thinking of world politics that is coupled with the decline of the US'hegemonic status. Randall Schweller points out that there have been arguments that support the fact of the increasing potential for security competition and war between the US and China and on the other hand he also directs the reader to the optimist's argument that the transition of power would be smooth and evolutionary where there will be efforts towards accommodating these changes that are occurring in the international system. He also points out that there will be efforts by great powers to accept these changes through restraint, reciprocity, cooperation and establish a mutually acceptable order that would benefit all (Schweller, 2011: 285). These complexities make it both interesting as well as a serious concern in terms of peace and security in the world.

This book surveys the testimony of international organizations of the impact of American foreign policy on Iraq. Each reveals a fragment of Iraq's mosaic of misery and desolation, but lacks the context to permit our understanding why this has happened. A parallel lack of context characterizes most of the political commentary, overlooking the recurring pattern of victimization of Iraqis, regardless of which political party controls the White House. This book takes a broader perspective, to reveal the enduring pattern linking specific events.

Human Costs of War documents and analyses the direct and indirect toll that war takes on civilians and their livelihoods, taking a human security approach exploring personal, economic, political and community security in Afghanistan, Iraq and Ukraine, in the contexts of the War on Terror and the New Cold War.The book offers an understanding of war through the recording and comprehension of its civilian casualties and evaluates whether the force used has been proportionate to the threat that prompted it and the concern for human welfare. In the 21st century, the power of the USA has declined, while countries such as China and India become more powerful. The global power balance has been altered in a fundamental way towards a multi-polar world system, with the West no longer able to enforce its policies abroad. Regional and global governance are not assured, and devastating wars have taken a heavy toll in terms of death, poverty and displacement, which feed into the cycle of long-term insecurity. The authors argue that it is important for any conflict to be understood not only in terms of the perpetrators of violence, or of the political and economic reasons behind it, but also in terms of its impact on the civilian population and their security, focusing on conflicts in the Middle East which followed 9/11 and Russia's invasion of Ukraine.The book will be of interest to academics, the public, the media, security agencies and international organisations. It will be useful for undergraduate and postgraduate students of International Relations, International Law, Security, Politics, Policing, Human Rights, Ethics, Peace Studies, Eastern Europe, American Studies and the Middle East.

The Euro crisis of 2008 had a deep impact on German-Greek relations. The exchange of blows in media, and amongst politicians created a deep divide and made old wounds visible - wounds that lie in the Occupation of Greece by Nazi Germany and its fascist allies during World War 2. In 2014 German foreign policy towards Greece shifted to include reconciliatory measures, marking the beginning of Germany's foreign policy of reconciliation. One area of focus is memory culture and the Greek martyr communities, meaning villages and towns that experienced extreme violence, destruction, and executions. Diving into these places of terror and memory, the book analyzes German foreign policy of reconciliation while providing a profound view onto history, diplomacy, and the widely unknown Greek memory landscape. It entails a thorough review of German-Greek relations, more than seven unique maps and 10 case studies, accompanied by photographs and over 35 interviews. It shows how foreign policy, conflict and reconciliation intertwine and how international affairs meet the local level of everyday citizens.

This book charts John W. Burton's transition from practitioner in diplomacy to pioneer in the theory of peace research, thinking on world society and conflict resolution. Born in 1915, given his father's name, it was assumed that he would follow his father and become a Christian missionary. He did not: he joined the Australian Public Service. From a junior position he rose rapidly. He was forthright and some found him irritating, or worse. He progressed to the highest levels of policy-making. Amidst some controversy, he resigned abruptly in 1951. He then worked on his farm outside Canberra, writing avidly. He did not intend to become an academic, but in 1963 he was offered a position in International Relations at University College in London and he accepted. He was key to the foundation of the International Peace Research Association (IPRA) in 1964 and of the Conflict Research Society in the UK, because he thought that words and ideas were not enough: there needed to be instrumentsof change. Looking back, he was, in fact, a secular missionary. His aim? Simple: to change the world.· This book is an exploration of how conflict should be reinterpreted.· The ideas of his work are a product not of any metaphysical approach, but of experience. · Burton knew the field: Cold War diplomacy, civil strife, reforming organisations, resistance to change. He had'been there'and he found much to criticise. · This book illustrates what he had to offer and explains why. These readings reveal shifts in his ideas, cohering incrementally, integrated into a new framework. · This book presents his pioneering and relevant work. Transcending disciplinary boundaries it will be of interest to students, as well as professionals who address conflict at all levels of society, from family to state.

The book provides an examination of the evolution of China and Taiwan after 1949. This starting point situates the contestation for power between the two entities in the region after Taipei was recognized by the international community as the representative of China. The ramifications for Taiwan were drastic as country after country switched its recognition to China including those in the Caribbean and Latin America. Taiwan was able to maintain diplomatic relations with several countries in both regions through diplomatic strategies including providing financial assistance. This has waned over time considering China's economic rise to power and Western Europe's and the United States'fall in global economic and political prestige and power.This book discusses China's and Taiwan's continuing engagement with countries in Latin America and the Caribbean with a particular emphasis on the sharp rise in trade between China and the two regions. China's foreign policyagenda, and how Taiwan reacts to China's policies, are also examined.

The book examines how US media, public opinion, interest groups and think tanks respond to US Presidents'attempts to market their foreign policies in the MENA Region. The scope of the analysis extends from the war on terror to the so-called Arab Spring. It focuses on some case studies including the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Iran nuclear deal. The book fills a gap in the literature pertaining to analyzing US foreign policy in the MENA area from a political communication perspective rather than from IR or a political-theory angle, which remains the dominant literature. In so saying, the book will appeal to students, researchers as well as thinks tanks and policy makers.

This volume explains the behavior of the European Union (EU) towards Central Asia. In so doing, the responses of regional actors which impact the EU's regional conduct, and the effects of competing external governance providers (particularly Russia and China), are considered. The current literature – often from an interdisciplinary, descriptive area studies angle – reveals some research gaps. Scholars chiefly explore the impacts of the EU on Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Turkmenistan, while action of the EU itself with its decision-making, preferences, and underlying drivers, remains underspecified. Focusing more explicitly on the EU, chapters in the book are systematically organized along a set of shared, overarching questions. Ultimately, the authors depict and explain EU action and assess how successful the organization has been in achieving its stated regional objectives in a number of policy fields: Economic Development and Trade; Security; Democratizationand Human Rights; Water; and Education.

In the years since Independence in 1962, Jamaica's foreign policy has reflected the flux and reflux of international affairs. There has been continuity in the midst of change; and while the country has sought to deepen its traditional friendships and widen its network of allies, it has also experienced occasions of externally determined crisis and major disagreement both within the Caribbean and in the wider world. Bearing in mind the profound changes which have taken place in the international sphere since independence, this book examines some of the main initiatives and responses which have characterised Jamaican foreign policy over the last sixty years.

This book is about Russia. Yet, this book is not about Russia per se. To those, whose sole interest is a better understanding of the Kremlin's decision making and how it shapes Russia's present and future, we would refer to a rather long list of sources that we dutifully noted throughout the book. Instead, based on our expertise in Russian studies and the challenges that we experienced in the past 2 years, this book aims to offer a methodology to address questions when there is no ‘right'or ‘wrong'answer (due to lacking reliable information). Any attempt to answer this sort of questions using the commonly accepted deductive approach, based on scientific methods is bound to fail, because of the very nature of these questions. Therefore, using Russia as a case study, this book aims to advance a way of analysing (however limited, biased and uncertain) available information to advance a more critical understanding of the subject in question by using the methodology of dialectic inquiry.

This interdisciplinary book investigates the problematization of global challenges in world politics by analyzing what they are and how they come to be.Offering a conceptual framework, including four modes of construction—universalizing, bundling, upscaling, and creating urgency—this book provides a heuristic method for understanding how the process of rendering an issue a “global challenge” unfolds. It examines the role of the global challenges discourse, which may either reinforce or challenge the dominant orders of world politics, such as the capitalist market-based system and the liberal international order. As a consequence, the global challenges discourse facilitates the emergence of new actors and policy fields.The book will be of interest to students, academics, and practitioners of global governance, international organizations, and, more broadly, international political economy and international relations.

This book addresses three innovative aspects for the study of International Relations: first, proposes a novel theoretical-methodological framework for the study of national power, and based on this, a quantitative analysis technique is formulated that allows us to study the evolution of state power over almost five decades. Second, states play a fundamental role in the international system, which is why the study of their roles in the world cannot be limited to old, insufficient, and contradictory categorizations. Having new categories of states becomes an even more urgent task in the rapidly changing international order than it is today. This book proposes nine categories of powers and states that cover all the countries that currently exist. Third, the international geostructure of world power is proposed, which represents a new theoretical notion that helps to explain how the international insertion of states and their possibilities of action are conditioned by the unequal distribution of national power and by their structural positioning in the international system. This book is for all students of International Relations, academics, and people who want to understand national power as a fundamental factor in relations between countries.

The underlying structure, incentives and costs shaping international relations, state behaviour and the nature of power are profoundly different today to how they were in the past, in ways that are scarcely recognised and widely misunderstood. For much of history, world politics was marked by profound scarcity in resources, information and security. A series of historical revolutions has largely tamed this scarcity in ways few could have imagined. These revolutions, however, have generated new, potentially catastrophic challenges for the world – the problems of plenty.In this Adelphi book, Francis J. Gavin argues that the institutions, practices, theories and policies that helped explain and largely tamed scarcity by generating massive prosperity, and which were sometimes used to justify punishing conquest, are often unsuitable for addressing the problems of plenty. Successful grand strategy in this new age of abundance requires new thinking. New conceptual lenses, innovative policies and processes, and transformed institutions will be essential for confronting and solving the problems of plenty, without undermining the expanding efforts against scarcity.

This book provides a comprehensive and systematic analysis of the concept of geoeconomics in International Relations (IR). It offers an accessible overview of the most important approaches, including their history, means and ends, methodology, ideological underpinnings, normative aspects, and practical relevance.Exploring the forgotten history of geoeconomics, and revealing its different meanings and usages over time, the author clearly differentiates geoeconomics from geopolitics on a conceptual level. This thorough examination of contemporary conceptions identifies shortcomings in the current understanding of geoeconomics and proposes a reconceptualization of the concept within a neoliberal framework, increasing its empirical usefulness and analytical value. By contrasting neoliberal geoeconomics with neorealist geoeconomics, the book highlights the normative implications of both approaches, providing policy analysts and makers with valuable insights into the topic.This volume will be an important reference guide for understanding the concept of geoeconomics and a must-read for students and researchers of international relations, international political economy, economics, and political science, as well as professionals, such as policymakers and politicians.