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This fourth volume in the ten-volume series covers the career of Henry Clay during his first year as Secretary of State in the cabinet of President John Quincy Adams.Within a month after taking office, Henry Clay described the Department of State as'no bed of roses.'Even though routine papers bearing his signature have been omitted by the editors, the 950 pages of documents included in this volume show that many duties filled Clay's days and nights. The evidence in autograph drafts and the meagerness of revision in the official documents indicate the need for major reconsideration of Clay's role in United States foreign relations during the presidency of John Quincy Adams.The range of issues emerging in these papers is broad, and the duties were obviously more than the limited staff of the Department of State could satisfactorily perform. But if, as a result, the United States suffered a major diplomatic defeat during the British revision of trade regulations, Clay's instructions to the Panama mission marked him as a statesman of world stature.Publication of this book was assisted by a grant from the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.

Henry Clay's career spanned a half century of a great formative period in American history. The Papers of Henry Clay span the crucial first half of the nineteenth century in American history. Few men in his time were so intimately concerned with the formation of national policy, and few influenced so profoundly the growth of American political institutions.This compilation of ten volumes includes Clay's letters, letters to Clay, his speeches, and other documents identified as his personal composition. Publication of this book was assisted by a grant from the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.

This third volume in the ten-volume series covers the career of Henry Clay from the Second Session of the Sixteenth Congress, where he engineered the second Missouri Compromise, to the presidential election of 1824, when he found himself eliminated as a candidate.Upon his return from Congress in 1821, Clay practiced law and interested himself in Transylvania University, among other things. Elected again to the House of Representatives and to the Speakership in the Eighteenth Congress, Clay resumed his leadership in national affairs; his concerns at this period were principally with the Monroe Doctrine, the Spanish and Greek revolutions, and internal improvements and the tariff.A continuing thread in the volume is the presidential campaign of 1824. Clay's correspondence illustrates the changes in political techniques brought about by the emergence of the Jacksonian type of campaign. Sectionalism, already revealed as a danger to the Union, continued as an important issue. Clay's optimistic anticipation of his election of course proved incorrect, and the volume ends with Clay in the powerful but uncomfortable position of being able, by throwing his support to one of three candidates before the House of Representatives, to choose the next President of the United States.Publication of this book was assisted by a grant from the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.

During the progressive era, most American policymakers agreed that China represented a land of unlimited opportunity for trade, investment and social reform. Serious divisions existed, however, over policy tactics. One side (mainly manufacturers and academics) advocated a unilateral policy of penetration allied only with Chinese modernizers. The other (primarily financiers and reformists), called for an alliance with other powers, especially Japan, in their dealings with China. In Progressivism and the Open Door, Jerry Israel examines the many factors that led to formal U.S. policy toward China during this era-one that ultimately found a middle ground between the two divisions.

First Published in 1977. Part of The Atlantic Council Policy Series. It is customary for policy papers produced by the Atlantic Council Working Groups to direct attention primarily to issues that confront the countries of Western Europe, North America, Japan, Australia, and New Zealand. This policy paper has a somewhat different emphasis, dealing primarily with the issues of development policy facing the United States.

The restiveness among some members of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization as to its structure and functions was an indication not of the failure of NATO, but of a need for a new adjustment to the changes that had developed in world conditions since the organization was established. Such was the consensus underlying the comments of five eminent statesmen and political theorists in a series of lectures delivered at the University of Texas in the spring of 1966 on the general theme of “The United States and the Atlantic Community: Issues and Prospects.” The grave crisis of confidence in the Atlantic Community resulted, ironically, from the success of NATO in combining the resources of thirteen European states with those of Canada and the United States in a common achievement of peace, economic stability, and security in the face of the postwar threat from the Soviet Union. Now that these objectives are obtained, one argument ran, NATO is no longer needed. The Soviet threat still exists, went another, and seems to be dispelled only because of the presence of NATO; what is needed is revision of policies and functions of the organization to fit new conditions. The changes in the nature of international relations in the two decades after World War II were of two kinds: those inherent in the world international situation—the economic recovery of Europe (which brought new urgency to the desire for more independence from the United States), the disintegration of European colonial empires, the softened aspect of the Soviet threat, and the great advances in modern technology; and those that depended upon policy decisions—whether Europe should be a confederacy (as advocated by De Gaulle) or a federal union (as advocated by Jean Monnet) and what should be the international policy of a united Europe on such issues as a third force between the United States and Russia, unified or separate approaches to the East and the West, German unity, and military security. A consideration of what these changes implied for the United States was the purpose of the series of papers collected in this volume. The names of the authors and the titles of their papers indicate the variety of views and interests expressed and the scope of the discussion: Henry A. Kissinger, Professor of Government at Harvard, “NATO: Evolution or Decline” André Philip, Professor of Economics at the Sorbonne, “The Atlantic Economy: Partners and Rivals” Hans Speier, member of the RAND Corporation Council, “Germany: The Continuing Challenge” Fritz Erler, a leader of the German Social Democratic Party, “Western Europe, Eastern Europe, and the Soviet Union” John J. Mccloy, former World Bank president and former U.S. military governor and high commissioner for Germany, “American Interests and Europe's Future.”

Disputes over fishing rights in the North Atlantic Ocean, sealing rights in the Behring Sea and on the Pribilof Islands, reciprocal trade relations, and the settlement of the Alaska Boundary are considered in relation to the underlying problem of competition between American and Canadian economic nationalism.Originally published in 1964.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

This paper explains how the World Bank carries out its most characteristic activity: the identification, preparation, appraisal, and supervision of projects for economic development. The paper highlights that project lending is intended to ensure that the World Bank funds are invested in sound, productive projects with the purpose of contributing both to the borrowing country's capacity to repay and to the development of its economy. It is in the coincidence of these two purposes that the Bank's functions as an international financial institution merge with those that it has increasingly assumed as a development institution.

The relationship between the Washington correspondents of major news-gathering media and representatives of the foreign policy sections of the United States government has long been assumed, but its nature has never been analyzed. In a pioneering study of this relationship, Professor Cohen has used the observable results of contact, the printed and spoken words of the correspondents, as well as data from two sets of structured interviews with members of the press and government in Washington in 1953-1954 and again in 1960. Because the treatment is placed in the general context of a theory of the foreign-policy making process, many of its insights should be applicable to government-press relationships in other fields and in other countries. The degree and kind of influence of the press on American foreign policy will come as a surprise to many readers.Originally published in 1963.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

First Published in 1972. This volume includes Proceedings of the Third Course given by the International Summer School on Disarmament and Arms Control of the Italian Pugwash Movement. The include paper included cover three sections- Technology of Weapons of Mass Destruction; Disarmament: History and Future Prospects and : Dynamics of the Arms Trade.

Economic development in mainland China during the first two decades of Communist control provides a typical example for the difficult task to transform a vast underdeveloped agrarian economy into a modern industrial one. In the first half of this period, a series of massive transformations of social and economic institutions was accompanied by a drafted industrialization program; the result was an impressive speed-up in economic growth. The second decade witnessed an economic crisis (1960–62) and a political upheaval (1966–68). These disruptions marred the economic performance over the period as a whole. Consequently, the long-term growth rate appears to have been only moderate. The Economy of Communist China reviews selected aspects of the economy. After examining the development strategy, it analyzes the quantitative trends and the structural changes. The book goes on to analyze the key factors contributing to the earlier growth and the elements responsible for the later disruption and finally assesses the impact of the Cultural Revolution on the Chinese economy and the prospects of the current Third Five-Year Plan. The text includes a bibliography of selected materials on Chinese economic development.

First published in 1966. This volume represents a selection by the Editors of unpublished and published documents dealing with foreign affairs, from the rise of the Younger Pitt (1792) to the death of Salisbury (1902). It contains both official papers and private letters; speeches and other public statements of policy.

Donald H. Stewart provides a comprehensive analysis of how the Republican press of the 1790s hastened the decline of the Federalist Party and promoted the election of Thomas Jefferson to the Presidency.Using both ridicule and serious argument, Republican editors of the decade attacked all aspects of Federalist foreign and domestic policies. Professor Stewart's examination of thousands of issues of more than 500 newspapers of the period enabled him to analyze the broad patterns of Republican opposition, the techniques used by the partisan editors, and the arguments that appeared most persuasive to the public. Many excerpts from these newspapers allow the reader to see how logical and emotional appeals were used in generating a groundswell of feeling against all things Federalist.In addition to the basic and well-known issues, a number of long-forgotten controversies and personalities are recalled to enhance understanding of the period. Professor Stewart concludes that, although the press alone was not responsible for Jefferson's elevation to the Presidency, he probably could not have been elected without the considerable number of newspapers that consistently supported and promulgated his views.Donald H. Stewart is Professor of History at the State University College, Cortland.

The essays presented here arose from a strong feeling that it is very important at the present moment to stimulate thought in Canada on our position in the developing world economy. The authors have been concerned about the inward-looking emphasis in recent Canadian discussions of policy and are asking if a'status quo'approach to commerce is desirable or possible at a time when other nations are endeavouring to strengthen their economies by new adventures in liberal trade, especially in the form of regional trade groups. Peace, prosperity, and national identity are among our most cherished social objectives: how do and should they influence policy in the area of international trade? With this shared background of interest the three authors examine trading of the past and the present. H. Scott Gordon (Carleton University) surveys the nineteenth century, Harry G. Johnson (University of Chicago) describes the emergence of regional free trade areas, and Arthur J.R.Smith (Canadian-American Committee) discusses Canada's policy problems in the rapidly changing trading world. The essays were originally prepared as lectures in a highly successful series given at Carleton University earlier in 1961. H.E. English, editor of the collection, also contributes an introduction and a report of the discussion of the papers. He is Associate Professor of Economics, Carleton University.

China's efforts to stimulate industrial development and economic growth through the allocation of investments are analyzed. Cheng concludes with an overall assessment of the distinctive features of the allocation pattern. Includes 41 statistical tables.

This book presents the first authoritative and comprehensive account of the development of the Peruvian revolution of 1968. The study resulted from a team experiment in applied political science, economics, and sociology that maintained effective communications between Peru and the United States at many levels during the difficult years following the revolution. Each chapter is the result of continuous interaction between a leading authority and the major sectors of both societies. History is here presented in its diplomatic, social, economic, and cultural context. The Peruvian and U.S. governments helped to define the subjects of greatest interest to their respective countries, and a systematic effort was made to find the leading authorities on each issue. Since one purpose of this volume is to affect policy by identifying new alternative policies, the papers included here were prepared specifically to be of value to policy makers. This book was produced by a citizens'constituency on U.S. foreign policy under the auspices of the Adlai Stevenson Institute of International Affairs, the Chicago Council on Foreign Relations, and the Johnson Foundation.

Since Americans have long taken price in universal suffrage and the secret ballot as foundations of democracy, it is surprising that one of its growth and reform. Mr. Williamson, focusing on the period from the Revolution to the Civil War, provides a state-by-state analysis of the growth of suffrage in its relation to partisan politics, the intellectual currents of the time, and such crises as war and rumors of war.Originally published in 1960.The Princeton Legacy Library uses the latest print-on-demand technology to again make available previously out-of-print books from the distinguished backlist of Princeton University Press. These editions preserve the original texts of these important books while presenting them in durable paperback and hardcover editions. The goal of the Princeton Legacy Library is to vastly increase access to the rich scholarly heritage found in the thousands of books published by Princeton University Press since its founding in 1905.

The Monroe Doctrine,'dollar diplomacy,'the policy of the Good Neighbor—these well-known terms indicate the spectrum of the United States's relationships with its neighbors of the Western Hemisphere. Hemisphere thinking in the'Yankee'nation, founded on economic, political, and strategic needs, has come to encompass an appreciation of social and intellectual aspects as a vital part of a unified international unit. In The Western Hemisphere: Its Influence on United States Policies to the End of World War II, Wilfrid Hardy Callcott traces the rise of this awareness of the essential unity of the Western Hemisphere in international affairs. Although Callcott concentrates on the United States, he discusses all hemisphere countries, and his inclusion of Canada adds an additional dimension to previous studies on the subject. From the early days of the Republic to the end of World War I, the relations of the United Stales with its neighbors gradually developed from mere curiosity and from on-the-spot decision-making into policy. During the eighteenth century the persons entrusted with United States foreign policy pressed forward with their own country's westward expansion, while they expressed only an academic interest in the affairs of other Western Hemisphere nations from Canada to Brazil. By the end of the nineteenth century the United States had enthusiastically joined the imperialist nations. Although it soon replaced the use of force with economic controls, its military and economic manipulations naturally generated more fear and antagonism in the neighboring nations than cooperation and sympathy. After World War I, attention to the hemisphere was fostered by the need for strategic raw materials that were to be found from Canada to South America, and by Old World rivalries and needs that endangered New World interests. Canadian and Latin American views of Europe and the League of Nations became much like those of the United States. The new conditions that arose called forth the Good Neighbor policy to combine economic and strategic values in a complex program that included intellectual, social, and cultural elements. World War II accentuated the new consciousness and compelled recognition of the significance of hemisphere relationships in all of the New World nations.

Canadian Annual Review is the work most frequently consulted by librarians, public speakers, businessmen, economists, political experts, news analysts, historians, and political scientists. To anyone who is required to deliver an address, to write a paper, to make a submission, or to erview the development of one of the phases of Canadian life with which it deals, this volume will prove of inestimable value.The Review contains reports by well-known contributors on events of the year in Parliament and politics (with essays on each of the provinces), external affairs and defense, the national economy, and Canadian life and leisure activities.

Canadian Annual Review is the work most frequently consulted by librarians, public speakers, businessmen, economists, political experts, news analysts, historians, and political scientists. To anyone who is required to deliver an address, to write a paper, to make a submission, or to erview the development of one of the phases of Canadian life with which it deals, this volume will prove of inestimable value.The Review contains reports by well-known contributors on events of the year in Parliament and politics (with essays on each of the provinces), external affairs and defense, the national economy, and Canadian life and leisure activities.

Canadian Annual Review is the work most frequently consulted by librarians, public speakers, businessmen, economists, political experts, news analysts, historians, and political scientists. To anyone who is required to deliver an address, to write a paper, to make a submission, or to erview the development of one of the phases of Canadian life with which it deals, this volume will prove of inestimable value.The Review contains reports by well-known contributors on events of the year in Parliament and politics (with essays on each of the provinces), external affairs and defense, the national economy, and Canadian life and leisure activities.

Since its revival in 1960, the Canadian Annual Review has grown steadily in size, a reflection of the widening dimensions of Canadian public life. This growth has brought problems, particularly in view of rapidly escalating production costs. As a result the publisher and editor have decided, beginning with this volume, to concentrate on politics and public affairs, especialy since life, lesire, and sport in Canada are increasingly covered elsewhere.The Canadian Annual Review has become an indispensable reference book for those concerned directly or indirectly with Canadian public affairs. It is not only a concise, convenient record of the year but a responsible appraisal of important developments compiled by a corps of Canadian scholars and experts, writing under the direction of an outstanding Canadian historian and political commentator.In addtion to being authoritative, the Canadian Annual Review is eminently readable. The articles can be read consecutively for interest and instruction, or they can be spot read with ease to locate particular information. A superb index greatly enhances the value of this important reference book, for it is the only index to the history of the time.

When William Lyon Mackenzie King retired in 1948, he had held office as Prime Minister of Canada for a total of 7829 days, a longer term of service than that of any other Prime Minister in the history of the British Commonwealth. Like Roosevelt, his contemporary of many momentous years, he was greatly admired and greatly hated, but none dispute the tremendous influence he exerted on the history of his country, or, indeed, his place in world history. In this official biography, great days of Canadian history are given life and meaning, and at the centre of all the events is a phenomenal personality gifted with intelligence, intrepidity, and luck, with amazing insight into his times and the nature of his political occupation.The biography, based largely on sources hitherto unavailable, permits the reader to witness the unfolding of important events as a chief participant himself saw them and to view far-reaching decisions through the eyes of the man who made them, for Mackenzie King speaks in his own words through much of these volumes. They allow us to observe an extraordinarily complex and powerful personality at work.In this first volume, Mackenzie King's life and political career are traced up to the firm establishment of his first administration as Prime Minister. The forces in his background, education, and early interests which eventually led him into politics are brought out vividly. It is both fascinating and touching, for instance, to observe in letters and personal papers the intimate family relationships which so largely determined what Mackenzie King became. Once public service had been chosen, he displayed such talents that a leading role seemed almost inevitable to all who knew him. As the story unfolds, we watch the drama of achievements in the Civil Service, as Minister of Labour, and as head of Rockefeller Foundation's Department of Industrial Relations. Mackenzie King's connections with labour matters in Canada and the United States are especially revealing. They show the genuine humanitarian concern which he retained over the years combined with the political skills of a remarkably effective conciliator; here in small compass he is seen developing the superb sense of timing which was his most noteworthy characteristic as party leader and Prime Minister. A high point in this volume comes when the Liberal Party in 1919 chooses the young pupil of Laurier to lead it out of its divisions and defeats of the war period, and the story gather steady momentum as King takes the measure of the new Progressive Party, wins the election of 1921, discovers the intricacies of forming a Cabinet for diverse nation, and then proceeds to such events as the Chanak crisis and the Imperial Conference of 1923 to demonstrate to the world Canada's new confidence that she should determine her own international role: “The Imperial Conference of 1923 gave Mackenzie King one of the great personal triumphs of his career. This Conference was the decisive one in Empire relations; the turning point where the Empire reversed its tendency of the war and post-war period and moved towards a more stable condition based on the nationalism and dependence of the Dominions … At the final session of the Conference, it was reported, Smuts turned to King and remarked: ‘You ought to be satisfied. Canada has had her way in everything.'It was a remarkable tribute to a remarkable performance.”

First published in 1966, Local Government in Crisis presents a comprehensive overview of the challenges and limitations of the local government in Britain. William A. Robson discusses major themes like loss of municipal functions and public utilities; transfer of powers from county districts to county councils; increased central control and dependence on central finance; attitude of local authorities to municipal reforms; the Local Government Act, 1958; and work of the Local Government Commission, to showcase the demand for far reaching substantial changes in a) the structure and finance of local government, b) the relations of local authorities with central departments and c) the power entrusted to local councils. This book is an essential read for scholars and researchers of public administration, political science, and public policy.

Contains two detailed case studies. In “The Fu-t'ien Incident, December 1930,” Ronald Suleski describes the pivotal incident in the power struggle between Mao Zedong and the Communist Central Committee. Daniel Bays's study of “Agrarian Reform in Kwangtung, 1950–1953” focuses upon the measures taken by the Chinese Communist Party to control and eventually collectivize rural elites in Kwangtung province.

This absorbing appraisal of colonial South Carolina political history is developed in three parts: The Age of the Goose Creek Men,'covering 1670-1712;'Breakdown and Recovery--in which the central dispute was over local currency--1712-43; and'The Rise of the Commons House of Assembly, 1743-63.'Originally published in 1966.A UNC Press Enduring Edition -- UNC Press Enduring Editions use the latest in digital technology to make available again books from our distinguished backlist that were previously out of print. These editions are published unaltered from the original, and are presented in affordable paperback formats, bringing readers both historical and cultural value.

With nuclear proliferation essentially eliminating full-scale warfare, governments have increasingly turned to what Richard W. Cottam calls competitive interference. This type of policy invokes counter-insurgency, political, economic, and psychological manipulations, and often involves looking deeply into the internal affairs of a country, often secretly. Cottam describes and defines competitive interference, explores the United States'institutional adjustment to it, and provides a theoretical framework for projection and evaluation of foreign policy in this changing diplomatic arena. He uses case studies of international relationships involving the United States, India, China, Vietnam, Iran, and the former USSR and East Germany to evaluate his theoretical stance, and proposes long-term institutionalization of policy, rather than covert operations.

This volume is intended as a contribution to the study of administration. The contributors represent several branches of social and behavioral sciences, including anthropology, economics, industrial management, sociology, and social psychology. The data for the empirical studies were gathered in the United States, Germany, Great Britain, Norway, West Africa, and the Fox Indian society, and from different types of organizations, including manufacturing, mining, shipping, higher education, hospitals, the military, and social welfare agencies. Contributors: Frederick L. Bates; Warren G. Bennis; Frank A. Cassell; Rose Laub Coser; William R. Dill; Frederick H. Harbison; Ernst Köchling; Walter B. Miller; Stephen A. Richardson; Heinrich C. Ruebmann; Edward J. Thomas; and the editors.

In this book, Carl P. Parrini examines the evolution of United States economic diplomacy during a critical period in world history. After World War I, leaders were poised to begin “The American Century”, when the United States would assume the dominant role as the world's foremost political, economic and military power. This was to be achieved by establishing harmonic relations with other nations-allowing leverage on minor economic goals, while maintaining U.S. interests on major objectives. This theory of foreign policy is often attributed to president Warren Harding or his Secretary of Commerce, Herbert Hoover. Yet, Parrini's study determines, nearly all decisions made with respect to international investment, allocation of raw materials, reparations, war debts, and tariffs, were based on earlier principles established by Woodrow Wilson's administration.

A History of Political Thought in the English Revolution (1954) examines the large range of political doctrines which played their part in the English revolution – a period when modern democratic ideas began. The political literature of the period between 1645, when the Levellers first seized upon the revolution's wider implications, and 1660, when Charles II restored the monarchy to power, is here studied in detail.

Allegiance in Church and State (1928) examines the evolution of ideas and ideals, their relation to political and economic events, and their influence on friends and foes in seventeenth-century England – which witnessed the beginning of both the constitutional and the intellectual transition from the old order to the new. It takes a careful look at the religious and particularly political ideas of the Nonjurors, a sect that argued for the moral foundations of a State and the sacredness of moral obligations in public life.

From Revolution to Revolution (1973) examines England, Scotland and Wales from the revolution of 1688 when William became King, to the American Revolution of 1776. In this period lies the roots of modern Britain, as it went from being underdeveloped countries on the fringe of European civilization to a predominating influence in the world. This book examines the union of the island, development of an organized public opinion and national consciousness, as well as Parliament and its factions, the landed and business classes. Views on religion, art, architecture and the changing face of the countryside are also examined, as is the tension between London and the rest of the island. The important issues of colonial expansions in Ireland, America, India and Africa are also analysed.

The Court and the Country (1969) offers a fresh view and synthesis of the English revolution of 1640. It describes the origin and development of the revolution, and gives an account of the various factors – political, social and religious – that produced the revolution and conditioned its course. It explains the revolution primarily as a result of the breakdown of the unity of the governing class around the monarchy into the contending sides of the Court and the Country. A principal theme is the formation within the governing class of an opposition movement to the Crown. The role of Puritanism and of the towns is examined, and the resistance to Charles I is considered in relation to other European revolutions of the period.

Leveller Manifestoes (1944) is a collection of primary manifestoes issued by the Levellers, the group which played an active and influential role in the English revolution of 1642–49. This book collects together rare pamphlets and tracts that are seldom available, and certainly not in one place for ease of research.

Cromwell and Communism (1930) examines the English revolution against the absolute monarchy of Charles I. It looks at the economic and social conditions prevailing at the time, the first beginnings of dissent and the religious and political aims of the Parliamentarian side in the revolution and subsequent civil war. The various sects are examined, including the Levellers and their democratic, atheistic and communistic ideals.

Originally published in 1962, this book analyses and assesses the Swedish Government and structure of both trade unions and employers'organizations, including the spread of unionism to white-collar workers. It then examines Swedish labour legislation, which established an act on Collective Contracts, a Labour Court and a mediation service. The book also shows the collective bargaining system at work under conditions of full employment, and examines critically the attempts to develop a policy for wages through the labour market organizations, rather than by government decree. Anyone, in mature or developing economies, concerned with collective bargaining and wage policies will find this lucid study of the Swedish system a rich source book for positive policies.

This book, first published in 1933, examines the life and achievements of Henry Adams, the American historian and political journalist. It looks at his youth and early development of his ideas, and goes on to look at his time as a diplomat, historian and journalist – and his impact upon American political and intellectual life.

First published in 1950, Palestine Under the Mandate is an account of the role of Britain in Palestine during the British mandate period from 1920 to 1948. The author served as the chief immigration officer in British Mandate of Palestine from 1921 to 1934 and considers this book an attempt to dissipate the fog of propaganda in which the whole subject is shrouded. He delineates the difference between the terms Jew, Jewish and Zionist before situating the central question of his argument: What would have been the position of the Jewish National Home today if its germ had not been carefully nursed and protected for a quarter of the century after the acceptance of the Mandate? Since the author was a government employee, it is no surprise that his loyalty lies with the British government; however, this book is still an important record of the arguments employed to both build and destroy Palestine and will be worth reading for students of history, politics, international relations, global studies, and geography.

This book, first published in 1964, collects a number of essays united by the general theme of national and social revolution. They examine features of revolutionary movements, and, particularly, revolutionary leadership in an analysis of the social conditions and personal motives which impel men towards forming revolutionary elites.

First published in 1958, The Foundations of Political Theory strives to answer essential questions of politics by studying its foundations. In this book, Mr. Greaves treats the state as only one among several associations whose function is to promote entirely human ends. He tries to reinterpret such ideas as ‘self-realization'and the ‘good life'in ways acceptable to students of contemporary philosophy, who reject the theological and metaphysical doctrines these ideas have been tied to in the past. He insists that men get their moral standards and their ideas about what makes life worth living by reflecting on their experience; that there are no ultimate and self-evident moral principles. While admitting that moral standards are subjective in the sense that we cannot explain how men come to have them except by showing how they serve their needs, he refuses to allow that rational argument about them is therefore impossible. Since men are rational, since they have purposes and ideals and not merely desires, and since they know that to realize these purposes they must live with others, there are moral standards acceptable to all men when their function is understood.

Originally published in the UK in 1956, this book presents the essence of the political philosophy of one of Europe's best-known post-war statesmen, as well as his experience in government as head of Germany in one of its most critical periods of history. The role of Germany in a (then) new Europe is discussed, along with its rearmament, its greatly restored economic power and its relation to NATO. Germany's Chancellor gives his views on the world struggle, the cold war, Germany and America, Germany and Israel and the difficulties and responsibilities of the alliance of free nations.

Books on gaullism – or, more precisely, books on General de Gaulle – are not uncommon. Originally published in English in 1971, this claimed to be the first book of this sort on gaullism as a political force within the French political system. Since the publication of his work on the Union pour la nouvelle République Jean Charlot had become known as one of the few objective experts on gaullism. His knowledge of the British political system had helped him to appreciate the nature of the gaullist party which he saw from the first, not as a transient party linked to the political career of General de Gaulle, but as a major, modern, right-wing party, comparable to the Conservative Party in Britain. In this book he demonstrates how the gaullist movement is a ‘voter-oriented'party, the first that France had really ever known. The strength of gaullism lies in the electorate, which had fully accepted gaullist economic policies, the institutional changes introduced under the Republic, and the party's foreign policy. This voter-oriented party had fundamentally changed the French party system. A majority party since 1962, the gaullist movement would force the left to regroup within a left-wing, voter-oriented party, if it did not want to face political sterility.Jean Charlot was one of the few specialists to publish an article just after the referendum (Le Monde, May 2, 1969) forecasting that the departure of General de Gaulle did not foreshadow the end of gaullism as a major political force.

This is the first in a series of annual volumes which aim to review the principal legal developments that take place in the countries of sub-Saharan Africa. This series is intended to enable those who have an academic or professional interest in African law to keep abreast of changes in the various branches of the different legal systems of Africa.

Published in 1968, this second volume embarks on the journeys of Laurence Lang, and Le Brun through Russia and other countries. Weber also delves into the criminal proceedings against the late czarewitz, the justification of the Swedish war against Russia and many more topics involving the politics and government of Russia as a country through European eyes.