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Ausgangspunkt des 4. GSP-Sicherheitsdialogs ist die seit einigen Jahren in Politik und Öffentlichkeit immer wieder beschworene'internationale Verantwortung Deutschlands'. Nach einem langen Selbstfindungsprozess des seit 30 Jahren vereinten Deutschlands erhält dieser Aspekt im Inland wie im Ausland zunehmendes Gewicht. Aber was bedeutet die Forderung nach einer solchen Verantwortung konkret? Welche deutsche Rolle im internationalen Kontext, aber auch welche Pflichten und nicht zuletzt auch welche Führungsaufgaben sind mit ihr verbunden? Was erwartet die internationale Gemeinschaft von Deutschland und was will bzw. kann Deutschland davon einlösen? Das Buch dokumentiert eine Diskussionsveranstaltung der GSP mit renommierten internationalen Expertinnen und Experten. Die Gesellschaft für Sicherheitspolitik (GSP) ist die älteste und größte sicherheitspolitische Vereinigung Deutschlands. Mit über 6000 Mitgliedern in rund 80 Sektionen in allen Teilen Deutschlands diskutiert und vermittelt sie Sicherheitspolitik sachkundig und parteiunabhängig.

Originally published in 1938, this book consists of a group of papers considering widely different subjects, but all bearing upon one social problem – the causation and prevention of war. The authors all occupy the same general political position, they are democratic socialists and active members of the Labour Party. The book falls into three rough divisions, although all the papers are self-contained. The first part of the book is psychological and attempts to summarise and analyse the non-historical evidence (ecological, psychological, and anthropological) about the causes of fighting. The second part is historical. It surveys the different causes of international war in the nineteenth century and then discusses the relation between nationalism and capitalism during the same period. The third part is political and first considers the relation of the use of force to the preservation of peace. Then analyses the choices of foreign policy for a pacific power confronted by the threat of aggressive military dictatorship. It concludes with a review and assessment of the various available policies for the prevention of war in general and under the specific contemporary conditions of the time.

Originally published in 1986, although the pace of arms control negotiations has been stepped up, there is still little sign of agreement. In this paper the author examines the current negotiating effort, with particular emphasis on its implications for European security. He provides an up-to-date analysis of the superpower discussions on nuclear arms control, including the impact of ‘star wars', and also of the talks at Vienna on conventional force reductions and at Stockholm on confidence-building measures. He notes a shift in emphasis from ‘parity'to ‘transparency'in Western proposals, and questions whether this promises greater results than were achieved from earlier approaches. He also warns of the risks of arms control arrangements obstructing possibilities for reforming the European security system.

This important collection of classic articles and papers presents a variety of perspectives on key topics in international security and conflict. These include how the structure of the international system constrains nations'choices, how domestic politics may affect decisions on war and peace, how individual and small group behaviour can affect foreign policy, and how international organizations can affect the security of states and peoples. Some of the selections are classics, but most represent recent research and analysis. They draw on international scholars working from different kinds of theories (realist, liberal-institutionalist and constructivist) and research methods to ask why nation-states may fight violently or stay at peace.

This original book systematically examines Japan's defense engagement with its strategic partners since the end of the Cold War based on Japan's national security strategy. The author maps three defense engagement activities: military exercises, capacity building, and defense equipment transfer and technology cooperation – and subsequently evaluates these against the three national security objectives: deterrence, cooperative security, and the Free and Open Indo-Pacific vision. The book asks two important research questions: why is Japan active in defense engagement with the armed forces of its strategic partners? And, what purposes do Japan's self-defense forces pursue? Through the ten carefully selected cases of strategic partners: Australia, India, Indonesia, Vietnam, the Philippines, ASEAN, the UK, France, NATO, and the EU, the book follows a structured, cross-case comparison based on the analytical framework developed for the research. It also discusses the evolution of Japan's postwar defense policy, providing a solid background for the case studies. The book overall argues that, while the Japan-US alliance is still the most indispensable, Japan's strategic partnerships are a valuable instrument of deterrence that contributes to Japan's national security objectives. In order to more effectively pursue these objectives and thus secure the national interest, Japan must pursue a purpose-driven defense engagement.

This book examines authoritarian practices in relation to humanitarian negotiations. Utilising a wide variety of perspectives and examining a range of contexts, the book considers how humanitarians assess and engage with authoritarian practices and negotiate access to populations in danger.Chapters provide insights at the macro, meso, and micro levels through case studies on the international and domestic legal and political framing of humanitarian contexts (Xinjiang, Afghanistan, Venezuela, Russia, and Syria), as well as the actual practice of negotiating with authoritarian regimes (Ethiopia). A theoretical grounding is provided through chapters elaborating on the ethics and trust-building dimensions of humanitarian negotiations, and an overview chapter provides a theoretical framework through which to analyse humanitarian negotiations against the backdrop of different types of authoritarian practices.This book provides a wide-ranging view which broadens the frame of reference when considering how humanitarians view and engage with authoritarian practices. The objective is to both put these contexts into conceptual order and provide a firm theoretical basis for understanding the politics of humanitarian negotiations in such difficult contexts. This book is useful for those studying international politics and humanitarian studies, as well as for practitioners seeking to better systematise their humanitarian negotiations.Chapters 1, 6 and 8: Commentary of this book is freely available as a downloadable Open Access PDF at http://www.taylorfrancis.com under a Creative Commons Attribution-Non Commercial-No Derivatives (CC-BY-NC-ND) 4.0 license.

Post- Cold War Predictions examines how the international order evolved after the collapse of the Soviet Union (and before the attacks on 9/11) by focusing on the ways we study and understand major powers'security behavior within the evolving multipolar order. Beginning with an overview of Post-Cold War literature, Kassab summarizes and evaluates influential Post-Cold War texts to better understand scholarship's need to predict. First, he discusses the central importance of power in international relations and drives home the central focus of international structures, linking findings to the broader structure-agent problem. He then reinterprets the purpose of theory, preferring explanatory theories to those that aim to predict outcomes. To understand the context by which political ideas were developed and followed as if they were political ideologies, Hanna Samir Kassab makes explicit the links between historicism and historiography, forwarding a new methodology for studying political science: Politicist analysis. Using simple jargon and defining terms where necessary, this succinct and enlightening text is required reading for all those interested in international politics.

Volatility is one of the most characteristic features of contemporary security.The level of threats increases or decreases, completely new phenomena appearand quickly disturb the global balance and threaten the durability of securitysystems. This dynamic nature of security verifies both the state and process, aswell as their understanding by researchers.The monograph refers to key aspects of the contemporary understanding ofsecurity, in its military, political, social, and informational context, as wellas other dimensions. It presents and analyzes the identification criteria anddeterminants of security and characterizes the nature of contemporary threatsand the dynamics of their changes. Armed conflicts, terrorism, migration,digital threats, loss of national identity, and populist use of security categoriesto justify the use of extraordinary measures to combat threats are among theselected areas discussed by the authors. The monograph also raises the issuesof cooperation for security, its management and education for security as a keyactivity to ensure it.

This book investigates the selective nature of UN sanctions regimes with a specific focus on the post-Cold War era. Legally binding on all members, UN sanctions are the most effective and legitimate non-violent multilateral tools to respond to international security threats. They are also symbolically more powerful than unilateral or multilateral sanctions because they enjoy global support. However, while dozens of threats to international peace were met with UN sanctions since 1990, many others were not. How can we explain this incoherent approach? With a focus on the selectiveness, rather than effectiveness of UN sanctions the author reflects on the shifting geopolitical tensions between Security Council members and uses a variety of widely used academic datasets to provide a unique overview of what determines sanctions and sanctionable events. The primary audience will be scholars and students of international relations, international organizations, security studies, and political economy.

This book is about Russia. Yet, this book is not about Russia per se. To those, whose sole interest is a better understanding of the Kremlin's decision making and how it shapes Russia's present and future, we would refer to a rather long list of sources that we dutifully noted throughout the book. Instead, based on our expertise in Russian studies and the challenges that we experienced in the past 2 years, this book aims to offer a methodology to address questions when there is no ‘right'or ‘wrong'answer (due to lacking reliable information). Any attempt to answer this sort of questions using the commonly accepted deductive approach, based on scientific methods is bound to fail, because of the very nature of these questions. Therefore, using Russia as a case study, this book aims to advance a way of analysing (however limited, biased and uncertain) available information to advance a more critical understanding of the subject in question by using the methodology of dialectic inquiry.

We współczesnym świecie zdominowanym przez rozwój technologiczny granice pomiędzy obszarami geograficznymi, państwami i kulturami zdają się zacierać oraz przybierać umowny charakter. Jednocześnie przywiązanie do określonej przestrzeni zmusza nas do odpowiedzi na pytanie o jej zakres, ramy czy zmiany. W publikacji Granice i obszary wpływów w polityce wewnętrznej i relacjach międzynarodowych młodzi badacze i badaczki analizują rezultaty oddziaływania politycznego i społecznego, bazując na przykładach pochodzących z różnych kręgów kulturowych. Badane wpływy dotyczą najważniejszych zjawisk zachodzących obecnie w polityce międzynarodowej, problemu terroryzmu, dezinformacji czy walki o prawa człowieka.

This book is the concise story of NATO. It considers the origins, development, challenges, structure, and direction of the Alliance against the backdrop of a changing world and a changing Europe, the changing relationship of the United States to its Allies, the twin threats posed by both Russia and terrorism, the emerging challenge of China, and the EU-NATO relationship. Crucially, the book considers the impact of new and emerging disruptive technologies on NATO planning, force and resources, as well as NATO's place in a changing world. Women, peace, and security are discussed, together with NATO's role in combating climate change. Central to the book is a debate over the future of deterrence and defense and the role of nuclear, conventional, cyber, and information strategies in a new deterrent posture. The book concludes by looking out to 2030 and beyond. The worldwide market will include academia, the student body on all aspects of IS, strategic studies, Cold War history, think-tanks, international institutions, and interested readers.

Fully revised and updated, this fifth edition of Understanding Global Security considers the variety of ways in which peoples'lives are threatened and / or secured in contemporary global politics. The traditional focus of security studies - war, deterrence and terrorism - are analyzed alongside non-military security issues such as famine, crime, disease, disasters, environmental degradation and human rights abuses to provide a comprehensive survey of how and why people are killed in the contemporary world. Key concepts of International Relations and globalization are defined and explained, prominent political thinkers and activists are profiled in short biographies and the human impact of the various security threats considered graphically illustrated in ‘top ten'tables. Hence, this textbook introduces students to the full range of security issues in a clear and concise format that is easy to follow.Specific updates include: A refresh of the evolving theoretical literature on security including more analysis of feminist and post-colonial thought Key recent international political developments- such as the Covid-19 pandemic, the war in Ukraine and the withdrawal of the US from Afghanistan - are appraised and incorporated A new section on hybrid warfare is included in Chapter 2, misogynistic terror is profiled in Chapter 3, whilst gun-smuggling and cybercrime are considered in more depth in Chapter 10 Chapter 5 features analysis of the rise of ‘genocide diplomacy'The rise of private legal challenges to governments for failing to implement commitments to the Paris 2015 Climate Change Accords is reviewed and analysed Greater evaluation of global governance, in the face of populist nationalist challenges to international cooperation, is offered User-friendly and easy to follow, this textbook is designed to make a complex subject accessible to all. Key features include: ‘Top ten tables'highlighting the most destructive events or forms of death in those areas throughout history Boxed descriptions elaborating key concepts in the fields of security and International Relations ‘Biographical boxes'of key individuals who have shaped security politics Further reading and websites at the end of each chapter guiding you towards classic texts and the most up-to-date information on the various topics Glossary of political terminology This highly acclaimed and popular academic text will continue to be essential reading for everyone interested in security.

This book explores the topic of peace and the long-term survival of the human species. Drawing on Existential Risk Studies (ERS), the book lays out a theoretical framework for drawing new perspectives and approaches for looking toward the future and addressing existential risks related to the complexity and dynamics of conflict. Looking at five research lines in Peace and Conflict Studies (PCS); (1) Great Powers Conflict, (2) Peace, Pandemic, and Conflict, (3) Climate, Peace, and Conflict, (4) Emerging Technologies, Peace, and Conflict and (5) Totalitarianism, the chapters discuss how these lines are defined and discussed, how they are understood in ERS, and what approaches would be beneficial to adapt and integrate into PCS. By drawing on ERS and grounding the discussion in lines of research that will be important to the field of PCS, this book suggests that long-term perspectives are needed in the field, especially in regard to existential risk and their implications of conflict.

This is a first book-long analysis showing how the notion of ‘hybrid warfare'was used to transform security policies and discourses in an EU/NATO country. Building on current debates in International Political Sociology, Critical Security Studies, and Critical Geopolitics, it provides a novel account of how crisis, geopolitics, uncertainty, and expertise are intertwined in the social construction of threats. Based on extensive and original empirical research of large textual archive and elite interviews in the Czech Republic and Brussels, the book shows how officials, bureaucrats, journalists, activists, and experts all participate in the reshaping of security in a new geopolitical environment. Zooming on the case of Czechia and its specific Central European context, it complements the predominantly Western-centric studies of insecurity with an account of how the liminal position on an East/West boundary influences security politics. As a first study of its kind and scope, it will be of interest to academics and students interested in Central European politics, practices and discourses of hybrid warfare, as well as critical approaches to security and geopolitics.

This volume presents the key informational, communication, and socio-political drivers of the Ukrainian state's national security. Since the beginning of the third millennium, there has been an aggravation of global inter-civilizational confrontations, which in 2022 has already resulted in an open military aggression against Ukraine. The hybrid wars against the world of democracy have put ensuring the national security of states on the front pages of world and national agendas. Using the example of Ukraine, the book demonstrates how, in order to achieve their geopolitical interests, authoritarian regimes incite information wars as a prerequisite for the transition to an armed'hot'war. It further shows how these processes actualize the formation of a fundamentally new state policy to ensure information and, more broadly, national security. The book identifies the main threats to national security in modern states and identifies ways of protecting Ukraine's national interests.The book will appeal to scholars, students, and researchers of political science, international relations, social sciences, and neighboring disciplines, as well as practitioners and policy-makers interested in a better understanding of national security drivers and protecting national interests.

This book provides a broad, interdisciplinary analysis of events impacting on North Macedonia since its independence, particularly during the last decade. In the past thirty years, the country has gone through deep political, social and economic transition, along with a name change from ‘Macedonia'to the ‘Republic of North Macedonia'following the Prespa Agreement signed with Greece. The contributors consider Macedonia's challenges, its multi-ethnic make-up and its ambition to enter the European mainstream through the auspices of the European Union and NATO. The volume includes chapters on international politics and North Macedonia's place in the region's security architecture as well as the difficulties of the privatisation of socially owned enterprises, political corruption, state capture and backsliding. The book also covers the controversial ‘Skopje 2014'project in addition to the impact of migration along the ‘Balkan Route'and the current wranglings with Bulgaria over identitypolitics.

Security Studies: An Introduction, 4th edition, is the most comprehensive textbook available on the subject, providing students with in-depth coverage of traditional and critical approaches and an essential grounding in the debates, frameworks, and issues of the contemporary security agenda.This new edition has been completely revised and updated, to cover major developments such as COVID-19, the rise of populism, climate change, China and Russia's place in the world, and the Trump administration. It also includes new chapters on great power rivalry, emerging technologies, and economic threats.Divided into four parts, the text provides students with a detailed, accessible overview of the major theoretical approaches, key themes, and most significant issues within security studies. Part 1 explores the main theoretical approaches from both traditional and critical standpoints Part 2 explains the central concepts underpinning contemporary debates Part 3 presents an overview of the institutional security architecture Part 4 examines some of the key contemporary challenges to global security Collecting these related strands into a single textbook creates a valuable teaching tool and a comprehensive, accessible learning resource for undergraduates and MA students.

This book demonstrates that the disciplinary boundaries present within international relations approaches to security studies are redundant when examining social media, and inter- and multi-disciplinary analysis is key. A key result of the analysis undertaken is that when examining the social media sphere security scholars need to “expect the unexpected”. This is because social media enables users to subvert, contest and create security narratives with symbols and idioms of their choice which can take into account “traditional” security themes, but also unexpected and under explored themes such as narratives from the local context of the users'towns and cities, and the symbolism of football clubs. The book also explores the complex topography of social media when considering constructions of security. The highly dynamic topography of social media is neither elite dominated and hierarchical as the Copenhagen School conceptualises security speak. However, neither is it completely flat and egalitarian as suggested by the vernacular security studies'non-elite approach. Rather, social media's topography is shifting and dynamic, with individuals gaining influence in security debates in unpredictable ways. In examining social media this book engages with the emancipatory burden of critical security studies. This book argues that it remains unfulfilled on social media and rather presents a “thin” notion of discursive emancipation where social media does provide the ability for previously excluded voices to participate in security debates, even if this does not result in their direct emancipation from power hierarchies and structures offline.

This book offers a model for understanding securitization in terms of hegemonic discourse formations. It re-thinks the very meaning of security as well as the relationship between the understanding of security in traditional and critical approaches in security studies to find a common denominator between them. Deduced firmly from realist political philosophy and its analytic categories, such as state-based sovereignty, security is presented as a function of discursive formations. Providing a sound discourse-theoretical foundation which includes both linguistic and non-linguistic practices as well as a focus on relationships of power, the book offers a basis for the integration of insights generated by the different approaches to securitisation, and enhances the analytical and explanatory depth of the concept. As part of its theoretical foundation, the book further presents a fundamentally new image of long-standing theoretical and conceptual challenges within speech-act inspired approaches, including the re-formulation of central analytical categories such as the speaker-audience-context nexus. By explaining securitisation as signifying the boundaries of the construction of meaning, it presents an original understanding of securitisation, which is deeply integrated into the structures of the social construction of meaning. On this basis, the book offers a new understanding of successful securitisation factors and insights into aspects that render specific objects more or less likely for securitisation. The book proceeds to discuss two central aspects of the securitisation debate: The constitution of power, as well as an exploration of the nature of the political and politicisation. An empirical case study on the development-security-nexus offers further insights into the applicability of the theoretical model. This book will appeal to students, researchers, and scholars of political science and international relations (IR) interested in a better understanding of IR theory, realism, critical security studies, and discourse analysis.

Following the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington, DC, there has been an increasing interest among scholars, students, and the interested public to study and learn about the Islamist-oriented terrorist organizations called Jihadi Salafi Groups (JSGs). Considering that these organizations emerged in highly fragile states, S. Yaqub Ibrahimi asks: how and why is state fragility linked to the emergence of JSGs? Ibrahimi bases his study on three events: the establishment of al-Qaeda in Afghanistan in 1998, the rise of Islamic State in the post-Saddam Hussein Iraq, and the failed al-Qaeda effort to establish a base in Saudi Arabia in 2003. These case studies contain major aspects and features of the rise of JSGs and, together, explain the contribution of state fragility to the process of the formation and expansion of these terrorist organizations. International Security in a World of Fragile States stands out as a pivotal work on the interconnection between the root causes of JSGs and state fragility conditions and their amalgamated role in the formation and evolution of these organizations. It contributes to IR and international security debates by developing a comprehensive but readily understandable narrative of the rise of JSGs in Islamic countries, and examining them in an analytical framework in which their root causes are categorized on individual, group, and international levels.

This edited book is written by six authors from Asia and Africa. The individual authors focus on their own country's case or cases that they have been working on. The book features local conflicts in six countries in Asia and Africa and identifies how the local conflicts are affected by the forces of globalization. Cases include Nigeria's oil-related conflicts, the Democratic Republic of Congo's timber conflicts, continuing instability in Mozanbique, Thailand's conflict with regard to AIDS medicine, Myanmar's local conflicts after its reforms, and the Afghanistan's conflicts over minerals. From these diverse case studies, the book examines how globalization and international politics affect local politics and conflicts, and vice versa. Even seemingly internal conflicts are shown to be significantly influenced by globalization forces and to create new dynamism in local politics. While there are other books that explore globalization and conflicts, many of them are conceptuallyorganized with a small number of case studies. The present volume examines local conflicts in relation to globalization and demonstrates how structural inequality vis-a-vis weak stateness and statehood are significantly affected by global political economy.

The United Nations in the 21st Century, Sixth Edition, provides a comprehensive yet accessible introduction to the UN. It explores the historical, institutional, and theoretical foundations of the UN as well as major global trends and challenges facing the organization today, including changing major power dynamics, new threats to peace and security, the migration and refugee crises, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the existential challenges of climate change and sustainability. Thoroughly revised and expanded, it contains two new chapters on the UN and the environment and on human security, including issues of health, food security, global migration, and human trafficking. There is enhanced analysis of theoretical perspectives on post-colonialism, feminist theory, constructivism, and non-Western views. New content has also been added on the UN's budget crisis, public–private partnerships, and the role of women in the organization. By examining the UN as an intergovernmental organization facing the broader need for global cooperation to address economic, social, and environmental interdependencies alongside the threats posed by rising nationalism and populism, this popular text is the perfect reference for all students and practitioners of international organizations, global governance, and international relations.

This book assesses potential developments of terrorism and ways to prevent it—the growing threats as new technologies become available — and how the same new technologies may help trap those with potential mal-intent. The drumbeat of terror resonates from everywhere; how can we stop it? What are the tripping points along the road and how can we avoid them? Increasingly more people have access to increasingly more information and increasingly more destructive technologies. In the meantime, increasingly advanced technologies help us create an increasingly safer and more harmonious world. Advantages and disadvantages are accelerating each other. While hybrid threats are intensifying, so are the opportunities to address them. But what are the compromises and how can we mitigate them? This book also looks at the unexpected and often random success and failure of policies to counter the evolving terror threat. The various aspects ofthe terrorism phenomena are presented in a unique way using scenario vignettes, which give the reader a realistic perception of the threat. The combination of positive and negative implications of emerging technologies is describing what might well be one of the most important dimensions of our common future.

Die Autorinnen und Autoren des Bandes zeichnen die manifeste Krise der nuklearen Rüstungskontrolle, Abrüstung und Nichtverbreitung in ihren unterschiedlichen Facetten nach, arbeiten die Ursachen für diese Krise heraus und diskutieren mögliche Entwicklungsszenarien in den genannten Bereichen. Die Wechselwirkungen zwischen den einzelnen Teilbereichen der nuklearen Ordnung, die Implikationen von globalen Machtverschiebungen, technologischen Entwicklungen und Nuklearstrategien sowie die Positionierung von unterschiedlichen Akteuren und die sich daraus ergebenden Konsequenzen werden in den einzelnen Beiträgen vertiefend diskutiert. Während die nukleare Rüstungspolitik insbesondere der USA, aber auch Russlands, in den Analysen einen zentralen Platz einnehmen, werden auch die Rolle von internationalen Organisationen und die Positionierung von ausgewählten Akteuren wie etwa Deutschland in spezifischen Fragen herausgearbeitet. Der Band schließt mit Analysen zu rezenten Entwicklungen in den Fällen Nordkorea und Iran ab.

This book provides an original examination of current European Union (EU)–Republic of Korea (ROK) security relations. It brings together analysis and original material on relations in the fields of Nuclear non-proliferation and disarmament, Cybersecurity and data-protection, Space policy and technology, and Preventive diplomacy and crisis management. These represent areas of particular interest to examine the extent to which the EU and ROK are able to successfully or otherwise cooperate. Relations between the EU and the ROK have been growing in quantity and quality over recent years. Alongside the economic dimension, the political and security elements of the relationship have shown promise for further collaboration between the two sides, not least within the context of North Korea's nuclear threat and East Asia's wider evolving security environment. All contributors are leading experts in their respective fields and each chapter is co-authored by a European and Korean expert for a balanced assessment. The volume will be essential reading for students, scholars and policy-makers interested in EU–Korea relations, EU foreign policy and security, Area studies, and, more broadly to EU politics studies, security studies, and international relations.

The key role in the security policy of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is to prevent new types of asymmetric challenges and deal with the new architecture of the Euro-Atlantic security environment, including the control of weapons of mass destruction. In modern international politics, the growing militaristic policies of the states have created many dangers and raised the need for NATO to address new issues that the Alliance did not face during the Cold War. NATO and the Future of European and Asian Security reflects on difficult geopolitical and geostrategic conditions and reviews how new types of warfare have a drastic impact on NATO's military and defense doctrine. This book provides the newest data and theories and contributes to the understanding of the transformation of the regional security environment in the aegis of the Euro-Atlantic. Covering topics including foreign policy, global security, hybrid warfare, securitization, and smart defense, this book is essential for government officials, policymakers, public relations officers, military and defense agencies, teachers, historians, political scientists, security analysts, national security professionals, administrators, government organizations, researchers, academicians, and students.

Après avoir abordé, dans le premier tome, le concept de sécurité nationale dans le droit des traités, ce tome s'attache à analyser la manière avec laquelle les États font évoluer le droit international par le recours aux comportements unilatéraux. Les mesures et politiques unilatérales, sans être nécessairement opposées au droit négocié des traités, peuvent créer du désordre dans le paysage normatif international comme le montrent les sanctions économiques unilatérales du Trésor des États-Unis à l'encontre de plusieurs États. Elles peuvent aussi contribuer à la formation de nouvelles règles coutumières, comme le mettent en lumière notamment les opérations de légitime défense dirigées contre des groupes armés non étatiques au Proche-Orient, en Afrique ou ailleurs. L'approche envisagée fait appel à la fois à la technique juridique et à la sociologie des relations internationales.

This open access volume surveys the state of the field to examine whether a fifth wave of deterrence theory is emerging. Bringing together insights from world-leading experts from three continents, the volume identifies the most pressing strategic challenges, frames theoretical concepts, and describes new strategies.The use and utility of deterrence in today's strategic environment is a topic of paramount concern to scholars, strategists and policymakers. Ours is a period of considerable strategic turbulence, which in recent years has featured a renewed emphasis on nuclear weapons used in defence postures across different theatres; a dramatic growth in the scale of military cyber capabilities and the frequency with which these are used; and rapid technological progress including the proliferation of long-range strike and unmanned systems. These military-strategic developments occur in a polarized international system, where cooperation between leading powers on arms control regimes is breaking down, states widely make use of hybrid conflict strategies, and the number of internationalized intrastate proxy conflicts has quintupled over the past two decades. Contemporary conflict actors exploit a wider gamut of coercive instruments, which they apply across a wider range of domains. The prevalence of multi-domain coercion across but also beyond traditional dimensions of armed conflict raises an important question: what does effective deterrence look like in the 21st century? Answering that question requires a re-appraisal of key theoretical concepts and dominant strategies of Western and non-Western actors in order to assess how they hold up in today's world.Air Commodore Professor Dr. Frans Osinga is the Chair of the War Studies Department of the Netherlands Defence Academy and the Special Chair in War Studies at the University Leiden. Dr. Tim Sweijs is the Director of Research at The Hague Centre for Strategic Studies and a Research Fellow at the Faculty of Military Sciences of the Netherlands Defence Academy in Breda.

Military Strategy of Middle Powers explores to what degree twenty-first-century middle powers adjust their military strategies due to changes in the international order, such as the decline in US power.The overarching objective of the book is to explain continuity and change in the strategies of a group of middle powers during the twenty-first century. These strategies are described, compared, and explained through the lens of Realism. In order to find potential explanations for change or continuity within the cases, as well as for similarities and differences between the cases, the strategies of 11 ‘middle'powers are analysed (Canada, Germany, Italy, Spain, Australia, Brazil, Indonesia, South Africa, India, Japan, and South Korea). This group of countries are considered similar in several important aspects, primarily regarding relative power capacity. When searching for potential explanations for different strategic behaviours among the middle powers, their unique regional characteristics are a key focus and, consequently, the impact of the structure and polarity, as well as the patterns of amity and enmity, of the regional context are analysed. The empirical investigation is focused on security strategies used since the terrorist attacks 9/11 2001, which was one of the first major challenges to US hegemony.This book will be of much interest to students of military and strategic studies, foreign policy, and International Relations in general.

American foreign policy is the subject of extensive debate. Many look to domestic factors as the driving forces of bad policies. Benjamin Miller instead seeks to account for changes in US international strategy by developing a theory of grand strategy that captures the key security approaches available to US decision-makers in times of war and peace. Grand Strategy from Truman to Trump makes a crucial contribution to our understanding of competing grand strategies that accounts for objectives and means of security policy. Miller puts forward a model that is widely applicable, based on empirical evidence from post-WWII to today, and shows that external factors—rather than internal concerns—are the most determinative.

This book explores terrorism and security issues from feminist perspectives, putting gender and androcentrism at the heart of its analysis. It argues against traditional research approaches to political violence, and terrorism in particular, that are dominated by the “male-gaze” and individual stereotypes and perspectives, and that feminist approaches offer a fresh perspective on security research. Our current understanding of political violence is primarily based on the experiences of men, and as such, the challenge in terrorism and radicalization research is to demonstrate that women's studies on security and terrorism satisfy certain universal criteria. The author shows how a post-positivist approach can be useful in gaining insights into terrorism and violent extremism, and how to address these phenomena. The book presents theoretical foundations based on various feminist assumptions, and exposes the essence of feminism, its conceptual grid, gender variabilities and the developments in feminist thinking and theory. Furthermore, it discusses the trends in feminist epistemology, and explains female radicalization to terrorist activity, the specificity of female terrorism, and the roles of women in deradicalization processes, as well as their impact on counterterrorism policy. The book concludes that gender difference as a constitutive variable of social reality is of key importance in studies on terrorism and counterterrorism.

Exploring NATO's post-Cold War determination to support democracy abroad, this book addresses the alliance's adaptation to the new illiberal backlashes in Eastern Europe, the Western Balkans and Afghanistan after the alleged ‘return of history'.The book engages the question of what has driven NATO to pursue democratisation in face of the significant region-specific challenges and what can explain policy expansion or retrenchment over time. Explaining NATO's adaptation from the perspective of power dynamics that push for international change and historical experience that informs grand strategy allows wider inferences not only about democratisation as a foreign policy strategy but also about the nature of the transatlantic alliance and its relations with a mostly illiberal environment. Larsen offers a theoretical conception of NATO as a patchwork of one hegemonic and several great power interests that converge or diverge in the formulation of common policy, as opposed to NATO as a community of universal values.This volume will appeal to researchers of transatlantic relations, NATO's functional and geographical expansion, hegemony and great power politics, democracy promotion, lessons of the past, (Neoclassical) Realism, alliance theory, and the crisis of the liberal world order.

This book discusses the role of political narratives in shaping perceptions of instability and conceptions of order in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA). The authors illustrate how, in times of socio-political turmoil and outbursts of discontent such as the Arab Spring, political entrepreneurs explain and justify their political agendas by complementing hard power solutions with attractive ideas and discursive constructions that appeal to domestic constituencies and geopolitical allies. The book is divided into two parts. The first focuses on non-state actors, such as confessional communities and ideological movements, who aim to develop narratives that are convincing to their respective polities. It also studies regional powers that seek to determine their positions in a competitive environment via distinctive narrations of order. In part two, the authors investigate the narratives of global players that aim to explain and justify their role in an evolving international order.

The Military Balance 2013 is the annual assessment of the military capabilities and defence economics of 171 countries world-wide. New features of the 2013 edition include; reorganised and expanded analytical essays. New sections on trends in contemporary armed conflicts in Afghanistan and Syria, as well as trends in defence capability areas, with a focus on equipment, technological or doctrinal developments. There is also an essay on trends in defence economics and procurement, one on European defence industries, and another on anti-access/area denial, detailed analysis of regional and national defence policy and economic issues for selected states, updated graphics feature on comparative defence statistics, with focus on defence economics, and major land, sea and, air capability concerns, tables, graphics and analysis of defence economics issues, additional national capability summaries, additional data on, land forces: combat support and combat service support, new graphics and maps on defence capability issues and additional data on cyber capabilities.

This book develops a new concept of post-refugee transnationalism to describe experiences of Bosnian refugees who settled in Ireland after fleeing the conflict in 1990s Bosnia and Herzegovina. The book explores their ambivalent relationship with their host and home countries, Ireland and Bosnia, arguing that their current experiences are best described as post-refugee transnationalism. Post-refugee transnationalism is characterised by Bosnians dividing their time between the two countries rather than permanently settling in either and by engaging in summer migrations and diasporic interconnections and affiliations. The book proposes post-refugee transnationalism as different to other instances of transnationalism by stressing its enforced origin provoked by the conflict and institutionalized by the Dayton Peace Agreement. The book combines Foucault's biopolitics, David Theo Goldberg's understanding of nation states as racial states and Giorgio Agamben's expansion on the idea of potentiality, to develop the concept of post-refugee transnationalism.

This book explains the development of the international system's present-day balance of power by exploring three central questions: (1) Under what conditions has the international system order evolved from a unipolar system to the current multipolar system? (2) What are its major states? (3) How do weak powers affect great power competition?It puts forward the following hypotheses: (1) if China and Russia are expanding their military, political, and economic influence into weaker states globally, then the unipolar American order is unraveling; and (2) if the international system is multipolar, then great power balancing may enhance international security. However, balancing may be made difficult because of weak state aid-seeking behavior. When weak states engage competing great powers, they become spheres of competition. This book delves into these states. Whether in Africa, Latin America, the Middle East, Central Asia, East Asia, or Eastern Europe, great powers hope to establish some control over weaker units for security, economic, and at times, prestige purposes.This book will be of interest to students and scholars of political science and IR, security studies, and IPE, as well as members of the think tank community and policy analysts.

This volume focuses on the third Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe (CSCE) Follow-Up Meeting which took place in Vienna from November 1986 to January 1989 against the background of dynamic developments in Eastern Europe.

Focusing on the social, economic, and political structures of the postwar global order, this collection of essays discusses the search for a new international economic order, the transformation of the nation-state and the international balance of power, the technological and strategic dimensions of the nuclear age, East-West trade and technology tr

Designed to introduce the reader to the critical issues of arms control and international security in the 1980s, this collection of provocative and challenging articles encourages a rethinking of conventional wisdom on strategic policy. The authors succinctly convey the tensions existing between those who would eliminate the weapons on which strategic deterrence has rested and those who see the Soviet nuclear buildup as a challenge that must be met with increased armaments. They reflect, as well, on the conceptual tension between eliminating nuclear weapons and answering the question of how defense can be managed in the nuclear era. Their contributions are at times compelling, at times frustrating, but at all times informative and of critical importance.

This book presents the work of leading experts from Austria, Finland, Sweden, and Switzerland on the changing opportunities and challenges faced by the neutral states of Europe. It outlines some of the political changes that have recently taken place in the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe.

'The notion that every state has an interest in the territorial integrity of every other state-no matter how distant they are and how slight their connections-is peculiar to the twentieth century. To be sure, poets and philosophers had perceived humanity's common interest in preventing wars, and statesmen had found that aggression from outside the community could be deterred by the mutual defense of those within it. But no one had ever tried to organize an all-embracing system that used the collective force of its members to prevent one of them from attacking another. It took the wide devastation of two world wars-and the failure of the balance-of-power systems that preceded them-to instigate the search for a more effective way to manage power. To the founders of the League of Nations and the United Nations there was nothing extravagant about the idea that peace is indivisible. Their countries had been drawn into wars that were largely not of their making: They had learned that to control their destinies they must act early, with others, to keep the peace. It is this core of national self-interest that drives collective security. If the system works at any moment in history, it is because its members believe they have enough stake in the existing order to warrant taking measures against any nation that threatens to destroy the fabric of that order.'

This book describes the efforts of the United States and the former Soviet Union to resolve regional confrontations. It examines Gorbachev's inheritance in Latin America regarding Soviet-U.S. cooperation and conflict, and prospects for future Russian-U.S. cooperation.

The United Nations faced unprecedented opportunities and heightened expectations when the Cold War ended in 1990. By the time of the UN's fiftieth anniversary in 1995, the mood had shifted. Peacekeepers were bogged down in Bosnia and Somalia. Iraq continued to test the UN's resolve to enforce arms control inspections. In much of the world, the gap between haves and have-nots was increasing. Everyone agreed that UN reform was needed, yet the political will to effect change was absent. With unmet challenges throughout the world, the limits to UN power and effectiveness were being realized. From regional conflicts to areas of environmental degradation and human rights abuses, the UN's success depends more than ever on the way in which three dilemmas are resolved–the tensions between sovereignty and the reality of its erosion, between demands for global governance and the weakness of UN institutions (as well as the reluctance of states to commit), and between the need for leadership and the diffusion of power. In this second edition, the authors have undertaken major revisions along with thorough updating. They explore the three dilemmas in the context of the UN's evolving role in world politics, including its experience in maintaining peace and promoting development, environmental sustainability, and human rights–the focus of an entirely new chapter. They also consider the role of various actors in the UN system, from major powers (especially the United States), small and middle powers, coalitions, and nongovernmental organizations to the secretaries-general. The need for institutional reforms and specific proposals for reform are examined. Because multilateral diplomacy is now the norm rather than the exception in world politics, the UN's effectiveness has been challenged by the new demands of the post–Cold War era. This completely revised and updated text places the UN at the center of a set of core dilemmas in world politics and provides a series of case studies that probe the politics and processes of UN action.

For more than two decades, the USSR promoted the idea of multilateral security cooperation in Asia. Under Mikhail Gorbachev, this was referred to as'a Helsinki process for Asia'or a'Conference on Security and Cooperation in Asia'(CSCA) to parallel Europe's CSCE. Until the end of the 1980s, such an idea was frozen along the lines of the Cold War. East Asian governments dismissed the idea of a CSCA as Cold War propaganda or, at best, an untransferable European concept ill-suited to East Asia.

This book assesses the important role of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) in the management of regional political, security and economic relations. The author argues that ASEAN's prominent role in the region, spanning 50 years, is largely due to the acquiescence of the great powers who endorsed ASEAN, accepted its regional position and accorded the institution a legitimacy and durability that, otherwise, it would not have. This text offers a key intervention into the debate regarding ASEAN and regional order by showing how ASEAN's contribution to order management is part of a negotiated division of labour with the great powers. The author applies an innovative social roles analysis, which captures the dynamic interactions between ASEAN and the great powers from the Cold War to the present day.

This book explores the motivations behind American military interventions in the Post-World War II era that purported to replace autocratic regimes with democratic ones. It delves into the Forced Democracy (FD) phenomenon, focusing on its intellectual roots and previous attempts to study it in the academic literature. The author examines five American interventions that attempted to replace autocratic regimes with democratic ones—The Dominican Republic, Grenada, Panama, Afghanistan, and Iraq. Each chapter includes a history of the intervention and an assessment of whether America's intentions and actions toward that particular country were actually focused on delivering a democratic outcome.

Alternative Security offers the thinking person a place to begin to kick the “nuclear habit.” Even as it accepts the premise that war is endemic to the human condition, it provides reassurance that an other-than-nuclear deterrence policy can work to effectively safeguard national and transnational interests. These eight original essays, acco

The world total of some 50,000 nuclear warheads is beginning to fall off sharply. It should be well below 10,000 by the year 2000. Should the ultimate target be zero? The idea of a nuclear-weapon-free world (NWFW) was put back on the world agenda by President Gorbachev in 1986. President Reagan also had a vision of a world without nuclear weapons.

This text is designed to provide students and others with a theoretical and factual base for understanding the complex questions posed by continued reliance on nuclear weapons to protect geopolitical interests. In Part One, the authors examine the destructiveness and cost of modern nuclear arsenals and offer both normative and systemic explanations