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This collection examines the subject of identification and surveillance from 16th C English parish registers to 21st C DNA databases. The contributors, who range from historians to legal specialists, provide an insight into the historical development behind such issues as biometric identification, immigration control and personal data use.

Since the early 1950s, there has been agreement in the US concerning the desirability of improving relations with the Soviet Union. Policymakers have often disagreed, however, about how to implement policy and this book looks at the policy of individual administrations.

Offering a comprehensive account of the work of Hedley Bull, Ayson analyses the breadth of Bull's work as a Foreign Office official for Harold Wilson's government, the complexity of his views, including Bull's unpublished papers, and challenges some of the comfortable assertions about Bull's place in the English School of IR.

Marek Thee was a Jewish Polish journalist, scholar, and activist. This book tells his life from narrowly escaping death in the Holocaust to exile in Palestine, where he became attached to the Polish consular service. On his return to Poland in 1950, he worked for the Foreign Ministry and later for the Polish Institute for International Affairs. He served as Head of the Polish delegation to the International Control Commission in Indochina in the late 1950s. In 1968 he lost his job and his Polish citizenship in a nationalistic and antisemitic campaign. He was able to move to Norway where he worked for twenty years at the Peace Research Institute Oslo (PRIO), editing an international quarterly journal, Bulletin of Peace Proposals and doing research on the arms race. In retirement, he continued his research and writing at the Norwegian Human Rights Institute. The book vividly relates the drama of his life in Poland, Palestine, Indochina, and Norway.This is an open access book.

This Adelphi Paper is the first concise yet comprehensive analysis of the role of the G8 in international peace and security. It argues that the G7/8 has a long and impressive history in the field of international security. The G7/8 has, for example, spearheaded the introduction of'low politics'and'soft security'to the top table of great power diplomacy and integrated Japan and, later Russia, into the realm of Western security discussions. In questions of war and peace the G8 does not command the legitimacy of the UN Security Council but, for the international community, is a more acceptable vehicle than unilateral action. As such the G8 can be seen as a note-worthy'second best'option after the UN Security Council. This Paper further argues that China should be admitted into the G8 first as an observer and later as a member. There is also a strong argument for the European Union to have one seat at the G8 even if such a change does not seem realistic today. The G8 bears great resemblance to the 19th century Concert of Europe. Whether it will assume a similar role in the 21st century depends in the final analysis on whether the United States welcomes such a role for the G8.

A comprehensive overview of the state of crisis management in international affairs, this book focuses primarily on the U.S.-USSR relationship. For most of the postwar period, the U.S. superiority in nuclear weapons shaped the political structure within which international crises occurred. This edge began to deteriorate by the late 1970s, leading to a new and potentially more dangerous structure within which the superpower rivalry is now conducted. Arguing that the shifting nuclear balance has created a new dimension for crisis management, the contributors analyze such issues as the informal norms of diplomatic behavior that have evolved during the extended superpower rivalry, the tendency of both superpowers to engage in activities that progressively reduce crisis stability, and various concrete measures such as risk reduction centers that might enhance the current system for crisis management. The book also includes case studies of crisis management among non-superpowers. Taken together, these papers address the important question of how human control can be maximized in situations of international crisis.

Offering first major study of the views of the Conservative Party towards the key aspects of Anglo-German relations from 1905 to 1914, it examines the Conservative response to the German threat, and argues that it showed a marked absence of open hostility towards Germany.

Issues of global justice dominate our contemporary world. Incre- ingly, philosophers are turning their attention to thinking about particular issues of global justice and the accounts that would best facilitate theorizing about these. This volume of papers on global justice derives from a mini-conference held in conjunction with the Paci?c Division meeting of the American Philosophical Association in Pasadena, California, in 2004. The idea of holding a mini-c- ference on global justice was inspired by the growth of interest in such questions, and it was hoped that organizing the mini-conference 1 would stimulate further good writing in this area. We believe that our mission has been accomplished! We received a number of thoughtful papers on both theoretical and more applied issues, showing excellent coverage of a range of topics in the domain of global justice. A selection of some of the very best papers is published in this special issue of The Journal of Ethics. In particular, we tried to include papers that would re?ect some of the range of topics that were covered at the conference, to give readers a sense of both the scope of the?eld as it is currently emerging and the direction that the debates seem to be taking. As a result of increased attention to theorizing about global j- tice, cosmopolitanism has enjoyed a resurgence of interest as well.

An enlarged version of a Master thesis for a M. A. degree in European Studies (University of Flensburg / Germany, International Institute of Management and European Studies), this book based on a lot of sources, interviews and other empirical research shows a thorough scientific depth. Besides it is the first book in the literature landscape by any - in this case Armenian - author pleading openly for an Armenian membership in the European Union. When writing this study, the author wanted originally to describe a more or less slow changeover of Armenia towards the EU, when not only she was surprised by the announcement of the Armenian Government to join the Russia-led Eurasian Customs Union on 3rd September, 2013. This has already induced furies within Armenian politics and above all civil society, and the result at present - before the Vilnius Summit of the Eastern Partnership at the end of November 2013 - is open. But one thing is for sure: If Armenia would go indeed into the Customs Union and later into the Eurasian Union, the results, the economic benefits, the neglecting of necessary reforms, the treatment of matters and of personnel will create a backlash in Armenia (and the EU) which will be the basis of more solidarity than ever with the legitimate security interests of Armenia, possibly with the support of the EU. This backlash will endorse a future, new approach towards the EU. Ofelya Sargsyan writes why: Armenia is well-anchored in Europe, since almost 2000 years, and it had more to do with European capitals like Paris, London, Brussels etc. in the 2nd half of the 19th century than people think. Of course, it would be a European border region, but together with Georgia - which also strives into the EU - it could be just this. The book deals with geographic, political, economic and cultural reasons, why Armenia should follow a clear foreign policy towards Europe - which has not at all to collide with special and privileged relations to Russia. The impressive history of the country's relations to the Council of Europe and the EU is well described, as well as the EU's perception of its hypothetic move. But also the positions of Turkey, Azerbaijan, Nagorno Karabakh and Iran as well as of Russia and of course Georgia are described as those of neighbours interested in the regional integration orientation of Armenia. The author, belonging otherwise to an'impatient'young generation, knows perfectly, that the EU membership takes a lot of time, but she pleads - in an outspoken, but never'pushy'way, for a sustainable change in Armenia's foreign policy - a change which since more than 20 years of Armenian independence would not have to be a real change, after all.

Updating the papers from the 2011 Asan Conference to cover the end of 2011, this book reflects the state of analysis on the eve of the important 2012-13 transition to China's fifth-generation leaders.

Chris Brown is a prominent international political theorist who has contributed to debates on pluralism, justice and human rights. This book draws together seventeen of his most important and influential articles from the last twenty years. These essays include influential statements on the role of normative theory and international ethics, the so-called ‘cosmopolitan-communitarian debate'and anti-foundationalist thought in international relations, as well as important contributions to Rawlsian and Post-Rawlsian theories of international and global justice. The most recent papers address subjects such as the notion of global civil society, and controversies over the ethics of pre-emptive warfare, and the inevitably selective nature of humanitarian interventions. The book includes a framing introduction written for this volume, in which Brown discusses his own influences, and the evolution of his thinking throughout his career. Although this evolution has involved a progressively less critical viewpoint towards liberal thought and liberal internationalism, and a greater commitment to universal values, some things have remained constant – in particular a focus on the importance of political judgement and scepticism directed towards the idea that there are simple solutions to complex problems. The collection ends fittingly with a critique of the popular cosmopolitanism of figures such as Bono and Bob Geldof. This collection will be essential reading for all scholars and graduates with an interest in international political theory.

This book addresses three innovative aspects for the study of International Relations: first, proposes a novel theoretical-methodological framework for the study of national power, and based on this, a quantitative analysis technique is formulated that allows us to study the evolution of state power over almost five decades. Second, states play a fundamental role in the international system, which is why the study of their roles in the world cannot be limited to old, insufficient, and contradictory categorizations. Having new categories of states becomes an even more urgent task in the rapidly changing international order than it is today. This book proposes nine categories of powers and states that cover all the countries that currently exist. Third, the international geostructure of world power is proposed, which represents a new theoretical notion that helps to explain how the international insertion of states and their possibilities of action are conditioned by the unequal distribution of national power and by their structural positioning in the international system. This book is for all students of International Relations, academics, and people who want to understand national power as a fundamental factor in relations between countries.

The book provides an examination of the evolution of China and Taiwan after 1949. This starting point situates the contestation for power between the two entities in the region after Taipei was recognized by the international community as the representative of China. The ramifications for Taiwan were drastic as country after country switched its recognition to China including those in the Caribbean and Latin America. Taiwan was able to maintain diplomatic relations with several countries in both regions through diplomatic strategies including providing financial assistance. This has waned over time considering China's economic rise to power and Western Europe's and the United States'fall in global economic and political prestige and power.This book discusses China's and Taiwan's continuing engagement with countries in Latin America and the Caribbean with a particular emphasis on the sharp rise in trade between China and the two regions. China's foreign policyagenda, and how Taiwan reacts to China's policies, are also examined.

This book charts John W. Burton's transition from practitioner in diplomacy to pioneer in the theory of peace research, thinking on world society and conflict resolution. Born in 1915, given his father's name, it was assumed that he would follow his father and become a Christian missionary. He did not: he joined the Australian Public Service. From a junior position he rose rapidly. He was forthright and some found him irritating, or worse. He progressed to the highest levels of policy-making. Amidst some controversy, he resigned abruptly in 1951. He then worked on his farm outside Canberra, writing avidly. He did not intend to become an academic, but in 1963 he was offered a position in International Relations at University College in London and he accepted. He was key to the foundation of the International Peace Research Association (IPRA) in 1964 and of the Conflict Research Society in the UK, because he thought that words and ideas were not enough: there needed to be instrumentsof change. Looking back, he was, in fact, a secular missionary. His aim? Simple: to change the world.· This book is an exploration of how conflict should be reinterpreted.· The ideas of his work are a product not of any metaphysical approach, but of experience. · Burton knew the field: Cold War diplomacy, civil strife, reforming organisations, resistance to change. He had'been there'and he found much to criticise. · This book illustrates what he had to offer and explains why. These readings reveal shifts in his ideas, cohering incrementally, integrated into a new framework. · This book presents his pioneering and relevant work. Transcending disciplinary boundaries it will be of interest to students, as well as professionals who address conflict at all levels of society, from family to state.

This book explores the relationship between China and international norms through the lens of The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI).Presenting seven case studies, this book highlights China's stances toward international norms that govern different international issues. The case studies reveal that the normative function of the networks built under the BRI is limited and contains noticeable variations between domestic norms and international ones in China, resulting in implementation gaps between rhetoric and deeds. Unlike current literature on this issue, which is scattered in terms of topics covered and methodology used, it constructs a holistic theoretical/methodological framework which can be utilized to study a State's position toward different international standards.In light of China's increasing international influence and proactive and assertive foreign policy, this study will be of interest to officials and practitioners involved in foreign policy and international cooperation, and to student and scholars of global development and international relations.

The Euro crisis of 2008 had a deep impact on German-Greek relations. The exchange of blows in media, and amongst politicians created a deep divide and made old wounds visible - wounds that lie in the Occupation of Greece by Nazi Germany and its fascist allies during World War 2. In 2014 German foreign policy towards Greece shifted to include reconciliatory measures, marking the beginning of Germany's foreign policy of reconciliation. One area of focus is memory culture and the Greek martyr communities, meaning villages and towns that experienced extreme violence, destruction, and executions. Diving into these places of terror and memory, the book analyzes German foreign policy of reconciliation while providing a profound view onto history, diplomacy, and the widely unknown Greek memory landscape. It entails a thorough review of German-Greek relations, more than seven unique maps and 10 case studies, accompanied by photographs and over 35 interviews. It shows how foreign policy, conflict and reconciliation intertwine and how international affairs meet the local level of everyday citizens.

This book provides a comprehensive and systematic analysis of the concept of geoeconomics in International Relations (IR). It offers an accessible overview of the most important approaches, including their history, means and ends, methodology, ideological underpinnings, normative aspects, and practical relevance.Exploring the forgotten history of geoeconomics, and revealing its different meanings and usages over time, the author clearly differentiates geoeconomics from geopolitics on a conceptual level. This thorough examination of contemporary conceptions identifies shortcomings in the current understanding of geoeconomics and proposes a reconceptualization of the concept within a neoliberal framework, increasing its empirical usefulness and analytical value. By contrasting neoliberal geoeconomics with neorealist geoeconomics, the book highlights the normative implications of both approaches, providing policy analysts and makers with valuable insights into the topic.This volume will be an important reference guide for understanding the concept of geoeconomics and a must-read for students and researchers of international relations, international political economy, economics, and political science, as well as professionals, such as policymakers and politicians.

Feminist Foreign Policy in Theory and in Practice outlines the foundations of feminist foreign policy and the fundamental concepts discussed and utilized by governments, civil society organizations, and those in the academic community as they define, formulate, and implement it.This book furthers the global conversation around how countries can develop and execute approaches to foreign policy and national security that go beyond conflict prevention and resolution and use a feminist or gender lens to increase gender equality and women's leadership in the security sector. It reviews how governments have implemented feminist foreign, development, and trade policies at the multilateral and national levels, and sets forth the unique global role of the U.S. government, using case studies to discuss what would be needed to implement a feminist foreign policy in the U.S. The authors provide a roadmap, stressing the necessity of applying a gender analysis and perspective to all peace and security decision-making and involving women in all aspects of conflict prevention and resolution, peacebuilding, post-conflict reconstruction, and humanitarian relief. They tie together the movements for human rights, women's rights, feminism, and peace and security, highlighting how each of these strands brings key perspectives to the study of foreign policy.This book complements the study of the women, peace, and security agenda. It will be of great use to practitioners, including government officials, addressing issues of foreign policy, multilateral and bilateral engagement, and the promotion of gender equality and social inclusion. It will also be of interest to students and scholars of foreign policy, security studies, international relations, gender studies, development, governance, and political science.

This book presents the reality of democratic reversals and waves of coups cutting throughAfrica, explores the political economy of coups, and through a case studyapproach, provides a nuanced analysis of the negative impacts of coups inAfrica, and interrogates the roles of African regional organisations incurtailing coups and foreign powers in distorting the security architecture ofAfrican states, particularly in the Sahel region. It proffers sustainablepolicy templates for political development, professionalism of the military,and the subsequent withdrawal of the military from African politics. Apart fromits policy relevance, it will serve as a resource pool for researchers workingin the area of African political development, peace and security, and securitysector reforms. With the incremental exit of France from the Sahel, the bookwill also offer a nuanced perspective on the ‘scramble for the soul'of theSahel by non-Western powers, such as China, Russia, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia.

The book examines how US media, public opinion, interest groups and think tanks respond to US Presidents'attempts to market their foreign policies in the MENA Region. The scope of the analysis extends from the war on terror to the so-called Arab Spring. It focuses on some case studies including the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Iran nuclear deal. The book fills a gap in the literature pertaining to analyzing US foreign policy in the MENA area from a political communication perspective rather than from IR or a political-theory angle, which remains the dominant literature. In so saying, the book will appeal to students, researchers as well as thinks tanks and policy makers.

Rescuing the Enlightenment from Itself: Critical and Systemic Implications for Democracy presents papers that make the case that good governance is about thinking and practice that can lead to a better balance of social, cultural, political, economic and environmental concerns to ensure a sustainable future for ourselves and for future generations. The work is inspired by the thinking of C. West Churchman and forms the first volume in a new series: C. West Churchman's Legacy and Related Works. The book features contributions from a range of invited authors including Russell L. Ackoff, Ken Bausch, John van Gigch and Norma Romm. The volume is aimed at academics, post-graduate students and members of professional associations working in the fields of systems sciences, public policy and management, politics, and international relations.

This is the third edition of the Yearbook on the African Union (YBAU). The YBAU is first and foremost an academic project that provides an in-depth evaluation and analysis of the institution, its processes, and its engagements. Despite the increased agency in recent years of the African Union in general, and the AU Commission in particular, little is known – outside expert policy or niche academic circles – about the Union's activities. This is the gap the Yearbook on the African Union wants to systematically address. It seeks to be a reference point for in-depth research, evidence-based policy-making and decision-making. Contributors are Festus Kofi Aubyn, Mandira Bagwandeen, Habibu Yaya Bappah, Bruce Byiers, Annie Barbara Hazviyemurwi Chikwanha, Dawit Yohannes Wondemagegnehu, Linnea Gelot, Cheryl Hendricks, Jens Herpolsheimer, Aïssatou Kanté, Tim Murithi, Edefe Ojomo, Thomas Tieku, Gino Vlavonou, Tim Zajontz.

In the literature on forced migration, little is known about the experiences of Iraqi refugees resettled in the United States through the US Refugee Admissions, Reception and Placement Program. As part of its longstanding refugee resettlement policy, the United States has accepted and provided safe haven to thousands of refugees. Focusing primarily on the situation of Iraqis resettled in Arizona since the 1990s, this research uses interview findings and first-hand data to examine various aspects of their post-resettlement experiences through a meta-theoretical approach that includes aspects of humanitarian governance, adaptation, acculturation and integration. Building on this theoretical understanding, this book examines the process from the first moment of resettlement to integration as a multi-layered social reality and reveals the fundamental impact of forced migration on the'politics of refugee life'. By examining the US resettlement program in relation to the role and functions of resettlement agencies and non-profit organizations in collaboration with the government, this book highlights the fundamental difference between refugee integration and migrant integration, introduces new concepts of integration, discusses the US refugee admissions, reception and placement program and refugee integration in relation to the organization of humanitarian governance globally, and offers recommendations for improving resettlement and integration processes.

This volume presents the key informational, communication, and socio-political drivers of the Ukrainian state's national security. Since the beginning of the third millennium, there has been an aggravation of global inter-civilizational confrontations, which in 2022 has already resulted in an open military aggression against Ukraine. The hybrid wars against the world of democracy have put ensuring the national security of states on the front pages of world and national agendas. Using the example of Ukraine, the book demonstrates how, in order to achieve their geopolitical interests, authoritarian regimes incite information wars as a prerequisite for the transition to an armed'hot'war. It further shows how these processes actualize the formation of a fundamentally new state policy to ensure information and, more broadly, national security. The book identifies the main threats to national security in modern states and identifies ways of protecting Ukraine's national interests.The book will appeal to scholars, students, and researchers of political science, international relations, social sciences, and neighboring disciplines, as well as practitioners and policy-makers interested in a better understanding of national security drivers and protecting national interests.

In this book, Eurasia will be discussed in the context of the Greater Eurasian Partnership proposed by Russia, the “eastward” transformations spurred by Neo-Eurasianism and the Greater Eurasian Partnership, and cooperation with China through the BRI, while related countries of Atlanticism was used to described the U.S., Europe, and their allies. The Greater Eurasian Partnership proposed by Russia is an initiative with specific diplomatic considerations, economic development strategies, and geopolitical implications. The initiative represents an attempt by Russia to shift foreign policy thinking, which has traditionally focused on alignment with the U.S. and the West. The Greater Eurasian Partnership contains both short-term strategies to cope with Western pressure and long-term strategic goals for building a new international and regional order. What this portends for the future of Sino-Russian relations is of interest to geopoliticians, economists and journalists.

The Success of Small States in International Relations highlights the normality and power of small states in international relations.This book overturns the stereotype that small states, however defined, are weak and are, or ought to be, consigned to the margins of international relations. It argues that small states are not ‘punching above their weight', or even anomalies – since it is large states which are the anomaly in the global system. The text unpacks the nature and character of small state success, while also looking critically at thirteen episodes in modern history where small states, singly or collectively, emerged victorious in confrontations with larger states. The case studies, globally sourced, are bookended by conceptual and analytic reviews of what these events mean for diplomacy, international relations and small states more generally.This book will appeal to scholars and students of comparative political science and international relations, particularly from small states, as well as policy makers and senior small state government officers.

Populism has lately experienced a meteoric rise to become one of the most widely used terms in academic and wider public discourses and a supposedly defining feature of both domestic and world politics. Situated at the intersection of International Relations (IR), Political Theory and Comparative Politics, this book makes a critical intervention into the burgeoning IR scholarship on populism and problematizes the often hyperbolic and sweeping usage of the term as a general descriptor for non-centrist politics of different persuasions. The book seeks to move into a different theoretical direction and broaden the empirical focus of existing IR research. Theoretically, it bridges the gap between theories of populism and IR by bringing the Laclauian, discursive approach and IR poststructuralism together in a theoretical framework. The proposed framework moves away from the search for the policy preferences and impact of populism, and instead conceptualizes foreign policy and world politics as potential sites for practicing populism, ranging from the articulation of societal grievances to the construction of populist identities such as ‘the people'. Empirically, the book takes IR scholarship beyond the predominant focus on the populist radical right and single-country and -region studies. Building on the discourse analysis of an original data set, it offers a comparative analysis of right-wing and left-wing populist discourses in different world regions as well as populist cross-border collaboration and identity construction.

The third edition of this successful text highlights new international trends toward global governance, nation-building, and human development, while also assessing the extraordinary challenges confronting the United Nations at this critical moment in international affairs, not least being the ubiquity of conflict in Africa, the Middle East, and Europe, and the global threats of disease, climate change, and the retreat from multilateralism by the great powers. A comprehensive guide to the world body's institutions, procedures, policies, specialized agencies, historic personalities, initiatives, and involvement in world affairs, The New United Nations is organized thematically, blending both topical and chronological explanations, making reference to current scholarly terms and theories.New to this edition: Fully updated chapters and a new Introduction, including discussion of the Paris Climate Change Agreement, the world's response to COVID-19, and the revival of ultranationalism and great-power rivalry. New sections on the theory and practice of neoliberalism and populism, the UN's use of the'Responsibility to Protect'in the Middle East, the Arab Spring, and multifaceted roles in the developing world, especially in Africa. Updated analysis of twenty-first-century challenges to collective security, including in Syria and, particularly, in Ukraine. Unique special section on the student Model United Nations experience. Coverage of the UN's efforts to implement the Sustainable Development Goals. eResources with supportive materials and documents.

This book shows how bringing together experts from the Global South and the Global North can help us to understand and combat global economic, political, and social inequalities. For too long, the world's problems have been viewed through the narrow conceptual lenses of the Global North. This book lays the groundwork for a new approach – a truly global approach to political economy.We are currently facing multiple and overlapping international crises. The current economic crisis, characterized by deepening inequalities, is closely intertwined with intensifying geopolitical rivalries and the environmental crisis. The dialogues in this book aim to move beyond the Eurocentric tradition and bring voices from the Global South to the forefront of the debate. Covering 11 key themes drawn from the United Nations'Agenda 2030, the book conceptualizes democracy, development, and sustainability not only as strategies, but also as values that are integrated into the same – and continuously changing – analytical process.This book will be of great interest to students, researchers, and experts in international relations, global development, and international political economy, and to anyone looking for new perspectives on pernicious problems.

This book brings together a range of studies that aim at illustrating the ideas, institutions, historical patterns, and contemporary relevance of the social-political system that existed in the main part of East Asia during the premodern era. This is most often known as the Confucian literati-bureaucratic state, the imperial Chinese bureaucratic state, or the Confucian-Legalist state, that was established and endured most notably in China, but also in several East Asian societies such as Korea, Vietnam, Japan. That state and sociopolitical system also greatly shaped state making in several kingdoms in the region – such as Ryukyu and Dali – which were later merged into larger polities. Illuminating the significance of these historical patterns for today, this book will interest political scientists, historians, philosophers, and the general public.

This book presents South Asian women's voices which have been marginalised in the theory and practice of international relations in the region. It highlights critical issues of importance for women which are often neglected in traditional International Relations (IR). Embracing Feminist epistemology, the book re imagines the theory and practice of IR in South Asia, placing women's experiences and their diverse voices at the centre. Refusing the temptation to typecast women, the book showcases the varied voices of South Asian women in international relations with contributions from an eclectic set of authors from different nationalities. In doing so, the book expands the ontological and epistemological limits of IR by including caste, conflict, protest perspectives. While some of these are uniquely South Asian, like caste, all of them show how the field of IR in general can become enriched by being more inclusive. This book will be of interest to researchers as it provides a fresh conceptual re-conceptualization of the field of IR from gender as well as global south perspective. The book will also help graduate students seeking to understand the intersection of gender and IR.

This book focuses on EU-MERCOSUR relations from a diplomatic and trade perspective against the background of the political agreement between the two in 2019. The authors take into consideration that EU-MERCOSUR cooperation developed during recent decades has tried, on the one hand, to build a strategic partnership to respond to the main challenges of international agendas and, on the other, to incorporate in Latin American countries the European new vision of transatlantic regionalism. Starting from a historical perspective of the development of interregionalism between the EU and MERCOSUR, the book goes on to study the geopolitical impacts of Brexit, stagnation of the EU-USA relationship, the COVID-19 pandemic, and of new geopolitical players in EU-LAC interregionalism. It discusses the legal institutional framework of the EU-MERCOSUR relations and provides a comparative view of features of MERCOSUR countries vis-à-vis the European Union. The book also analyses and provides a comprehensive overview of various aspects of interregional trade in the context of the 2019 agreement. Highly topical and authored by experts in this field, this book is of interest to a wide readership in the social sciences and economics: from political sociology to international relations, diplomacy studies and international trade.

Completely revised and updated, this textbook continues to offer the most comprehensive resource available. Concise chapters from a diverse mix of established and emerging global scholars offer accessible, in-depth coverage of the history and theories of international organization and global governance and discussions of the full range of state, intergovernmental, and non-state actors.All chapters have been revised and rewritten to reflect the rapid development of world events, with new chapters added on: Chinese approaches to international organization and global governance The UN System The Global South Sustaining the Peace Queering International Organization and Global Governance Post-colonial Global Governance The Sustainable Development Goals The English School Inequality Migration Divided into seven parts woven together by a comprehensive introduction, along with separate introductions to each part and helpful pointers to further reading, International Organization and Global Governance provides a balanced, critical perspective that enables readers to comprehend more fully the role of myriad actors in the governance of global life.

Gender Matters in Global Politics is a comprehensive textbook for advanced undergraduates studying politics, international relations, development and similar courses. It provides students with an accessible but in-depth account of feminist methodologies, gender theory and feminist approaches to key topics and themes in global politics.This textbook is written by an international line-up of established and emerging scholars from a range of theoretical perspectives, bringing together cutting-edge feminist scholarship in a variety of areas.This fully revised and updated third edition: introduces students to feminist and gender theory and explains the relevance to contemporary global politics; explains the insights of feminist theory for a range of fields of study, including international relations, international political economy and security studies; presents feminist approaches to key contemporary issues such as climate change, digital politics, war and militarism, disability and global health; and features pedagogical tools and resources, including discussion questions, suggestions for further reading and online resources. This text enables students to develop a sophisticated understanding of the work that gender does in policies and practices of global politics.Support material for this book can be found at: www.routledge.com/9780367477608.

In this book, Austrian political scientist Arno Tausch, born in 1951, looks back on five decades of political science. Was the current global crisis preventable? Tausch, who has had a long career in academia and administration and is now Visiting Professor of Political Studies and Governance at the University of the Free State, Bloemfontein, South Africa, tries to show in his scholarly memoirs that the unequal relations between centres and peripheries that he has analysed over five decades, as well as the long conflict-ridden cycles of the world economy and world politics, could have been avoided, and Putinism and nationalism and the end of peace and social justice in the West are also linked to the neoliberal model of society in the West, which he learned to reject as a student of Nobel laureate Friedrich August Hayek in Salzburg from 1969 to 1971. He is one of the few political scientists in the world who, since 1991, has persistently warned against the hardening of Russia's course, including in leading Russian academic journals. In 1991 he wrote his book'Russia's Treadmill', the predictions of which have come true in an almost eerie way. But neo-liberal economic policy also corresponds 1:1 with the foreign policy vision of the'neocons', whose policy of NATO expansion first fuelled those destructive forces in Russia like an accelerant, leading to today's world crisis over Ukraine, which could end in a global nuclear catastrophe. The world must leave behind neo-liberalism, and return to political and economic concepts such as those of Michal Kalecki, Kazimierz Laski, Kurt Rothschild and Josef Steindl, whose basic structures he became acquainted with in the 1970s and which are still valid today: demand as the engine of growth, a stable or rising wage share, the growth of the public sector, fiscal coordination, international cooperation, coexistence and the rule of law within the framework of the 1975 Helsinki Accords.

This multidisciplinary volume examines the meaning of global conflict and cooperation by international actors that can be caused by dis- or misinformation to people and discusses how to build diplomacy for peace and regional cooperation. The book further identifies boundaries of the relationships among the various governments of the world, transatlantic alliances, international organizations, non-governmental organizations, transnational corporations, and the overall interdependence of nations in the making of the modern world. Topics discussed in this volume include diplomacy, international relations theory, Eurasia politics, European Union, Brexit, Taliban taking over of Kabul government, and the ongoing Afghanistan conflict, terrorism, ISIS and Al Qaeda, international law, international organizations, interstate and intrastate war, threats and challenges, global civil society, religion, and culture. The volume advances contemporary theories and concepts to explain these issues concerning peoples and cultures in the complex world we live in. The book is a must-read for students, researchers, and scholars of international relations, political science, political history, political geography, economics, and law in general, as well as diplomacy, political communication, and security studies in particular.

Heterarchy in World Politics challenges the fundamental framing of international relations and world politics. IR theory has always been dominated by the presumption that world politics is, at its core, a system of states. However, this has always been problematic, challengeable, time-bound, and increasingly anachronistic.In the 21st century, world politics is becoming increasingly multi-nodal and characterized by'heterarchy'– the coexistence and conflict between differently structured micro- and meso quasi-hierarchies that compete and overlap not only across borders but also across economic-financial sectors and social groupings. Thinking about international order in terms of heterarchy is a paradigm shift away from the mainstream'competing paradigms'of realism, liberalism, and constructivism. This book explores how, since the mid-20th century, the dialectic of globalization and fragmentation has caught states and the interstate system in the complex evolutionary process toward heterarchy. These heterarchical institutions and processes are characterized by increasing autonomy and special interest capture. The process of heterarchy empowers strategically situated agents — especially agents with substantial autonomous resources, and in particular economic resources — in multi-nodal competing institutions with overlapping jurisdictions. The result is the decreasing capacity of macro-states to control both domestic and transnational political/economic processes. In this book, the authors demonstrate that this is not a simple breakdown of states and the states system; it is in fact the early stages of a structural evolution of world politics.This book will interest students, scholars and researchers of international relations theory. It will also have significant appeal in the fields of world politics, security studies, war studies, peace studies, global governance studies, political science, political economy, political power studies, and the social sciences more generally.

Over the last seven decades, some states successfully leveraged the threat of acquiring atomic weapons to compel concessions from superpowers. For many others, however, this coercive gambit failed to work. When does nuclear latency--the technical capacity to build the bomb--enable states to pursue effective coercion? In Leveraging Latency, Tristan A. Volpe argues that having greater capacity to build weaponry doesn't translate to greater coercive advantage. Volpe finds that there is a trade-off between threatening proliferation and promising nuclear restraint. States need just enough bomb-making capacity to threaten proliferation, but not so much that it becomes too difficult for them to offer nonproliferation assurances. The boundaries of this sweet spot align with the capacity to produce the fissile material at the heart of an atomic weapon. To test this argument, Volpe includes comparative case studies of four countries that leveraged latency against superpowers: Japan, West Germany, North Korea, and Iran. In doing so, Volpe identifies a generalizable mechanism--the threat-assurance trade-off--that explains why more power often makes compellence less likely to work. This framework illuminates how technology shapes broader bargaining dynamics and helps to refine policy options for inhibiting the spread of nuclear weapons. As nuclear technology continues to cast a shadow over the global landscape, Leveraging Latency provides a systematic assessment of its coercive utility.

This book articulates an educational theory as well as a political theory of the Anthropocene. Divided into three sections it addresses educational anthropology, cultures and institutions, and educational recommendations in the Anthropocene. Topics covered in the volume measure the impact of the idea of the Anthropocene on the type of anthropology that underlies education and on a phenomenology of relationship. It links the notion of the Anthropocene with cultures and institutions so as not to'smooth out'or erase the latter. Finally, it presents proposals and recommendations for educational practices. The work advocates rethinking education as an essential component in ensuring the sustainability of human life in society - by proposing to go beyond the approach of education for sustainable development or environmental education. The work also brings together empirical contributions in which proposals are elaborated for programs, pedagogical devices and experiments relatingto the preparation of the future in the field of education. This volume is of interest to researchers of the Anthropocene.

This is a first book-long analysis showing how the notion of ‘hybrid warfare'was used to transform security policies and discourses in an EU/NATO country. Building on current debates in International Political Sociology, Critical Security Studies, and Critical Geopolitics, it provides a novel account of how crisis, geopolitics, uncertainty, and expertise are intertwined in the social construction of threats. Based on extensive and original empirical research of large textual archive and elite interviews in the Czech Republic and Brussels, the book shows how officials, bureaucrats, journalists, activists, and experts all participate in the reshaping of security in a new geopolitical environment. Zooming on the case of Czechia and its specific Central European context, it complements the predominantly Western-centric studies of insecurity with an account of how the liminal position on an East/West boundary influences security politics. As a first study of its kind and scope, it will be of interest to academics and students interested in Central European politics, practices and discourses of hybrid warfare, as well as critical approaches to security and geopolitics.

This book provides a broad, interdisciplinary analysis of events impacting on North Macedonia since its independence, particularly during the last decade. In the past thirty years, the country has gone through deep political, social and economic transition, along with a name change from ‘Macedonia'to the ‘Republic of North Macedonia'following the Prespa Agreement signed with Greece. The contributors consider Macedonia's challenges, its multi-ethnic make-up and its ambition to enter the European mainstream through the auspices of the European Union and NATO. The volume includes chapters on international politics and North Macedonia's place in the region's security architecture as well as the difficulties of the privatisation of socially owned enterprises, political corruption, state capture and backsliding. The book also covers the controversial ‘Skopje 2014'project in addition to the impact of migration along the ‘Balkan Route'and the current wranglings with Bulgaria over identitypolitics.

This volume explores the implications of pluralism for international order. Distinguished contributors from around the world offer insights into the character of a pluralistic world order. They focus especially on the manifestations of international pluralism in great power relations, multilateralism, and regionalism. Contributors examine the myriad challenges a pluralistic world order will face in the years ahead, yet they eschew alarmist conclusions. There is still scope for the great powers to better manage their relations, and equally important, much space for multilateralism and regionalism to play their increasingly important roles in stabilizing world order. Distinctive in bringing the themes of pluralism and world order together in both theoretical exposition and policy discussion, this book offers a stimulating reading for scholars and practitioners of world politics.

This book defines Russophobia as the irrational fear of Russia, a key theme in the study of propaganda in the West as Russia has throughout history been assigned a diametrically opposite identity as the “Other.” Propaganda is the science of convincing an audience without appealing to reason. The West and Russia have been juxtaposed as Western versus Eastern, European versus Asiatic, civilized versus barbaric, modern versus backward, liberal versus autocratic, and even good versus evil. During the Cold War, ideological dividing lines fell naturally by casting the debate as capitalism versus communism, democracy versus totalitarianism, and Christianity versus atheism. After the Cold War, anti-Russian propaganda aims to filter all political questions through the simplistic binary stereotype of democracy versus authoritarianism, which provides little if any heuristic value to understand the complexities of relations. A key feature of propaganda against the inferior “Other” is both contemptuous derision and panic-stricken fear of the threat to civilization. Russia has therefore throughout history been allowed to play one of two roles—either an apprentice of Western civilization by accepting the subordinate role as the student and political object, or a threat that must be contained or defeated. While propaganda has the positive effect of promoting unity and mobilizing resources toward rational and strategic objectives, it can also have the negative effect of creating irrational decision-making and obstructing a workable peace.

This book presents a comprehensive analysis of regional integration in East Africa in the last century, reflecting the general trends of integration processes in the East Africa sub-region with a focus on the East African Community. Particular attention is paid to the cyclicality of integration dynamics, as well as the analysis of the interconnection and competition between different regional organizations in East Africa. In this context, the specificity of the so-called overlapping membership of African states in regional organizations with similar roles but conflicting treaties and mandates is explored. This situation to a certain extent affects the relations of states in the region with external actors specifically trade negotiations with EU that the book comprehensively analyses. This book therefore offers a deeper understanding of the processes of regional integration in East Africa that had been missed before, which reflects the general integration dynamics on the African continent.

This book explores the dynamics and trajectories of change in international politics through an English School analysis of primary institutions including international law, sovereignty and diplomacy, with particular reference to the creation of the International Criminal Court (ICC).The study argues that it serves as an important indicator and model for redefining international politics, particularly through its impact upon three major institutions as prescribed by the English School: international law, sovereignty and diplomacy. The author explores three major areas: the ICC's contribution to the consolidation of the individual as a subject of the international law; the significance of the Court and its jurisdiction in terms of the state sovereignty; and the strong and determinative role of non-state actors active on global level during the diplomatic process upheld for the making of the norms and rules during the creation of the ICC. These three fields of change, point out to the redefinition and reconstruction of international politics, heralding a solidarist vision of international society. The book will be of particular interest to researchers in the field of the IR, as well as graduate students interested in IR theory, international law, and international organizations.

This book examines the slide into a new Cold War in the Caribbean. The primary argument is that the Caribbean's geopolitics have shifted from a period of relative great power disinterest in the aftermath of the Cold War to a gradual movement into a new Cold War in which a global rivalry between the U.S. and China is acted out regionally. The result of this is a gradual polarization of countries in the Caribbean as they are increasingly pressured to choose between Washington and Beijing (this being very evident during the Trump years). It can be argued that the U.S. focus on the Caribbean in the late 1990s through the early 21st century diminished, leaving the region open to a China ready and eager to do business and guided by a diverse set of objectives. The book brings the reader into a discussion on international relations with a main focus on U.S.-Chinese relations being played out in the Caribbean, an important strategic region for the North American country.

This book argues that our current lack of recognising and understanding the different forms meta-theorising takes hampers the ways in which fruitful engagement between meta-theories can be conducted. It proposes a radical break with the ways in which meta-theorising in International Relations (IR) has so far been understood, and instead suggests a dyadic approach: a rhetoric of inquiry that investigates the diverging forms of argumentation currently present in IR meta-theorising and a conversational ethic that can help steer meta-theoretical engagements across existing divides in more productive ways. The central questions are as follows: where meta-theorising should go from here in order to contribute to the analysis of an ever more complex world? Can we develop ways that allow the practice of meta-theorising to channel and consolidate the multiplicity of its debates and contentions to strengthen our understanding of world politics, and if so, how?It will be of general interest in all theory and methodology courses offered at undergraduate and postgraduate levels as well as to academics working in the area of meta-theory, international political thought, normative theory as well as IR theory in its various manifestations.

The fifth edition of this bestselling textbook offers a comprehensive and engaging introduction to International relations and has been fully updated to cover the dramatic changes in recent world politics. Written in the author's unique and engaging style, the text explores everything from foreign policy and security to global governance and the global economy, to show how the theories and concepts Brown outlines are the only way to make sense of contemporary issues and events. With reference to such diverse events as Brexit, the Russian armed conflict in Ukraine, the financial crisis, the rise of China, and the challenges of identity politics, the author expertly shows how the range of theories presented in the book allow for an understanding of the destabilising events and developments that characterise global politics today, and will continue to do so in the future. This text remains the definitive guide to understanding international relations, and is suitable for undergraduate and postgraduate students of international relations at any stage of their studies.New to this Edition:- Thoroughly updated to showcase the breadth of the latest research and key thinkers in international relations theory.- Entirely rewritten chapter on the development of human rights and international criminal law.- Brand new chapter that offers a sophisticated and up-to-date analysis of the current state of world politics.

This book scrutinizes the frequently ignored agency of Global South sub-national actors in their interactions with China, using a multidisciplinary approach and eleven case studies. Contributors examine China's presence in the Global South on a country-by-country basis, analyzing how various non-state and sub-state actors are responding to the rise of China and whether they are attracted by the cooperation models that China proposes or deterred by its new assertiveness. Contributions cover diverse and heterogeneous geographies of the Global South, ranging from Papua-New Guinea to Argentina and from Madagascar to the Russian Far East. Examining such diverse cases, contributors focus on two interrelated questions: What is the actual economic, political, and social impact of China's growing presence in the Global South? And, critically, how do the citizens of the Global South understand and interpret China's rise? Taken together, the case studies develop a comprehensive picture of a complex and sometimes problematic process of China's inclusion into the economic, social, and political realities of the Global South.This book identifies and fills the gaps in the existing literature on China's rise by offering a nuanced perspective on China's relations with the countries of the Global South that captures such variables as social context, intersubjective meanings, and identities. By focusing China's relations with the Global South, it also provides an important addition to the literature on international politics of development and China's role in the transformation of the South-South cooperation.

Essays that generate a new, empirically grounded theory of transnational advocacy Margaret E. Keck and Kathryn Sikkink introduced the boomerang theory in their 1998 book, Activists beyond Borders: Advocacy Networks in International Politics. It remains one of the first broadly applicable theories for why groups of NGOs and interested individuals form transnational advocacy networks. Since its publication, however, the empirical conditions that prompted their theory have changed. The types of actors involved in transnational advocacy have diversified. Northern NGOs have lost power and influence and have been restricted in their access to southern states. Southern NGOs have developed the capacity to undertake advocacy on their own and often built closer relationships with their own governments. The architecture of global governance has likewise changed, providing new avenues of access and influence for southern voices. In Beyond the Boomerang: From Transnational Advocacy Networks to Transcalar Advocacy in International Politics, editors Christopher L. Pallas and Elizabeth A. Bloodgood offer cutting-edge scholarship that synthesizes a new theoretical framework to develop a coherent, integrated picture of the current dynamics in global advocacy. This new theory of transcalar advocacy focuses on advocacy activities and policy impacts that transcend different levels or scales of political action. In transcalar advocacy, all NGOs–northern and southern–are treated as strategic actors, choosing the targets, scales of advocacy, and partnerships that best suit their capacities and goals. The case studies in the volume develop the empirical grounding of this theory using data from Latin America, Africa, Europe, and Asia, with several chapters featuring cross-national comparison. The chapters highlight the wide variety of actors involved in advocacy work, including NGOs, social movements, international institutions, governments, and businesses. Contributors use both qualitative and quantitative methodologies and bring to bear insights from political science, international relations, and sociology. The case studies also include diverse issue areas, from women's rights to environmental protection, sustainable agriculture, health policy, and democracy promotion.