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About the book:Mind is the only place where ideals and ideals generate. Generation of such ideas and ideals directly or indirectly depend upon the knowledge base of a person. Such knowledge base again resides on the segment of skills and competences that a person duly acquired while remaining active during the period of guided learning. The kind of guided learning again depends upon the combination of masterly guides and their adherence towards any culture and tradition. The ultimate root of such culture and tradition in India is the scriptures, Vedas, Upanishads and Brahmans. Some such scriptures and epics are missing due to different reasons. Some other scriptures interpreted differently by different thinkers and in gradual succession people lost their faith on the relevance of such scriptures in moderAbout the author:Author is working in the field of Science and Technology since 1995. More than 150 different titles were published through different National as well as International Publishing houses.

From the winners of the 2017 Pulitzer Prize for Explanatory Reporting 11.5 million documents sent through encrypted channels. The secret records of 214,000 offshore companies. The largest data leak in history. In early 2015, an anonymous whistle-blower led investigative journalists Bastian Obermayer and Frederik Obermaier into the shadow economy where the super-rich hide billions of dollars in complex financial networks. Thus began the ground-breaking investigation that saw an international team of 400 journalists work in secret for a year to uncover cases involving heads of state, politicians, businessmen, big banks, the mafia, diamond miners, art dealers and celebrities. A real-life thriller, The Panama Papers is the gripping account of how the story of the century was exposed to the world.

Late one evening, investigative journalist Bastian Obermayer receives an anonymous message offering him access to secret data. Through encrypted channels, he then receives documents showing a mysterious bank transfer for $500 million in gold. This is just the beginning. Obermayer and fellow Süddeutsche Zeitung journalist Frederik Obermaier find themselves immersed in the secret world where complex networks of shell companies help to hide people who don't want to be found. Faced with the largest data leak in history, they activate an international network of journalists to follow every possible line of enquiry. Operating for over a year in the strictest secrecy, they uncover a global elite living by a different set of rules: prime ministers, dictators, oligarchs, princelings, sports officials, big banks, arms smugglers, mafiosi, diamond miners, art dealers and celebrities. The real-life thriller behind the story of the century, The Panama Papers is an intense, unputdownable account that blows their secret world wide open.

The Federalist Papers are a series of 85 articles advocating the ratification of the United States Constitution. Seventy-seven of the essays were published serially in The Independent Journal and The New York Packet between October 1787 and August 1788. A compilation of these and eight others, called The Federalist, was published in 1788 by J. and A. McLean.The Federalist Papers serve as a primary source for interpretation of the Constitution, as they outline the philosophy and motivation of the proposed system of government. The authors of the Federalist Papers wanted to both influence the vote in favor of ratification and shape future interpretations of the Constitution. According to historian Richard B. Morris, they are an'incomparable exposition of the Constitution, a classic in political science unsurpassed in both breadth and depth by the product of any later American writer.'

Thisbook is distinctive because it will be a political science oriented introduction to The Federalist Papers. As most of the editions have introductions by historians, and some of them quite good, there is no readily available edition with a political science focus. Such a focus would not ignore the historical dimensions of the founding and that particular era, but would supplement this historical background with a concentration on the key questions political scientists tend to ask when reading and teaching The Federalist Papers. Questions of power, separation, blending, federalism, and structural design and how they impact the practice of government, questions we political scientists ask, will be the central feature of this edition. The primary audience for this edition would be courses in American Political Thought, American Government (most of which include components of the Federalist Papers) plus courses on the Presidency, Congress, The Judiciary, and Federalism.

In this groundbreaking work, Kamal Sadiq reveals that most of the world's illegal immigrants are not migrating directly to the US, but to countries in the vast developing world, where they are able to obtain citizenship papers fairly easily. Sadiq introduces'documentary citizenship'to explain how paperwork--often falsely obtained--confers citizenship on illegal immigrants. Across the globe, there are literally tens of millions of such illegal immigrants who have assumed the guise of'citizens.'Who, then, is really a citizen? And what does citizenship mean for most of the world's peoples? Rendered in vivid detail, Paper Citizens not only shows how illegal immigrants acquire false papers, but also sheds light on the consequences this will have for global security in the post 9/11 world.

'The Federalist Papers'is a collection of writings written by Alexander Hamilton, John Jay, and James Madison. It was written in the late 18th century following the Declaration of Independence of America from England. This work has long since been regarded as a landmark in political science literature as it establishes the basis for the constitutional form of government, which has ruled the United States of America since its inception. While revolutionary at the time'The Federalist Papers'expresses the fundamental rights of man to self-government and the complexities that go with it.

Following the thematic divisions of the first three volumes of Alfred Schutz's Collected Papers into The Problem of Social Reality, Studies in Social Theory and Phenomenological Philosophy, this fourth volume contains drafts of unfinished writings, drafts of published writings, translations of essays previously published in German, and some largely unpublished correspondence. The drafts of published writings contain important material omitted from the published versions, and the unfinished writings offer important insights into Schutz's otherwise unpublished ideas about economic and political theory as well as the theory of law and the state. In addition, a large group contains Schutz's reflections on problems in phenomenological philosophy, including music, which both supplement and add new dimensions to his published thought. All together, the writings in this volume cover Schutz's last 15 years in Europe as well as manuscripts written after his arrival in the USA in 1939. Audience: Students and scholars of phenomenology, social theory and the human sciences in general.

The 605 documents presented in Volume 7 of The Papers of James Monroe date from April 1814, the midpoint of Monroe's term as secretary of state under President James Madison, to March 1817, just prior to his inauguration as president.Volume 7 opens in the midst of the War of 1812, documenting Monroe's role as military adviser to President Madison during an ill-fated defense of Washington in August 1814, his appointment as secretary of war in September 1814, and his return to the State Department in March 1815, when he began the work of normalizing relations with the European nations after the end of the Napoleonic wars. Relations with Great Britain remained uneasy, but Monroe reduced friction by negotiating the 1817 Rush-Bagot Treaty, which led to disarmament of the Great Lakes. Numerous documents detail the ill will between the United States and Spain caused by the war, disagreement over possession of Florida, and the revolutions in Spain's American colonies. The volume also addresses the presidential election of 1816. Monroe, in line with the accepted practice at the time, avoided any overt acts that would indicate he was seeking the office. Correspondence with friends and confidants and several campaign essays written by Monroe nevertheless reveal a strategy of a quiet campaign to garner support for his candidacy.

Even students capable of writing excellent essays still find their first major political science research paper an intimidating experience. Crafting the right research question, finding good sources, properly summarizing them, operationalizing concepts and designing good tests for their hypotheses, presenting and analyzing quantitative as well as qualitative data are all tough-going without a great deal of guidance and encouragement. Writing a Research Paper in Political Science breaks down the research paper into its constituent parts and shows students what they need to do at each stage to successfully complete each component until the paper is finished. Practical summaries, recipes for success, worksheets, exercises, and a series of handy checklists make this a must-have supplement for any writing-intensive political science course. New to the Fourth Edition: A non-causal research paper woven throughout the text offers explicit advice to guide students through the research and writing process. Updated and more detailed discussions of plagiarism, paraphrases,'drop-ins,'and'transcripts'help to prevent students from misusing sources in a constantly changing digital age. A more detailed discussion of'fake news'and disinformation shows students how to evaluate and choose high quality sources, as well as how to protect oneself from being fooled by bad sources. Additional guidance for writing abstracts and creating presentations helps students to understand the logic behind abstracts and prepares students for presentations in the classroom, at a conference, and beyond. A greater emphasis on the value of qualitative research provides students with additional instruction on how to do it.

This fifth volume of The Papers of James Monroe presents many important and never-before published documents relating to the critical years 1803–1811, providing a documentary record of the early American Republic as well as of a future president of the United States.For academic scholars, college and high school students, and general readers interested in the history of the United States, The Papers of James Monroe series has established itself as the go-to resource for primary documents about President James Monroe and the early history of the United States. In this latest volume, readers have access to more than 400 annotated original documents, some of which have never before been published. This fifth volume of this acclaimed series presents a chronologically organized collection of documents covering the period from January 1803 through April 1811. Following an introductory essay, the subjects covered include Monroe's involvement in treaty negotiations with England, Spain, and France—most notably, those talks surrounding the Louisiana Purchase; his candidacy in the 1808 presidential election; and his appointment as secretary of state in 1811.The documents in this volume illuminate the decisions made by American, British, French, and Spanish leaders during this specific period, especially regarding events leading up to the War of 1812, which illustrate how monumental events such as war can result from the choices of certain key individuals.

This book reconnects The Federalist Papers to the study of American politics and political development, arguing that the papers contain previously unrecognized theory of institutional power, a theory that enlarges and refines the contribution of the papers to political theory, but also reconnects the papers to the study of American politics.

This volume presents the important speeches and correspondence of Governor Martha Layne Collins, the only woman to be elected governor of Kentucky. Papers from state archives chronicle the agenda and rhetoric that Collins, a former schoolteacher, used to accomplish her intertwined goals of education reform and economic development. Also included are Collins's letters to automobile makers urging them to consider Kentucky as a manufacturing site and her triumphant announcement that Toyota had selected Georgetown, Kentucky for its North American plant. An introductory essay by Elizabeth Duffy Fraas's summarizes Collins's life and career and assesses the impact of her administration on the state. The editor's notes provide context and background for each of the 199 speeches or documents included. The volume contains Collins's pivotal speeches during her rise to leadership in the Democratic Party, which chose her to chair its 1984 National Convention, and presents her vision to position Kentucky in the global marketplace. Other sections deal with related issues of labor and management, energy and environment, and health and welfare. For those interested in learning more about the challenges facing women with careers in politics, Fraas has assembled a section including Collins's statements on gender issues, motherhood, and the role of women in the political sphere.

This paper reviews some early interim and full PRSPs for countries with which the authors worked during 1999-2000 (Uganda, Burkina Faso, Tanzania, Mozambique, Mali and The Gambia). The purpose of the review is to compare and contrast how the PRSP process was established there.

Around-the-clock tobacco talks, multibillion-dollar lawsuits against the major cigarette companies, and legislative wrangling over how much to tax a pack of cigarettes—these are some of the most recent episodes in the war against the tobacco companies. The Cigarette Papers shows what started it all: revelations that tobacco companies had long known the grave dangers of smoking, and did nothing about it.In May 1994 a box containing 4,000 pages of internal tobacco industry documents arrived at the office of Professor Stanton Glantz at the University of California, San Francisco. The anonymous source of these'cigarette papers'was identified only as'Mr. Butts.'These documents provide a shocking inside account of the activities of one tobacco company, Brown & Williamson, over more than thirty years. Quoting extensively from the documents themselves and analyzing what they reveal, The Cigarette Papers shows what the tobacco companies have known and galvanizes us to take action.

For forty years, historians have argued that early twentieth-century provincial governments in Canada were easily manipulated by the industrialists who developed Canada's natural resources, such as pulpwood, water power, and minerals. With In the Power of the Government, Mark Kuhlberg uses the case of the Ontario pulp and paper industry to challenge that interpretation of Canadian provincial politics.Examining the relationship between the corporations which ran the province's pulp and paper mills and the politicians at Queen's Park, Kuhlberg concludes that the Ontario government frequently rebuffed the demands of the industrialists who wanted to tap Ontario's spruce timber and hydro-electric potential. A sophisticated empirical challenge to the orthodox literature on this issue, In the Power of the Government will be essential reading for historians and political scientists interested in the history of Canadian industrial development.

If the practice of war is as old as human history, so too is the need to reflect upon war, to understand its meaning and implications. The Pre-Socratic philosopher Heraclitus asserted in 600BC that War (polemos) is justice, thus inaugurating a long philosophical tradition of consideration of the morality of war. In recent times, the increased specialisation of academic disciplines has led a to a fragmentation of the thematic of war within the academy - the topic of war is as likely to be addressed by sociologists, cultural theorists, psychologists and even computer scientists as it is by historians, philosophers or political scientists. This diversity of disciplinary approaches to war is undoubtedly fruitful in itself but can lead to an isolation of respective disciplinary analyses of war from each other. In July 2002, at Mansfield College, Oxford, an inter-disciplinary conference on war (entitled'War and Virtual War') was held so as to redress some of this disciplinary isolationism and to forge an integrative dialogue on war, in all its facets. The papers in this volume were nominated by delegates as the most paradigmatic of the ethos of the original project and the most successful in achieving its aims of inter-disciplinarity and critical dialogue.

This book began as a collection of papers presented at a conference entitled ‘The Future Business of Higher Education'held at Oxford University. The contributions range from those who grapple with the question of what a University should do, through those concerned with making Higher Education more efficient, to some who were already planning for some technologically inevitable virtual future. These disparate leanings led to inevitable conflict and a challenge in editing into book form. In compiling and editing the chapters the editor has tried to preserve some of the diversity of opinion presented at Oxford. By doing so it is apparent that some individual contributors would find unacceptable much of what others in the book have to say. The traditionalists clash with the modernizers, the Left with the Right, Public with Private and the theorists with the practitioners. It is this very divergence of philosophical opinion as to the future of Higher Education that makes this book such an enjoyable and stimulating read.

This volume contains a selection of papers presented at the Cinquième Colloque de Linguistique Romane/Fifth Colloquium on Romance Linguistics, which was held at Groningen University in September 1998. The theme of the colloquium was ‘adverbial modification in Romance languages'.Therefore, adverbial modification is the common denominator of the works in this volume. However, and interestingly enough, the viewpoints taken by the Various authors differ considerably: some of the works deal with traditional adverbs (Ocampo, Kampers-Manhe, Bok-Bennema, Molendijk), others with elements such as mood (de Jonge, Quer) or negation (de Swart). Degree modification is discussed by Cover and Doetjes. Modifying clauses are the topic of Le Draoulec's article and modifying nominals play a central role in Schroten's contribution. A special type of modification is the pragmatic one, which is represented by Montolio's article. Also, various theoretical approaches are represented in this volume, such as the generative approach (e.g. Kampers-Manhe, Bok-Bennema), formal semantics (Molendijk, De Swart) and functional-cognitive linguistics (Ocampo, De Jonge), among other ones. Moreover, the languages dealt with are Catalan, French, Rumanian and Spanish.Thus, this volume offers a wide perspective on adverbial modification in Romance languages both from a theoretical point of view as from the point of view of the different languages involved.

'For most of the history of the United States, periods of growing indebtedness—a product of wars and economic crises—were followed by reductions in the debt-to-GDP ratio.'But why have the last several decades failed to follow this pattern, leaving the national debt at its highest level since World War II? In this groundbreaking new book, author Marc Allen Eisner, who has devoted most of his scholarly career to studying the evolution of the US political economy, explores the significant changes in the fiscal conditions of the United States during the postwar period, embedding the discussion in a broader historical context. He demonstrates that the national debt is in part a product of reduced revenues and the growing costs of the largest entitlement programs, but it also reflects a long series of shocks, including two wars, the financial crisis and Great Recession, and the COVID-19 pandemic. Deficits, Debt, and American Politics chronicles the history of the US debt in the postwar period, placed in the context of broader changes in the political economy and partisan politics. But it grounds this exploration in reader-friendly, chapter-length discussions of public finance, taxation, mandatory spending, and the budgetary process from a policy perspective. The volume concludes with a discussion of the challenges of comprehensive tax and program reforms in the current political climate.Deficits, Debt, and American Politics assumes little prior knowledge on the part of the reader, making it an ideal book for courses on public policy and political economy taught at both the upper-level undergraduate and graduate level. The material on public finance, long-term trends in taxation and spending, and the budgetary process, often relegated to descriptive texts, will be invaluable in courses engaging the deficit and debt.

The year 2018 marks the 15th anniversary of the establishment of ASEAN-China Strategic Partnership. Both ASEAN and China expect to seize this opportunity to take ASEAN-China strategic partnership to a new level.This book assesses ASEAN-China Strategic Partnership in the past 15 years by taking stock of the implementation of existing ASEAN-China cooperation frameworks, mechanisms and programs; defines overall goals and guiding principles of the ASEAN-China Strategic Partnership toward the end of 2030; sets specific targets, to be reached in 2030, for political and security cooperation, economic cooperation, and people-to-people exchanges between ASEAN and China and recommends concrete and practical measures (including short-term, mid-term and long-term measures) to deepen and widen future cooperation; and offers strategies for the 2030 Vision to be aligned with the ASEAN Community Vision 2025 and the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development in the three pillars of ASEAN-China cooperation.This book is a collection of conference papers and summary report of the Network of ASEAN-China Think-tanks (NACT) Special Working Group Meeting held in Beijing, China on 26 January 2018. Themed'2030 Vision for ASEAN-China Strategic Partnership'(2030 Vision), the meeting reviewed the past 15 years of ASEAN-China strategic partnership and discussed the reports on the 2030 Vision submitted by leading think tanks of all ASEAN member states and China.The Network of ASEAN-China Think-tanks (NACT) was proposed by Chinese Premier Li Keqiang in 2013 to contribute scholarly work to the'diamond decade'of China-ASEAN strategic partnership and to build a China-ASEAN community of shared future. It was officially launched in 2014. So far, a three-level working mechanism (including Country Coordinators'Meeting, Working Group Meeting and Annual Seminar) has been built, and a regional network of think-tanks has been formed. As a regular and institutionalized platform for think-tanks cooperation, NACT serves to promote joint studies on ASEAN-China relations, strengthen people-to-people ties and become a significant supplement to Track I diplomacy.

This title was first published in 2003. The UK transport White Paper'A New Deal for Transport'and new Transport Acts for England, Wales and Scotland have indicated and defined the future direction and policy agenda of national governments. The need for integrated transport raises key policy issues, among which are: the importance of sustainability; and the integration of transport policy with other areas of public policy, such as social exclusion and health. The idea of this direction in policy has implications for the changing nature of work, traveller information, interchange and public transport, freight distribution and the use of new technology. This volume also examines key areas of policy and regulation, which are developing as a result of the White Paper and the new Transport Acts. The volume brings together leading UK academics in the field of transport studies to discuss and reflect on these issues, and the state of transport policy in the UK within this new and developing policy framework.

Mail Men is the gripping, unofficial story of an institution that has become the self-proclaimed voice of middle England, and the adversary of liberals everywhere. Journalist Adrian Addison investigates the secret behind the Mail's extraordinary longevity and commercial success but also examines the controversies that have beset the paper - from its owner's flirtation with fascism in the 1930s to its fractious relationship with liberals, celebrities and politicians today. Revelatory and captivating, this book also gets under the skin of Paul Dacre, the once awkward reporter who has become one of the most feared, hated, secretive, and respected editors in Britain. This is an essential read if you wish to understand modern Britain.

(Re)Constructing Cultures of Violence and Peace brings together eleven original essays that were presented at the Third Global Conference on Cultures of Violence held in August 2002 in Prague. Covering an array of violence-related subjects, and a range of methodologies—textual, historical, theoretical, quantitative—the resulting volume is a multifaceted exploration of how cultures of violence are constructed, and how they can be deconstructed and replaced with cultures of peace. In part one, the authors aim to map and describe some of the important cultures of violence in our modern world—interstate war, civil war, criminal punishment, religious conflict, hooliganism—as an initial step towards understanding violence as a cultural construction. Part two explores aspects of the (re)construction of culture of peace. Specifically, the challenges encountered in attempting to conceptualise, study, or transform cultures of violence are examined. A common theme throughout the book is that violence is a fluid social and cultural construct—it is made by individuals, groups, and social forces. The implications of this are more than simply ontological: if violence is made, it can also be unmade; if cultures of violence are socially and politically constructed, they can also be de-constructed.

As global markets toppled during the 2008 financial crisis, the Canadian market for non-bank asset-backed commercial paper (ABCP) seemed on the verge of collapsing. Fueled by a top rating from DBRS, ABCP had found its way into the portfolios of some of Canada's most sophisticated investors as well as vulnerable retail investors who didn't know what they were holding.The failure of the $32 billion market could have tipped Canadian and foreign credit default swap markets into chaos if it weren't for the swift actions of a few powerful asset holders. Collectively, through the Montreal Accord and led by veteran Canadian lawyer Purdy Crawford, they managed to hold the Canadian ABCP market back from the brink of collapse by crafting a complex and innovative solution.Back from the Brink goes behind the scenes of the ABCP crisis to examine how a solution was reached and lessons learned that could prevent or mitigate future crises. The authors also examine the imaginative use of the Companies'Creditors Arrangement Act and describe the roles played by the banks, the major investors, rating agencies, and the financial regulators in the crisis's origins and conclusions. Back from the Brink holds important lessons for anyone interested in Canadian law, the future of complex investments, and Canada's capital markets.

Congress today is falling short. Fewer bills, worse oversight, and more dysfunction. But why? In a new volume of essays, the contributors investigate an underappreciated reason Congress is struggling: it doesn't have the internal capacity to do what our constitutional system requires of it. Leading scholars chronicle the institutional decline of Congress and the decades-long neglect of its own internal investments in the knowledge and expertise necessary to perform as a first-rate legislature. Today's legislators and congressional committees have fewer—and less expert and experienced—staff than the executive branch or K Street. This leaves them at the mercy of lobbyists and the administrative bureaucracy. The essays in Congress Overwhelmed assess Congress's declining capacity and explore ways to upgrade it. Some provide broad historical scope. Others evaluate the current decay and investigate how Congress manages despite the obstacles. Collectively, they undertake the most comprehensive, sophisticated appraisal of congressional capacity to date, and they offer a new analytical frame for thinking about—and improving—our underperforming first branch of government.

The culminating volume in The Papers of Henry Clay begins in 1844, the year when Clay came within a hair's breadth of achieving his lifelong goal-the presidency of the United States. Volume 10 of Clay's papers, then, more than any other, reveals the Great Compromiser as a major player on the national political stage. Here are both the peak of his career and the inevitable decline.On a tour through the southern states in the spring of 1844, Clay seemed certain of gaining the Whig nomination and the national election, until a series of highly publicized letters opposing the annexation of Texas cost him crucial support in both South and North. In addition to the Texas issue, the bitter election was marked by a revival of charges of a corrupt bargain, the rise of nativism, the influence of abolitionism, and voter fraud. Democrat James K. Polk defeated Clay by a mere 38,000 popular votes, partly because of illegal ballots cast in New York City.Speaking out against the Mexican War, in which his favorite son was a casualty, the Kentuckian announced his willingness to accept the 1848 Whig nomination. But some of his closest political friends, including many Kentucky Whig leaders, believed he was unelectable and successfully supported war hero Zachary Taylor.The disconsolate Clay felt his public career was finally finished. Yet when a crisis erupted over the extension of slavery into the territories acquired from Mexico, he answered the call and returned to the United States Senate. There he introduced a series of resolutions that ultimately passed as the Compromise of 1850, the most famous of his three compromises. Clay's last years were troubled ones personally, yet he remained in the Senate until his death in 1852, continuing to warn against sectional extremism and to stress the importance of the Union-messages that went unheeded as the nation Clay had served so well moved inexorably toward separation and civil war.Publication of this book is being assisted by a grant from the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.

This fourth volume in the ten-volume series covers the career of Henry Clay during his first year as Secretary of State in the cabinet of President John Quincy Adams.Within a month after taking office, Henry Clay described the Department of State as'no bed of roses.'Even though routine papers bearing his signature have been omitted by the editors, the 950 pages of documents included in this volume show that many duties filled Clay's days and nights. The evidence in autograph drafts and the meagerness of revision in the official documents indicate the need for major reconsideration of Clay's role in United States foreign relations during the presidency of John Quincy Adams.The range of issues emerging in these papers is broad, and the duties were obviously more than the limited staff of the Department of State could satisfactorily perform. But if, as a result, the United States suffered a major diplomatic defeat during the British revision of trade regulations, Clay's instructions to the Panama mission marked him as a statesman of world stature.Publication of this book was assisted by a grant from the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.

The Papers of Henry Clay span the crucial first half of the nineteenth century in American history. Few men in his time were so intimately concerned with the formation of national policy, and few influenced so profoundly the growth of American political institutions.The year 1837 found Henry Clay hard at work in a successful effort to organize and strengthen the new Whig party. In his attempt to provide for it an ideological core, he emphasized restoration of the Bank of the United States, distribution of the treasury surplus to the states, continued adherence to his Compromise Tariff Act of 1833, and federal funding of internal improvements. The achievement of these goals, Clay reasoned, would mitigate the severe impact of the Depression of 1837 and sweep the Whigs into the White House in 1840.Soon after the election of 1836, Clay began running again for the presidency. By 1838 it was clear to him that he would have to come to grips politically with the long-muted slavery question. This he did in February 1839 in a Senate speech that was so proslavery, anti-abolitionist, and racially extremist that it cost him the Whig presidential nomination at the Harrisburg convention in December 1839. William Henry Harrison was nominated in his stead and won handily. But one month after his inauguration Harrison died and Vice President John Tyler, a states'rights Democrat turned Whig, was elevated to the presidency.Senator Clay emerged from his disappointment at Harrisburg as the acknowledged leader of the Whig party and further unified it in a wide-ranging assault on the Tyler administration's refusal to support Whig principles. By the end of 1843 Tyler had been broken, the Whig party was Clay's to lead, and the Kentuckian was again in the presidential lists. Confident that 1844 would surely be his year, Clay unfortunately failed to see the formation and growth of the black cloud that was Texas annexation.Publication of this book was assisted by a grant from the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.

Henry Clay's career spanned a half century of a great formative period in American history. The Papers of Henry Clay span the crucial first half of the nineteenth century in American history. Few men in his time were so intimately concerned with the formation of national policy, and few influenced so profoundly the growth of American political institutions.This compilation of ten volumes includes Clay's letters, letters to Clay, his speeches, and other documents identified as his personal composition. Publication of this book was assisted by a grant from the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.

The Papers of Henry Clay span the crucial first half of the nineteenth century in American history. Few men in his time were so intimately concerned with the formation of national policy, and few influenced so profoundly the growth of American political institutions.Volume 7, the fourth and final of those dealing with Clay's role as secretary of state, carries the story of his career from January 1, 1828, to March 3, 1829. During these fourteen months, Clay and President John Quincy Adams strive unsuccessfully to solve a number of nagging diplomatic problems before leaving office. Among these are the northeast boundary controversy with Great Britain, the exclusion of American trade from the British West Indies, and the settlement of U.S. spoliation claims with France. Equally frustrating to Clay is the fact that the enormous amount of time and effort he has expended in Adams's reelection campaign has produced so little in return. To his genuine amazement and dismay, Andrew Jackson defeats Adams decisively.The volume ends in March 1829 with Clay facing an uncertain future. Unsure whether he wants again to practice law, he contemplates instead the prospect of managing'Ashland,'his Lexington estate. At the same time, convinced that the Jackson administration can only end in disaster, Clay's thoughts turn to running again for the White House in 1832. With this possibility in mind, the nation's ninth secretary of state leaves Washington for home.Publication of this book was assisted by a grant from the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.

History is one of the main aspects that shapes a country's culture and leaves its traces on the built environment in the form of an architectural heritage. Such a heritage records the existence of humans, their past endeavours and in doing so preserves their cultures and traditions for future generations and contributes to the formation of their identities by acting as an inspiration for their architectural achievements. From this perspective, conservation of architectural heritage becomes important to both current and future architectural endeavours. This book discusses several topics of great importance and relevance to the conservation of worldwide architectural heritage. From historic cities and cultural landscapes to some of the largest archaeological sites in the world, conserving such a legacy is a challenging task that requires commitment, effort and international cooperation that this book proves possible. The book has an abundance of information thatundoubtedly covers major areas in the field of architecture heritage. It discusses the challenges faced in the field and demonstrates the importance of such an undertaking to individuals, communities, and cities'identity all over the world. It also highlights the role of individuals and organizations in the precise and complex process of conserving architectural heritage.

'When the first University of Denver Publishing Institute came to a dose in August 1976, all of us involved in its launching knew that we had a real success on our hands. And we knew it was due in great measure to an outstanding faculty of more than forty top publishing executives who had come to Denver during those four weeks to teach our students. How regrettable, it seemed, that their knowledge and expertise were available only to the eighty students handpicked for that first class. Fred Praeger, publisher of Westview Press, suggested a solution.''Do a book,''he invited,''and let Westview publish the curriculum for others to share.'''

This volume was assembled by two of Dr. Wantrup's students as a complement to his textbook, Resource Conservation: Economics and Policies. Wantrup's ideas on conservation economics continued to evolve in ways that were never fully reflected in that text, and although for the student of natural resource economics it is still essential reading, to st

Government deficits, the spiraling imbalance of trade, inconsistencies in foreign policy, illegal immigration, unemployment, the decay of our cities, the abuse of the environment, the staggering cost of elections, and the piracy of special interest groups—these problems and a host of others have led thoughtful citizens to question whether our polit

Returning to Kentucky in the spring of 1829 after four years as secretary of state in the administration of John Quincy Adams, Henry Clay quickly regained the political dominance at home that would carry him to the U.S. Senate in 1831. Assuming leadership of the anti-Jackson forces, Senator Clay in 1832 mounted a spirited campaign for the presidency, advocating recharter of the national bank, high protective tariffs, and internal improvements, and alleging the administrative incompetence of Jackson and his cronies. Clay's defeat by the popular military hero was probably foreordained, but he emerged with sufficient national prestige to play the leading role in mediation of the nullification crisis of December 1832-March 1833. The battle over the constitutionality of the protective tariff, during which the words secession, invasion, and civil war were freely used, pitted Jackson and the power of the federal government against the states'rights politicians of South Carolina. Clay's masterful legislative compromise of 1833 defused a tense situation and brought him national applause as savior of the Union.Continuing his efforts to form a political coalition strong enough to defeat the Jacksonians, Clay was successful in a Senate resolution to censure the president for unconstitutional exercise of power in removing government deposits from the Bank of the United States. But as the election of 1836 drew near it became evident that the emerging coalition could not defeat Democrat Martin Van Buren, Jackson's hand- picked candidate; as the Reign of Jackson drew to a close, Clay could only view the national scene with dismay.Publication of this book was assisted by a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities.

This third volume in the ten-volume series covers the career of Henry Clay from the Second Session of the Sixteenth Congress, where he engineered the second Missouri Compromise, to the presidential election of 1824, when he found himself eliminated as a candidate.Upon his return from Congress in 1821, Clay practiced law and interested himself in Transylvania University, among other things. Elected again to the House of Representatives and to the Speakership in the Eighteenth Congress, Clay resumed his leadership in national affairs; his concerns at this period were principally with the Monroe Doctrine, the Spanish and Greek revolutions, and internal improvements and the tariff.A continuing thread in the volume is the presidential campaign of 1824. Clay's correspondence illustrates the changes in political techniques brought about by the emergence of the Jacksonian type of campaign. Sectionalism, already revealed as a danger to the Union, continued as an important issue. Clay's optimistic anticipation of his election of course proved incorrect, and the volume ends with Clay in the powerful but uncomfortable position of being able, by throwing his support to one of three candidates before the House of Representatives, to choose the next President of the United States.Publication of this book was assisted by a grant from the National Historical Publications and Records Commission.

This two–volume collection, supported by an in-depth introduction that addresses origins, actuality, endgame and afterlife, brings together for the first time contemporary documentation and more recent scholarship to give a broad picture of Japan's Treaty Ports and their inhabitants at work and play in the second half of the nineteenth century. The material selected, shows how the ports'existence and the Japanese struggle to end their special status, impacted on many aspects of modern Japan beyond their primary role as trading stations. Compared with their counterparts in China, the Japanese treaty ports cast a small shadow. They were far fewer – only four really mattered – and lasted for just under fifty years, while the Chinese ports made their centenary. Yet the Japanese ports were important. The thriving modern cities of Yokohama and Kobe had their origins as treaty ports. Nagasaki, a major centre of foreign trade since at least the sixteenth century, may not have owed so much to its treaty-port status, but it was a factor in its modern development.

Originally published in 1973, the chapters in this volume tackle a wide range of problems arising from this process of modernization. The first section looks at the discussion of ideas and theories about administration in the nineteenth century, when some organizational ideology became firmly-rooted and went unquestioned for many years. These chapters also examine the inevitable questions of reform and major reorganization which later arose in the United States, Britain and elsewhere.The second section moves on from the theory and practice of administrative structures to some consideration of practical problems within organizations, problems of personnel and administrative method. Management questions of staff conditions and careers and job differentiation are examined, and the Fulton report on reform in such areas is discussed.The final group of chapters looks at a variety of substantive issues such as defence and civil-military relations, the advent of independence from colonial government, development policies and development administration. Two major themes emerge. One concerns the extent to which administrative organizations are instruments to be used or institutions which exercise an almost autonomous control over our lives; to what extent is public policy translated into real terms by the institutions concerned? The second theme is concerned with the impact of institution on people, both in terms of broad policy and programmes and in practical, day-to-day communication across the counter between rank-and-file bureaucrat and the ordinary citizen.

This edited volume offers a systematic evaluation of how knowledge is produced by scholarly research into International Relations. The contributors explore three key questions: To what extent is scientific progress and accumulation of knowledge possible? What are the different accounts of how this process takes place? And what are the dominant critiques of these understandings? It is the first publication to survey the full range of perspectives available for evaluating scientific progress as well as dominant critiques of scientism.In its second part, the volume applies this range of perspectives to the research program on the democratic peace. It shows what we gain by accommodating and enabling dialogue among the full range of epistemological approaches. The contributors elaborate and defend the epistemological position of sociable pluralism as one that seeks to build bridges between soft positivism, critical theory, and critical realism. The underlying idea is that if the differences between the various approaches used by different communities of researchers can be understood more clearly, this will facilitate meaningful cross-cutting communication, dialogue, and debate and thereby enable us to address real-world problems more effectively.This timely and original work will be of great interest to advanced-level students and scholars dealing with philosophy of science and methodological questions in International Relations.

This book focuses on measuring democratic political systems as such, and is concerned more with the consequences and concomitants of political democracy in cross-national research. It examines the sequences and dynamics of political change between 1800 and 1986.

Evil is not only an abstract concept to be analyzed intellectually, but a concrete reality that we all experience and wrestle with on an ongoing basis. To truly understand evil we must always approach it from both angles: the intellective and the phenomenological. This same assertion resounds through each of the papers in this volume, in which an interdisciplinary and international group (including nurses, psychologists, philosophers, professors of literature, history, computer studies, and all sorts of social science) presented papers on cannibalism, the Holocaust, terrorism, physical and emotional abuse, virtual and actual violence, and depravity in a variety of media, from film to literature to animé to the Internet. Conference participants discussed villains and victims, dictators and anti-heroes, from 921 AD to the present, and considered the future of evil from a number of theoretical perspectives. Personal encounters with evil were described and analyzed, from interviews with political leaders to the problems of locating and destroying land mines in previous war zones. The theme of responsibility and thinking for the future is very much at the heart of these papers: how to approach evil as a question to be explored, critiqued, interrogated, reflected upon, owned. The authors urge an attitude of openness to new interpretations, new perspectives, new understanding. This may not be a comfortable process; it may in fact be quite disturbing. But ultimately, it may be the only way forward towards a truly ethical response. The papers in this collection provide a wealth of food for thought on this most important question.

The fall of the Communist regime in the USSR and Russia's search for a democratic and prosperous market-based future is one of the most compelling episodes of the end of the twentieth century. A central part in this drama is being played by political elites. These essays, written by some of the leading scholars in the field, analyse various aspects of the role being played by elites and leaders in Russian politics. Among the issues dealt with are: the origins of the Russian elites, including the issue of continuity with the Soviet past; the relationship between political and economic elites; the means taken by elites to structure politics and their relations; the dynamic of elite politics, and the nature of post-communism. These essays deal with many of the crucial questions facing Russia today.

This book contains fresh approaches to the interaction between regime and society in twentieth-century Russia. It offers new answers to familiar questions: • How useful is'totalitarianism'as a model to categorise authoritarian regimes? • What chances existed for tsarism to establish itself as a constitutional monarchy? • Were Trotsky and Lenin dictators in waiting? • How did the Bolsheviks make the Lenin cult? • What opposition did intellectuals offer in the Soviet regime? • What is the nature of contemporary Russian constitutionalism? It is required reading for historians, political scientists, sociologists and everyone interested in modern Russia.

Although there is a vast body of literature covering the ongoing debates concerning the novelty and gravity of the contemporary terrorist threat, as well as the most appropriate response to it, few authors have thus far analysed the complex set of counterterrorism measures that both the individual Member States and the European Union (EU) have attempted to develop. This volume offers a critical analysis of the measures the European Union has taken to combat terrorism and how, in a number of key areas, EU counterterrorism policy is more of a paper tiger than an effective counterterrorism device. Several legal EU counterterrorism instruments have not been properly implemented at the national level and questions have been raised regarding their effectiveness, appropriateness, and proportionality. The capabilities of EU agencies in the area of counterterrorism remain rather weak and the EU Counterterrorism Coordinator does not have any real powers apart from persuasion. However, this does not mean that EU level action cannot offer any value-added in the fight against terrorism. There are several areas where the EU can provide genuine value-added in the fight against terrorism due to the transnational nature of the contemporary terrorist threat and the nature of a borderless Europe.

The main common themes of an earlier book in this series, Virtual Learning and Higher Education, were: the extent to which education should become ‘virtual', the actual cost and value of such innovation and to what degree such education suits its stakeholders. In order to further engage with these important issues a conference was held in Mansfield College, Oxford in September 2003. An edited selection of the papers from that event along with relevant papers that developed as a result of the conference's subsequent correspondences are the contents of this book.The chapters cover a spectrum of practical issues from ‘at the e-chalkface'experimentations with virtual technologies via those who consider the consequences of establishing such systems through to those interested in developing long-term strategy or policy in the area.This stimulating and important book is aimed at researchers of topics such as technology-driven education, philosophy, innovation and cultural studies. It is also meant to appeal to anyone with an interest in the ‘virtual'world of education.

This emphasis of this collection is upon the history of courts and their procedures, they also illustrate the varied approaches and themes of legal history today.

This collection examines the subject of identification and surveillance from 16th C English parish registers to 21st C DNA databases. The contributors, who range from historians to legal specialists, provide an insight into the historical development behind such issues as biometric identification, immigration control and personal data use.

This is the third volume of papers in the topical area of environmental management. Arising from work done by the International Centre for the Environment at the University of Bath, the papers address inter-disciplinary environmental themes particularly from a business and management perspective.

In the essays that follow, Fred Berger argues for freedom of expression, civil disobedience, affirmative action and what he calls liberal judicial activism and against sex-role stereotyping, paternalism and the censorship of pornography. Underlying his liberalism is a unified theory. That theory consists of a conception of rights, a theory of value and a theory of government. The conception of a right that Berger defends derives from J ohn Stuart Mill and is captured by what he calls'the rights­ formula': to have a right is to have important interests that society ought to protect as a matter of general rule (pp. 2, 7, 17-18, 19, 95). Since rights are to be protected by general rule, case-by-case consideration of consequences is ruled out (pp. 3, 18, 96) and neither modest increases in the general welfare, nor majority opinion, can justify the violation of a right (pp. 14-15; 17-18). Berger combines this view of the nature of a right with an objective theory of value according to which the important interests that ought to be protected are ones that people have'whether they know them or not, whether they desire that in which they have an interest or not'(p.