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This book reconnects The Federalist Papers to the study of American politics and political development, arguing that the papers contain previously unrecognized theory of institutional power, a theory that enlarges and refines the contribution of the papers to political theory, but also reconnects the papers to the study of American politics.

This book contains fresh approaches to the interaction between regime and society in twentieth-century Russia. It offers new answers to familiar questions: • How useful is'totalitarianism'as a model to categorise authoritarian regimes? • What chances existed for tsarism to establish itself as a constitutional monarchy? • Were Trotsky and Lenin dictators in waiting? • How did the Bolsheviks make the Lenin cult? • What opposition did intellectuals offer in the Soviet regime? • What is the nature of contemporary Russian constitutionalism? It is required reading for historians, political scientists, sociologists and everyone interested in modern Russia.

Between the Nazi occupation and the anti-communist revolution of 1956, Poland underwent twelve years of Stalinist rule. Using recently-opened archives, historians and social scientists from four countries give the first analysis of the rise and fall of this system. The book is organised in three parts: Construction (external and domestic), Conflicts (above all, communists against the Church and peasantry) and Collapse (during 1956). An Epilogue reviews the whole period in the light of contemporary political debates.

Glenn Beck, the New York Times bestselling author of The Great Reset, returns with his contemporary adaptation of The Federalist Papers with the inclusion of his own commentary and annotations to help readers interpret and understand the Constitution. Glenn Beck revisited Thomas Paine's famous pre-Revolutionary War call to action in his #1 New York Times bestseller Glenn Beck's Common Sense. Now he brings his historical acumen and political savvy to this fresh, new interpretation of The Federalist Papers, the 18th-century collection of political essays that defined and shaped our Constitution and laid bare the “original argument” between states'rights and big federal government—a debate as relevant and urgent today as it was at the birth of our nation. Adapting a selection of these essential essays—pseudonymously authored by the now well-documented triumvirate of Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay—for a contemporary audience, Glenn Beck has had them reworked into “modern” English so as to be thoroughly accessible to anyone seeking a better understanding of the Founding Fathers'intent and meaning when laying the groundwork of our government. Beck provides his own illuminating commentary and annotations and, for a number of the essays, has brought together the viewpoints of both liberal and conservative historians and scholars, making this a fair and insightful perspective on the historical works that remain the primary source for interpreting Constitutional law and the rights of American citizens.

Engels Today marks the centenary of Frederick Engels death through a collection of papers engaging with the thought of Marx's only close collaborator, who was influential in his own right, as well as in his attempted popularisation of'Marxism'. Specialists in different disciplines here address what is still alive in Engels'contributions to them; they discuss matters that remain influential, or controversial, in the works of this great socialist and thinker, relating to Nature, Science, Women, Revolution, Democracy, Economics, Materialism and Class.

On September 4, 1971, the office of Lewis Fielding, a psychiatrist practicing in Los Angeles, was broken into. It looked like a run of the mill drug raid. A month later, a homeless man was charged with burglary and the case was considered closed. On June 17, 1972, five men were charged with breaking and entering at the headquarters of the Democratic National Committee in the Watergate Hotel in Washington, D.C. With these two burglaries, one seemingly innocuous while the other was more serious because of the venue, the scandal known as Watergate was born. As the tale of Richard Nixon and his Plumbers began to unfold, it was discovered that one of Lewis Fielding's patients was Daniel Ellsberg, the man who released the Pentagon Papers to the New York Times. Ellsberg was high on Nixon's list of enemies and he vowed to destroy him at all costs. In Wild Man, Tom Wells explores the life of Daniel Ellsberg to discover what makes an individual enact the most severe breach of government security ever to occur in the United States. As Wells follows Ellsberg from his early days as a piano prodigy to his years of great promise at Harvard, we see the development of a volatile, narcissistic loner with a voracious sexual appetite, a highly developed intelligence and, most importantly, the overwhelming need to take centre stage in the pageant known as America. In Wild Man, Tom Wells creates an unforgettable picture of Daniel Ellsberg, an American Everyman for the seventies who embodied the promise and paranoia of that uncertain time. This is a thrilling piece of biography that will stand as one of the great American portraits.

Nationalism is a collection of papers from the British Sociological Association conference, Worlds of the Future. The central themes of the conference were ethnicity and nationalism in the contemporary world. Older discourses on national sovereignty and statehood are evaluated in terms of their validity within a world increasingly defined by transnational integration and global economic competition.

Politische Bildung bezieht ihren Sinngehalt u. a. aus der Idee einer gelingenden Begegnung mit dem Zukünftigen. Im 3. Jahrtausend muss sie sich allerdings – jenseits der Alternative zwischen einer unausweichlichen, düsteren Katastrophe und einem naiven Machbarkeitsoptimismus – der Frage nach der (un)möglichen Gestaltbarkeit der Zukunft stellen. Denn im Anthropozän wird die Zukunft zunehmend brüchig. Das wirft Fragen von zentraler Bedeutung auf. Wie kann sich die politische Bildung zukünftig auf das Zukünftige beziehen? Welche Themen und Fragen werden zukünftig wichtig sein? Welche didaktischen Methoden und Prinzipien sind zukünftig noch tragfähig? In den Beiträgen wird mit unterschiedlichen Schwerpunkten nach Antworten gesucht.

This book is about the political wisdom embodied in Personal Recollections of Joan of Arc by Mark Twain, the self-declared best book by arguably America's greatest author. More precisely, this study illuminates Twain's political wisdom by examining his approach to the theological-political problem; it takes up Twain's handling of the question of whether a providential deity intervenes in human affairs so as to effectuate divine justice on earth and it does this through a commentary on his last complete novel. Through this investigation, Twain prompts his audience to explore the natural, conventional, or divine basis for justice in political life. Such a study is critical for understanding Twain's corpus, concerned as it is with the tension between material determinism and moral agency. Dobski argues that Twain's last novel prepares his readers to adopt a “new” understanding of man and his relationship to God, his country, and his fellow man.

This textbook is an introduction to thinking ethically about global issues. Unlike existing books in this area, this book is truly interdisciplinary and includes a range of voices from both the Global South and the Global North. Rather than simply applying Western theories to case studies, Prof. Stephen Minister shows readers how to consider context and complexity, while respecting the agency of people elsewhere. It weaves together the work of thinkers and writers from the Global South with philosophical work on global ethics, relevant scholarship from other academic fields, and stories from fieldwork studying global issues on four continents. The textbook explores a variety of topics, including: cultural difference, gender, population, poverty, natural disasters, and development. It then encourages students to build on these ideas and think more deeply about topics such as foreign aid, inequality, immigration, international trade, climate change, human rights, and war and terrorism. Because the book's style is accessible and engaging, it will be an excellent text for ethics and global studies courses, as well as being of interest to general readers who want to think better about global issues.

This book explores what it meant to be ‘liberal'in interwar Czech, Austrian, and Slovenian politics. Up until 1918, these countries shared the common political framework of Cisleithania (the Austrian part of the Habsburg Monarchy). Within this framework was the predominantly pejorative function of the label ‘liberal,'and as a result after 1918, no major political party employed it to describe its own political orientation. Despite making considerable efforts to dissociate themselves from liberalism, many parties continued to be referred to as ‘liberal'by the contemporary public. This association with liberalism, the book argues, was primarily due to the parties'historical background rather than any ideological commitment to liberalism, and for that reason, the author refers to them as ‘national liberal heirs.'Examining the (dis)continuities of liberal party traditions, the book presents three representative cases of national liberal heirs: the Czechoslovak National Democracy; the Greater German People's Party; and the Slovenian sections of the Yugoslav Democratic Party, the Independent Democratic Party, and the Yugoslav National Party. Forming a distinctive part of early twentieth-century party landscapes in Central Europe, the national liberal heirs had inherited organisational structures, parts of electorate, as well as rootedness in specific cultural and social milieus from their liberal predecessors. Following the political trajectories of the national liberal heirs, the author seeks to answer in which spheres, in which manners, and to what extent liberalism survived or even continued to develop in the interwar Czech lands, Austria, and Slovenia.

Das Buch eröffnet ein neues Forschungsfeld praxeologischer Demokratieforschung. Statt von bestimmten theoretischen Konzeptionen auszugehen, was Demokratie ist oder sein soll, wird untersucht, wie Demokratie praktisch gemacht wird. Wie wird der „demos“ zum Subjekt des Regierens gemacht, als politischer Akteur mit kollektivem Willen und Handlungsmacht? Das Buch verfolgt den Ansatz, nach konkreten praktischen Formen zu suchen, in denen Repräsentationen des Willens von kollektiven Subjekten hergestellt und geltend gemacht werden. Dabei entfaltet sich ein Blick auf die Multiplizität und Dynamik der Demokratie.

The book by the well-known German party researcher Elmar Wiesendahl presents the development, theoretical perspectives, research approaches, and fields of investigation in party research in light of the state of the art.

Since its existence in the 1950s, consumer policy in Germany has been understood and pursued primarily as a bundle of actions and measures initiated and institutionalised by the state. In many cases, the state has also issued corresponding mandates and set up support models, which has created the impression that we are basically dealing with a'consumer policy from above'imposed by macro-politics. Not that there have not been repeated attempts in the past decades to give impetus to consumer policy from the middle of civil society - often in the form of small citizens'initiatives. And in recent years in particular, a number of new consumer organisations have emerged which operate much closer to the grass roots. Nevertheless, the impression seems to have taken root among the large, government-related'players'in the field, who have been in the'business'for decades, not to mention government-internal consumer policy, that consumer policy concerns a policy field that is essentiallyordered by a collaboration of the state on the one hand, and consumer protection organisations representing all consumers equally on the other, while the many small consumer initiatives, not even started by individual committed consumers, regularly fall behind in comparison. This perspective refers largely to the view of and from the centre of politics. This volume is intended to go some way towards countering the institutionally prevailing impression that, in principle, there is only'consumer policy from above'that is really effective and assertive.The translation was done with the help of artificial intelligence. A subsequent human revision was done primarily in terms of content.

This book investigates how the radical left navigates the terrain of nationalism. Traversing Spain, Italy and Portugal, this in-depth study examines how radical left parties either embrace, rebuff or reshape nationalistic sentiments. From Spain's Podemos grappling with Franco's legacy, Italy's radical left switching from anti-fascist patriotism to cosmopolitanism, to Portugal's revolutionary echoes in left-leaning banal nationalism, the book offers comprehensive insight into the often-overlooked relationship between radical left politics and national identity. Through discourse analysis, interviews and participant observation, it delves into the reasons behind certain political positions and how they manifest discursively. A must-read for those eager to decipher the crossroads of national identity and left-wing politics in contemporary Europe.

​In diesem Sammelband werden aus unterschiedlichen fachspezifischen, wissenschaftlichen und praktischen Perspektiven vielfältige Aspekte des Themas „Imperiale Lebensweise und Politische Bildung“ beleuchtet und kritisch reflektiert. Die didaktischen Potenziale unterschiedlicher wissenschaftlicher Herangehensweisen und Praxiserfahrungen werden vorgestellt und theoretische Überlegungen sowie empirische Erkenntnisse zum Schwerpunktthema präsentiert.

Using Marxist and Polanyian frameworks, this book examines the structural and discursive transformation that can explain the polarization of migration debates and within the rise of nationalist anti-migrant discourses in Europe with a special attention to Eastern Europe and Hungary. It goes beyond the mainstream explanations of these phenomena that uses nationalist propaganda as causal factors and instead argues that the rise of anti-immigration currents cannot be understood without a dialectical and historical analysis of the material and discursive transformations, most importantly marketization and related reification. Drawing from thinkers such as Lukács, Polanyi, and Gramsci as well as diverse empirical sources including demographic studies, historical modelling, and discourse analyses, Migration Turn and Eastern Europe is a unique and rigorous study of one of the most pressing and puzzling political and sociological questions of ourtime.

Der Sammelband diskutiert unterschiedliche Glaubensformen, die gegenwärtig in spätmodernen Gesellschaften miteinander in Widerstreit geraten. Mit Blick auf zunehmende Polarisierungstendenzen werden Glaubensformen und belief systems entlang Yves Bizeuls These einer neuen gesellschaftlichen Konfliktlinie rund um Fragen kollektiver Identität beleuchtet. Neben traditionellen Formen religiösen Glaubens, welche zwischen fortschreitender Säkularisierung und neuer religiöser Radikalisierung changieren, werden mythische Glaubensformen untersucht, die, als Zugang zur Welt und als Autoritäten der Welterklärung, Potential für gesellschaftliche Disruption in sich tragen.

This book develops Marcuse's critique of advanced industrial society and deploys it as a lens to critically analyze contemporary neoliberalism and its structural failures. In the chapters, Marcuse scholars explore three related topics: First, Marcuse's theory as it applies to the relationship between neoliberalism and authoritarianism, including both the historical relationship between the two and the modern re-emergence of authoritarianism and nationalism in neoliberal states today. Second, a re-examination of the relationship between neoliberal subjectivity and technological rationality that seeks to understand the stabilizing forces of neoliberal society and the way these forces register at the level of thought. Third and finally, Marcuse's conception of socialism in conversation with contemporary neoliberal rationality, and ways in which alternatives to the status quo remain possible. Together, this volume contributes to recent discussions of neoliberalism and contribute to thedevelopment of Marcuse scholarship.

This book evaluates the legislative effectiveness of Nigeria's National Assembly under the Fourth Republic. The assessment covers five Assemblies (4th–8th) and focuses specifically on lawmaking, cost of running the National Assembly, and the budget making process. It empirically assesses the effectiveness of the Nigerian national legislature beyond previous emotional and sentimental evaluations of the institution. It has developed a model ‘Institutional Legislative Effectiveness Score'used in assessing the institutional performance of the National Assembly from two perspectives: first, by comparing the performances of the two chambers in the same Assembly; and second, by comparing the performances of the institution across Assemblies. Aside lawmaking, the book also covers the major topical issues that characterized public evaluation of the institution. These include: size of the institution, budgeting process, cost of funding the institution, and the debate on the appropriate way in reforming the National Assembly.

How does the dominant understanding(s) of the demo(i)cratic subject in the EU, and of democracy more broadly, shape the EU's democratic innovations on ‘citizen participation'? What are the politically and normatively preferable alternatives, both in terms of the conceptualisation of the democratic subject in the EU and in the ensuing political practices? The book addresses these questions combining a political theory with a political sociology perspective, contrasting the ‘democracy without politics'approach of the EU in the context of the Conference on the Future of Europe with that of ongoing transnational activist processes. In doing so, it develops an agonistic alternative to ‘the people(s)'as the political imaginary of democracy in the EU, which is based on the idea of the ‘decolonial multitude'. Thus, the book puts forward a diagnosis of current debates on EU democratic legitimacy as well as proposing an alternative.

This book presents full history of the origin of Orwell's Animal Farm, as well as a translation of the Russuian/Ukranian source work. Has George Orwell lost his saintly luster? In The Never End, rabble-rouser, dogged investigator, and consummate literary stylist John Reed collects two decades of subject-Orwell findings previously published in Pank, Guernica, Literary Hub, The Brooklyn Rail, The Rumpus, The New York Press, The Believer, Harper's Magazine and The Paris Review. Reed's treatment of Orwell is corrective and peerlessly contemporary; he views Orwell in a twenty-first century global context, considering Orwell's collaboration with Cold War intelligence operations—US and UK—with unfaltering objectivity. It's hard to imagine that Orwell—in our own moment of global doublethink—wouldn't have wanted his devotion to contrariety applied to the literary legacy he left behind. The Never End is atonce a hatchet job and a celebration. Animal Farm, based on a previously unknown Russian short story? Animal Farm, deployed by the CIA, MI6 and the Congress for Cultural Freedom? Orwell, turning over blacklists in a McCarthy-esque act of betrayal? The Cold War? Does it last forever? Russia, the “Axis of Evil,” and now China? But. Orwell. Course syllabi. Literary laurels. Snitch. Why do we keep coming back? For the wrong reasons? Or because we know Old Benjamin would want us to know the truth?

This book brings together a range of studies that aim at illustrating the ideas, institutions, historical patterns, and contemporary relevance of the social-political system that existed in the main part of East Asia during the premodern era. This is most often known as the Confucian literati-bureaucratic state, the imperial Chinese bureaucratic state, or the Confucian-Legalist state, that was established and endured most notably in China, but also in several East Asian societies such as Korea, Vietnam, Japan. That state and sociopolitical system also greatly shaped state making in several kingdoms in the region – such as Ryukyu and Dali – which were later merged into larger polities. Illuminating the significance of these historical patterns for today, this book will interest political scientists, historians, philosophers, and the general public.

This book deals with a central aspect of Marx's critique of society that is usually not examined further since it is taken as a matter of course: its scientific claim of being true. But what concept of truth underlies his way of reasoning which attempts to comprehend the social and political circumstances in terms of the possibility of their practical upheaval? In three studies focusing specifically on the development of Marx's scientific critique of capitalist society, his journalistic commentaries on European politics, and his reflections on the organisation of revolutionary subjectivity, the authors carve out the immanent relation between the scientifically substantiated claim to truth and the revolutionary perspective in Marxʼs writings. They argue that Marx does not grasp the world ‘as it is'but conceives it as an inverted state which cannot remain what it is but generates the means by which it can eventually be overcome. This is not something to be taken lightly: Such a concept has theoretical, political and even violent consequences—consequences that nevertheless derive neither from a subjective error nor a contamination of an otherwise ‘pure'science. By analyzing Marx's concept of truth the authors also attempt to shed light on a pivotal problematique of any modern critique of society that raises a reasoned claim of being true.

Since its existence in the 1950s, consumer policy in Germany has been understood and pursued primarily as a bundle of actions and measures initiated and institutionalised by the state. In many cases, the state has also issued corresponding mandates and set up support models, which has created the impression that we are basically dealing with a'consumer policy from above'imposed by macro-politics. Not that there have not been repeated attempts in the past decades to give impetus to consumer policy from the middle of civil society - often in the form of small citizens'initiatives. And in recent years in particular, a number of new consumer organisations have emerged which operate much closer to the grass roots. Nevertheless, the impression seems to have taken root among the large, government-related'players'in the field, who have been in the'business'for decades, not to mention government-internal consumer policy, that consumer policy concerns a policy field that is essentiallyordered by a collaboration of the state on the one hand, and consumer protection organisations representing all consumers equally on the other, while the many small consumer initiatives, not even started by individual committed consumers, regularly fall behind in comparison. This perspective refers largely to the view of and from the centre of politics. This volume is intended to go some way towards countering the institutionally prevailing impression that, in principle, there is only'consumer policy from above'that is really effective and assertive.The translation was done with the help of artificial intelligence. A subsequent human revision was done primarily in terms of content.

Ständig stoßen wir auf quantitative Daten, Statistiken und Diagramme im Internet, in Zeitungen und Fernsehen. Dieser Band beschäftigt sich mit dem „digital-forschenden Lernen“ mit offenen Daten und öffentlichen Statistiken im Politikunterricht. Es werden Datenquellen hinsichtlich ihrer Verwendbarkeit im Rahmen des Politik- und Wirtschaftsunterrichts anhand von fachdidaktischen Kriterien untersucht. Ziel ist die Förderung der politischen Mündigkeit der Schüler durch quantitative Daten bzw. Urteils- und Handlungsfähigkeit sowie Datenkompetenz.

Das Handbuch bietet in der 2. aktualisierten und erweiterten Auflage einen Überblick über den aktuellen Stand der Policy-Forschung. Theorie-Beiträge präsentieren die Annahmen, Grundideen, Hauptargumente und Hypothesen der jeweiligen Theorieansätze zur Erklärung von Policies und diskutieren die empirische Eignung der Theorien durch einen Überblick über den Forschungsstand. Die Beiträge „Methoden der Policy-Forschung“ stellen Grundzüge, Stärken und Schwächen sowie Anwendungsfelder einschlägiger Methoden dar. Anhand ausgewählter Politikfelder werden Ergebnisse der Policy-Forschung in unterschiedlichen Bereichen der Staatstätigkeit aufgezeigt und Querverbindungen sowohl zu den unterschiedlichen theoretischen Zugängen als auch zu unterschiedlichen Methoden gezogen.

Globalizing Political Theory is guided by the need to understand political theory as deeply embedded in local networks of power, identity, and structure, and to examine how these networks converge and diverge with the global. With the help of this book, students of political theory no longer need to learn about ideas in a vacuum with little or no attention paid to how such ideas are responses to varying local political problems in different places, times, and contexts.Key features include: Central Conceptual Framework: Introducing readers to what it means to “globalize” political theory and to move beyond the traditional western canon and actively engage with a multiplicity of perspectives. Organization: Focused on key topics essential for an introductory class aimed at both globalizing political theory and showing how political theory itself is a globalizing activity. Themes: Colonialism and Empire; Gender and Sexuality; Religion and Secularism; Marxism, Socialism, and Globalization; Democracy and Protest; and Race, Ethnicity, and Indigeneity. Pedagogy: Each chapter features theoretical concepts and definitions, political and historical context, key authors and biographical context, textual evidence and exegesis from the foundational texts in that thematic area, a list of discussion questions, and a list of resources for further reading. Committed to a multiplicity of perspectives and an active engagement between the global and the local, Globalizing Political Theory connects directly with undergraduate and graduate-level courses in political theory, global political theory, and non-western political thought.

Vor dem Hintergrund bildungspolitischer und gesellschaftlicher Veränderungen untersucht der Sammelband Stand und Perspektiven der politikwissenschaftlichen Lehrerbildung in zentralen Themenfeldern in Deutschland. Ziel ist es, die Relevanz der Lehrerbildung in der Politikwissenschaft in die gesamte Disziplin hinein zu verdeutlichen, einen vertieften Austausch zwischen Fachwissenschaft und Fachdidaktik zu befördern und Wege zur zukünftigen Aufstellung des Faches im Bereich der Lehrerbildung aufzuzeigen.

This book puts forward a new perspective, the historical dynamics of Chinese politics, for better understanding China's politics, which is from the vertical history of China and the dimension of horizontal world politics, combining the historical analysis of how Chinese politics has come along the way and the comparative analysis of China's governance achievements in world politics. Based on this premise, this book attempts to explain the democratic discourse of contemporary Chinese political logic. The historical dynamics of Chinese politics comes from long-term communication between the author and Western scholars, which may help the global audience to understand China's politics from all angles.

On October 3, 1990 the future of both Europe and Germany became powerfully and inexorably intertwined across a politically broadened continent powering transformative social, political and economic interactions. The thirty year mark after the then reigning chancellor Helmut Kohl promised'flourishing landscapes'in the former GDR is more than just a new anniversary from which mandatory reflections must follow. Arguably, it represents a temporal boundary between the adjustments and reactions conditioned and captivated by a sense of something new and uncertain, and that point moving forward from which unification's legacy inescapably tethers Germany's future to normal politics shaped by the issues of the moment, and not politics gripped by the debates of unification itself. That legacy is defined by an accumulation over thirty years of adjustments, mutations, counter-adjustments and strategic reactions which have now delivered through the many ripples of change a Germany managing thecourse-trajectory which unification has relentlessly plotted. The foreseeable future will certainly see that legacy of unification tenaciously continue to project yet shrouded within the background of Germany's routine politics. This volume explores that legacy within the post-unification era and reflects on the way forward into a near-term German future no longer consumed with unification itself but with the reality of politics it has steadily defined.

This book examines three cases of democratic transitions by self-transformation of the non-democratic regimes in Southern Europe—the Spanish reforma pactada-ruptura pactada of 1976-77, the Greek “Markezinis experiment” of 1973, and the Turkish democratic transition of 1983—in a comparative perspective. The author argues that a democratic transition initiated by the regime elites is, in contrast to widely held assumptions and notwithstanding some reservations on whether democracy can be (re-)introduced by non-democrats, worth viewing as a “window of opportunity” for democratisation. It is up to the democratic counter-elites to respond to it, using the civil society and the international factor as allies to achieve their goal of acquiring more concessions from the regime.

A broad-ranging and pluralistic textbook which highlights the rich variety of approaches to studying politics. Written by an international team of experts, this fully revised fourth edition offers cutting-edge coverage from fundamental to contemporary issues. Integrating guides to further reading and clear examples of how research methods can be applied, it enables readers to feel confident about taking their study of politics forward.An ideal foundation for study and research in political science, this textbook will be essential to students at any stage of their degree. It serves as core reading on undergraduate and postgraduate political analysis, theory and methods courses. In demonstrating how independent research is undertaken in political science, the book allows students and early career researchers to begin thinking about formulating their own research agendas.This new edition:- Leads the way with fresh new ideas and perspectives with the help of new co-editor Vivien Lowndes- Includes new chapters on post-structuralism as a theoretical approach and on'big data'as a methodological resource- Offers an international perspective on political science, with discussion of global as well as domestic politics and a range of international cases and examples.

Das Buch beschäftigt sich mit den langfristigen sozialstrukturellen Auswirkungen von Gewaltkonflikten in Postkonfliktgesellschaften, eines der aktuellsten Forschungsthemen der Friedens- und Konfliktforschung. Basierend auf empirischer Forschung in verschiedenen Landesteilen Kolumbiens wird argumentiert, dass sich die unter Gewalteinfluss entstandenen Sozialstrukturen primär durch Misstrauensmechanismen in der Gesellschaft auszeichnen, wodurch sich einerseits Gewalt als Kommunikationsmuster auch nach Friedensschlüssen weiter erhält und reproduziert sowie andererseits sich exkludierende Strukturen für marginalisierte Bevölkerungsteile ausbilden, die einem Frieden nachhaltig entgegenwirken. Mittels eines systemtheoretischen Ansatzes macht das Buch daher ein Angebot zum besseren Verständnis anhaltender Gewalt in Postkonfliktgesellschaften.

Handlungs- und Entscheidungstheorien gelten als erfolgversprechende Ansätze zur Erklärung sozialen und politischen Handelns. Handeln wird dabei als das Ergebnis eines Prozesses gesehen, bei dem Akteure aus verschiedenen verfügbaren Handlungsalternativen diejenige auswählen, die bei gegebenen Rahmenbedingungen und erwarteten Handlungen anderer Akteure ihre Ziele am besten zu verwirklichen verspricht. Band 12 des Jahrbuchs vereint innovative Beiträge zur Handlungs- und Entscheidungstheorie, die sich mit der gesamten Breite des Feldes befassen.

This edited volume presents an interdisciplinary and international revaluation of Friedrich Engels as much more than “junior partner” to Karl Marx or “second fiddle” in the Marxist orchestra. The nineteen critical essays in this collection are the work of scholars from Germany, USA, UK, Italy, China, India, Mexico and the Philippines. Together they present and evaluate archival material and scholarly commentary that covers epistemology, political economy, political theory, gender studies, cultural studies, political geography, philosophy of social science and sociological studies of class-conflict. Students, activists and specialists will find fresh consideration of familiar works, such as The Condition of the Working Class in England, The Origin of the Family, Private Property and the State, and The Dialectics of Nature. They will also be able to explore Engels's less familiar pamphleteering, literary criticism and political commentary through detailed contextualization andcareful analysis. Friedrich Engels for the 21st Century: Perspectives and Problems is unique in putting different intellectual and political receptions of Engels's work into productive conversation, particularly from non-Anglophone scholars, translated here into English. Readers will appreciate why Engels has been so widely celebrated some two hundred years after his birth.

Dieses Buch behandelt die motivationale Bedeutung von Ideen in kollektiven Handlungszusammenhängen. Es entwickelt ein motivationspsychologisch und sozialphilosophisch begründetes Modell, das dem ideenbasierten Neoinstitutionalismus eine handlungstheoretische Mikrofundierung verschafft. Der Zusammenhang zwischen Ideen und kollektivem Handeln wird anhand dreier Untersuchungsfälle – der Partei Bündnis 90/Die Grünen aus Deutschland, der brasilianischen Arbeiterpartei und der Tea Party-Bewegung in den USA - in historisch-vergleichender Perspektive rekonstruiert.

Von Haus aus Jurist und Staatsrechtslehrer, vertritt Hermann Heller einen demokratischen Konstitutionalismus, der die Wirklichkeit der Demokratie mit der Normativität des Rechts zusammendenkt. Was Hellers Werk dabei in besonderer Weise fruchtbar erscheinen lässt, ist die Verbindung von Staatsrechtslehre, Politikwissenschaft und Soziologie, die erst die komplexe Wirklichkeit der Demokratie erfahrbar macht. In seinen späten Weimarer Schriften – etwa zum Autoritären Liberalismus – zeigt sich Heller als Analytiker der Krise, der uns heute den Blick für die Herausbildung autoritärer Politikstrukturen insbesondere auf europäischer Ebene schärft. Neben dieser kritischen Perspektive auf die Konstellationen und Dynamiken der (zum Teil schleichenden) Autokratisierung politischer Prozesse lassen sich auf Grundlage des Hellerschen Werkes auch die Voraussetzungen gelingender demokratischer Stabilität benennen. Die Rekonstruktion dieses Ansatzes eines dezidiert demokratischen Konstitutionalismus steht im Zentrum des geplanten Sammelbandes.

Following Marx's own itinerary from Paris to London, from politics to the critique of political economy, The Marx of Communism delves into a creatively unfolding international debate on the democracy-communism relation, while supporting a 21st century communism as a social alternative to capitalism. Taking into consideration Marx's analysis of communism both as a movement and a social formation, this study focuses on the dialectics of transition from capitalism to communism. Dealing with communism as the outcome of a long-term cultural and political process, the author defends Marxian communism as the open-ended constitution of a self-governed demos, whose citizens create their own way of life on the ground of a stateless and classless society. From this point of view, the end of the state does not mean the end, but the revival of politics in terms of a communist bios. Reshaping their collective and personal values and setting limits to the production/technology dynamics of their economy, this book argues, the citizens of a communist polis form a promising antithesis to the private individuals of a capitalist society.

This book is an anthology of the writings of Jean Jaurès, a central figure of French socialism in the period leading up to World War I, who was born in 1859 and died in 1914, a few days before the outbreak of the conflict. Jaurès is one of the most celebrated politicians in France. His writings in this anthology touch on the subjects dear to him, which are then some of the great political themes of his time. In this book are writings on war and pacifism, on colonialism and anti-colonialism, and on the central themes of socialism of the time, such as reformism and revolution. Despite Jaurès's notoriety in France, he is not well known abroad. This book, a corpus of his emblematic writings, aims, to make Jaurès known to those who do not know him outside of France.

This book first presents an overview of the history of a national character survey by the Institute of Statistical Mathematics that has been conducted for more than 65 years. The Japanese National Character Survey, launched in 1953, is a rare longitudinal survey in the world of survey research based on rigorous statistical sampling theory, motivating other countries to launch similar longitudinal surveys, including the General Social Survey (GSS), the Allgemeine Bevölkerungsumfrage der Sozialwissenschaften (ALLBUS, German General Social Survey (GGSS)), Eurobarometer, and others. Since the early 1970s, the Japanese survey has been extended as a cross-national survey for more advanced research of the Japanese national character in a comparative context. Second, the book explains the paradigm of cross-national studies called the Cultural Manifold Analysis (CULMAN), developed in the longitudinal and cross-national surveys, with practical examples of analysis. This explanation will helphelps a wide range of readers to better understand the cross-national comparative surveys of attitudes, opinion, and social values as basic information for evidence-based policymaking and research.

The Palgrave Handbook of Toleration aims to provide a comprehensive presentation of toleration as the foundational idea associated with engagement with diversity. This handbook is intended to provide an authoritative exposition of contemporary accounts of toleration, the central justifications used to advance it, a presentation of the different concepts most commonly associated with it (e.g. respect, recognition) as well as the discussion of the many problems dominating the controversies on toleration at both the theoretical or practical level. The Palgrave Handbook of Toleration is aimed as a resource for a global scholarly audience looking for either a detailed presentation of major accounts of toleration, the most important conceptual issues associated with toleration and the many problems dividing either scholars, policy-makers or practitioners.

Dieses Buch beleuchtet aus interdisziplinärer und ländervergleichender Perspektive, unter welchen Bedingungen direkte Demokratie funktionieren kann, wo ihre Chancen und Risiken liegen und welche Rolle dabei die politische Bildung, die politische Kulturtradition eines Landes, der Zusammenhang von Entscheidung und Verantwortung und der Grad der Kleinräumigkeit und Dezentralität der Entscheidungsstrukturen spielt. Ausdrücklich wird weder für noch gegen die direkte Demokratie plädiert, sondern das Thema unvoreingenommen und mit der Gründlichkeit behandelt, die die öffentliche Diskussion über plebiszitäre Elemente in der Politik meistens vermissen lässt.

Die Reflexion der Begriffe Macht und Herrschaft ist Sache der Soziologie und weist doch über die Soziologie hinaus: Sie zählt zu den Angelegen­heiten, die, nach dem klassischen Begriff, als rei publicae das Gemeinwesen betreffen. Die Soziologie ist Teil des Gemeinwesens; und das Gemeinwesen ist Gegenstand ihres wissenschaftlichen Interesses. Was das Gemeinwesen über sich, über die bestehenden Macht- und Herrschaftsverhältnisse zu wissen vermag, liegt auch – und gerade – in der Verantwortung der Soziologie. Ein Gemeinwesen, das die Fähigkeit nicht mehr besäße, die politisch-ökonomischen Prozesse und die sie bestimmenden Macht- und Herrschaftsbeziehungen begrifflich fassbar zu machen und kritisch zu beurteilen, und zwar auf einem analytischen Niveau, dessen Komplexität der Komplexität dieser Prozesse adäquat ist, wäre ein Gemeinwesen auf dem Weg der res publica amissa. Das Gemeinwesen sähe sich der latenten Gefahr ausgesetzt, den Profiteuren der Ungenauigkeiten und Vagheiten anheimzufallen. Und die Soziologie würde sich selbst untreu. Soziologische Grundlagenforschung ist daher in beider Sinne unverzichtbar – und dazu gehört gerade die Reflexion der Begriffe Macht und Herrschaft, die im vorliegenden Band in fünf Rubriken dokumentiert wird: Herrschaft und Rationalität; Ordnungen der Macht; Charisma in der Massengesellschaft; Regierungsweisen; Die andere Seite der Biopolitik.

This book provides a framework for understanding and analyzing Bernie Sanders's democratic socialism, its origins, its maturation, and its evolution between 1972, when Sanders ran for the Vermont gubernatorial election for the first time, and 2020, when he made his second presidential run. The core argument is that Bernie Sanders's characteristic brand of socialism evolved from the mould of late 19th century utopian radicalism to radical demands for state and corporate accountability in the 21st century, turning into a social movement for reparative justice that rose to national prominence in the wake of the Great Recession in 2008 and of the Occupy Wall Street movement in 2011.

Die Effekte der Digitalisierung auf die Demokratie sind vielfältig. Die Einschätzungen der Debatte fächern sich von Gefahren für Demokratien bis hin zur basisdemokratischen Revolution auf, wobei die tatsächlichen und finalen Folgen derzeit kaum absehbar sind. Das Fazit beinhaltet daher die Antwort, dass wir uns noch in der Phase der Frühdigitalisierung befinden, in der lediglich Abschätzungen und eine Bestandsaufnahme möglich sind. Daher wird in dem vorliegenden Band insbesondere ein Gewicht auf die Theoriebildung gelegt, in der die Demokratietheorie einem Update unterzogen werden soll, um den Digitalen Wandel zu inkludieren. Zudem soll die Demokratietheorie dafür genutzt werden, um die stattfindende digitale Transformation zu erklären und zu verstehen.

In this book, Feliciano de Sá Guimarães offers an original application of Role Theory. He proposes a theory of master role transitions to explain how small powers can change regional powers'master roles without changing the regional material power distribution.Master role transition is the replacement of an active dominant master role by a dormant or inactive role located within one's role repertoire. Guimarães argues that only a combination of four necessary conditions can produce a full master role transition: asymmetrical material interdependence, altercasting, domestic contestation and regional contestation. In each one of these conditions, a small power uses material and ideational tools to promote a master role transition within the regional power role repertoire. To test his model, Guimarães turns to five case studies in Latin America, Southern Africa and South Asia: the 2006–2007 Bolivia–Brazil gas crisis, the 2008–2009 Paraguay–Brazil Itaipú Dam crisis, the 2008–2009 Ecuador–Brazil Odebrecht crisis, the 1998 South Africa–Lesotho military intervention crisis and the 1996India–Bangladesh Ganges water crisis.A Theory of Master Role Transition is an excellent resource for those studying both theory and method in International Relations and foreign policy analysis.

„Politiker und Politikerinnen sollten bei ihrem Wettstreit um politische Ämter keine Gewalt anwenden.“ Das ist eines von vielen Beispielen für normativ-evaluative Hypothesen. Während innerhalb der zuständigen politikwissenschaftlichen Teildisziplin „Politische Theorie“ der Methodologie der Ideengeschichte ausreichend Aufmerksamkeit gewidmet wird, lernen Studierende bisher sehr wenig darüber, wie methodologisch mit normativen Hypothesen aus der Welt der Politik verfahren werden kann.Dieses Buch ist in zwei Teilen aufgebaut. Im Grundlagenteil werden die Beweisbarkeit bzw. Falsifizierbarkeit von normativen Hypothesen, der Status von empirischen Daten für normative Hypothesen und die Sein/Sollens-Dichotomie in den Blick genommen. Im Anwendungsteil wird dann anhand eines Beispiels performativ die Praxis des normativen Forschungsansatzes demonstriert. Als Prüfkriterien für normative Hypothesen kommen dabei der Schleier der Unwissenheit, das diskursethische Verfahren, das Verfahren des Unabhängigen Beobachters und der Kategorische Imperativ zum Einsatz.

Increased flows of people, capital, and ideas across geographic borders raise urgent challenges to the existing terms and practices of politics. Comparative political theory seeks to devise new intellectual frames for addressing these challenges by questioning the canonical (that is, Euro-American) categories that have historically shaped inquiry in political theory and other disciplines. It does this byanalyzing normative claims, discursive structures, and formations of power in and from all parts of the world. By looking to alternative bodies of thought and experience, as well as the terms we might use to critically examine them, comparative political theory encourages self-reflexivity about the premises of normative ideas and articulates new possibilities for political theory and practice. The Oxford Handbook of Comparative Political Theory provides an entry point into this burgeoning field by both synthesizing and challenging the terms which motivate it. Over the course of five thematic sections and thirty-three chapters, this volume surveys the field and archives of comparative political theory, bringing the many approaches to the field into conversation for the first time. Sections address geographic location as a subject of political theorizing; how the past becomes a key site for staking political claims; the politics of translation and appropriation; the justification of political authority; and questions of disciplinary commitment and rules of knowledge. Ultimately, the handbook demonstrates how mainstream political theory can and must be enriched through attention to genuinely global, rather than parochially Euro-American, contributions to political thinking.

'Democracy theories and comparative political science have been challenged within the last decade by an unexpected democratic deficit and the rise of populism in the new EU-member states. This volume written by German and Czech scholars gives some food for thought for solving these research problems by means of thorough analyses of the polity, the politics and selected policies of the Czech Republic since 1990.'Dieter Segert, retired Professor of Political Science (Area Studies on Eastern Europe), University of Vienna, Austria'Czech Democracy in Crisis is a long-overdue comprehensive study of the Czech political system. Using institutional approaches to change, it explores crucial policy outcomes. A perfect book for academics and practitioners who want to understand the challenges of democratic consolidation in a new democracy.'Lenka Bustikova, Associate Professor of Political Science, Arizona State University, USA, and author of Extreme Reactions: Radical Right Mobilization in Eastern EuropeThe image of the Czechs as a poster child of democratization has changed into a crisis narrative in recent years. This edited volume traces this change and examines the suitability of different theories to explain developments in Czech democracy. The contributors, all renowned experts in their fields, offer well-founded and compact insights into the post-1989 Czech political system. They cover political institutions and parties; civil society; the media; and selected policy areas such as foreign, economic, migration and regional policy. The book takes into account processes of democratization and Europeanization, explaining the political picture at various stages of development. Finding that many of today's problems—fragmented political parties, government instability, inefficient state administration and low quality of governance—have not been new developments but have constantly existed, the authors present a plea for theoretical adjustments that should be read by all academics, students, practitioners and readers with an interest in Czech politics and society.