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When the notion of ‘alternative facts'and the alleged dawning of a ‘postfactual'world entered public discourse, social anthropologists found themselves in unexpectedly familiar territory. In theirempirical experience, fact—knowledge accepted as true—derives its salience from social mechanisms of legitimization, thereby demonstrating a deep interconnection with power and authority. In thisperspective, fact is a continually contested and volatile social category.Due to the specific histories of their colonial and post-independence experience, African societies offer a particularly broad array of insights into social processes of juxtaposition, opposition, and even outright competition between different postulated authorities. The contributions to the present volume explore the variety of ways in which authority is contested in Southern and Eastern Africa, investigating localized discourses on which institution, what kind of knowledge, or whose expertise is accepted as authoritative, thus highlighting the specificities and pluralities in ‘modern'societies. This edited volume engages with larger theoretical questions regarding power and authority in the context of (post)colonial states (neo)traditional authority, claiming space, conflict and (in)justice, and contestations of knowledge. It offers in-depth critical analyses of ethnographic data that put contemporary African phenomena on equal footing with current controversies in North America, Europe, and other global settings.

Prophetic and apocalyptic rhetoric play critical roles in the development and articulation of political authority in the reigns of Charlemagne (d. 814) and Louis the Pious (d. 840). The rhetorical authority derived from claims of receiving revelation, interpreting divine communication, speaking for God, and foreseeing calamities became a competitive medium through which individuals legitimized political behaviour, debated their long- and short-term aspirations, and struggled for political supremacy. Ranging from claims of revelations, dreams, and visions, to the adoption of rhetorical voices based on biblical prophets, to the interpretation of signs and portents, prophetic rhetoric enjoyed extensive experimentation and varied application throughout early medieval political discourse.Prophecy and Politics in the Early Carolingian World argues that claims of divine revelation, resistant to any attempts to monopolize them, provided a powerful means of speaking with authority for all participants in Frankish political discourse. This authority proved instrumental in the articulation and dismantling of effective Carolingian royal authority from 768 to 840. The volume introduces and reinterprets early Carolingian political discourse and intellectual activity, as well as the centrality of apocalypticism in the Carolingian period, by emphasizing prophecy, or revelation and authority, rather than prediction and calamity.Early Carolingian political discourse was a dialogue that took place across royal proclamations, legal statements, historical texts, visions, scriptural commentaries, and manifestations of the natural world, and in this dialogue, the ability to interpret God's will was as powerful as it was problematic.

In this book, you can find an accurate and unusual analysis of the different ways in which Karl Marx investigates the political and social phenomenon of power. As a political militant, as a journalist, as a critic of capitalism and as a revolutionary theorist, Marx continually confronts the ways in which individuals and social classes enter into power relations. For Marx, however, there is no bourgeois power that proletarians can simply conquer and then use to their advantage. Workers'power is always provisional because it constantly changes the very conditions of its own production.

La Sarauta Samna de Tibiri, dans le Dallol Mawri, au Niger, tire son origine des guerres de libération contre l'expansionnisme de l'Empire peul de Sokoto sous la bannière de l'islam.Le prédestiné Karhe Tunkara grandit sous cette domination peule. La lourde sujétion que les Peuls imposèrent aux populations le poussa à la révolte et à déclarer une guerre ouverte contre le pouvoir peul. C'est dans ce contexte que naquit en 1849 la Sarauta Samna de Tibiri.Cet artisan du soulèvement général contre la domination peule allait finalement connaître un étrange destin en allant combattre les Touaregs de l'Imannan de la région de Bonkoukou et de Kochilan. Il succomba vers 1872, laissant à sa progéniture une aristocratie guerrière et politique, laSarauta Samna de Tibiri.Cet ouvrage, fruit de longues recherches, revient sur les événements qui ont jalonné cette histoire.

Rulers and Rulership in the Arc of Medieval Europe challenges the dominant paradigm of what rulership is and who rulers are by decentering the narrative and providing a broad swath of examples from throughout medieval Europe. Within that territory, the prevalent idea of monarchy and kingship is overturned in favor of a broad definition of rulership.This book will demonstrate to the reader that the way in which medieval Europe has been constructed in both the popular and scholarly imaginations is incorrect. Instead of a king we have multiple rulers, male and female, ruling concurrently. Instead of an independent church or a church striving for supremacy under the Gregorian Reform, we have a pope and ecclesiastical leaders making deals with secular rulers and an in-depth interconnection between the two. Finally, instead of a strong centralizing polity growing into statehood we see weak rulers working hand in glove with weak subordinates to make the polity as a whole function. Medievalists, Byzantinists, and Slavists typically operate in isolation from one another. They do not read each other's books, or engage with each other's work. This book requires engagement from all of them to point out that the medieval Europe that they work in is one and the same and demands collaboration to best understand it.

This book reflects on the reasons for the decline of international cooperation in world politics and studies ways to restore legitimacy in the international order. It engages with the concept of legitimacy in international relations theories and practices to examine the discussions around power shifts, the decline of liberalism, demands for inclusive international architectures, and challenges to multilateralism, as well as established norms by leaders and nationalisms. It studies the impact of the post-COVID-19 world order on the nature of power in the international system and changes in normative concerns of security. The volume also interrogates political legitimacy through an area studies lens by examining the concept of legitimacy separately in the USA, Europe, South Asia, Southeast Asia, Latin America, and Africa.An important and timely text featuring contributions from eminent scholars, this book will be of use to students and researchers of modern history, political science, and international relations. It will also be of interest to think tanks and policy-making bodies concerned with international affairs and foreign policy.

Henry VIII's wives, his watershed break with Rome, Mary's'bloody'persecution of Protestants and Elizabeth's fearless reign have been immortalised in history books and the public consciousness. This book widens the scope of established historiography by examining the dynamics of Tudor power and assessing where power really lay. By considering the roles of the monarch, church and individuals it sheds a fascinating light on the study of government in 16th century England. Addressing different aspects of how Tudor England was governed, the twelve chapters discuss who participated in that government, and the extent of their power and governance. Paying close attention to the scholars who have shaped perceptions of major Tudor political figures, this book re-situates the dynamics of Tudor power and its historiography.

The special relationship between the United Kingdom, an established and secure power, and the United States, a rising one, began after the War of 1812, as the former enemies sought accommodation with, rather than the annihilation of, one another. At the same time, Mexico, also a rising power, was not so fortunate. Its relationship with Spain, an established but declining power, turned hostile with Spain's final exit from North America after Mexico's War of Independence, leaving its former colony isolated, internally unstable, and vulnerable to external attack. Significantly, Mexico posed little threat to its northern neighbor. By the third decade of the eighteenth century, then, the fate of North America was largely discernable. Nevertheless, the three-century journey to get to this point had been anything but predictable. The United States'rise as a regional power was very much conditioned by constantly shifting transcontinental, transpacific, and above all transatlantic factors, all of which influenced North America's three interactive cultural spheres: the Indigenous, the Hispano, and the Anglo. And while the United States profoundly shaped the history of Canada and Mexico, so, too, did these two transcontinental countries likewise shape the course of U.S. history. In this ground-breaking work, Kevin Fernlund shows us that any society's social development is directly related to its own social power and, just as crucially, to the protective extension or destructive intrusion of the social power of other societies.

Ce livre interroge le phénomène « d'intellectuels » sous le régime du Congo belge. L'analyse tente de déconstruire le processus de «fabrication », par le Pouvoir, d'une élite intellectuelle conformiste puisée essentiellement dans les rangs des « Congolais évolués ». Perçus comme la strate sociale la plus (potentiellement) politique, ces derniers furent séparés idéologiquement des populations autochtones, pour être intégrés dans la stratégie de légitimation symbolique de l'ordre colonial.

This book draws on participatory ethnographic research to understand how rural Colombian women work to dismantle the coloniality of power. It critically examines the ways in which colonial feminisms have homogenized the'category of woman,” ignoring the intersecting relationship of class, race, and gender, thereby excluding the voices of “subaltern women” and upholding existing power structures. Supplementing that analysis are testimonials from rural Colombian women who speak about their struggles for sovereignty and against territorial, sexual, and racialized violence enacted upon their land and their bodies. By documenting the stories of rural women and centering their voices, this book seeks to dismantle the coloniality of power and gender, and narrate and imagine decolonial feminist worlds. Scholars in gender studies, rural studies, and post-colonial studies will find this work of interest.

This book investigates the policies of the Thatcher, Major and Blair governments and their approaches towards concentration of economic and political power. The 1979–2007 British governments have variously been described as liberal or, to use a political insult and a favourite academic label, neoliberal. One of the stated objectives of the Thatcher, Major and Blair governments—albeit with differing focal points—was to disperse power and to empower the individual. This was also a consistent theme of the first generation of neoliberals, who saw monopolies, vested interests and concentration more generally as the ‘great enemy of democracy'. Under Thatcher and Major, Conservatives sought to liberalize the economy and spread ownership through policies like Right to Buy and privatisation. New Labour dispersed political power with its devolution agenda, granted operational independence to the Bank of England and put in place a seemingly robust antitrust framework. All governments during the 1979–2007 period pursued choice in public services. Yet our modern discourse characterises Britain as beset by endemic power concentration, in markets and politics. What went wrong? How did so-called neoliberal governments, which invoked liberty and empowerment, fail to disperse power and allow concentration to continue, recur or arise?The book will be of interest to students and scholars of contemporary British history, political economy and politics, as well as specific areas of study such as Thatcherism and New Labour.

In order to truly understand the emergence, endurance, and legacy of autocracy, this volume of engaging essays explores how autocratic power is acquired, exercised, and transferred or abruptly ended through the careers and politics of influential figures in more than 20 countries and six regions.The book looks at both traditional'hard'dictators, such as Hitler, Stalin, and Mao, and more modern'soft'or populist autocrats, who are in the process of transforming once fully democratic countries into autocratic states, including Recep Tayyip Erdoğan in Turkey, Brazilian leader Jair Bolsonaro, Rodrigo Duterte in the Philippines, Narendra Modi in India, and Viktor Orbán in Hungary. The authors touch on a wide range of autocratic and dictatorial figures in the past and present, including present-day autocrats, such as Vladimir Putin and Xi Jinping, military leaders, and democratic leaders with authoritarian aspirations. They analyze the transition of selected autocrats from democratic or benign semi-democratic systems to harsher forms of autocracy, with either quite disastrous or more successful outcomes.An ideal reader for students and scholars, as well as the general public, interested in international affairs, leadership studies, contemporary history and politics, global studies, security studies, economics, psychology, and behavioral studies.

Part anthropological history and part memoir, this book is a unique study of the polity of the colonial-princely state of Kanker in central India. The author, a scion of the erstwhile ruling family of Kanker, delves into the oral accounts given in the ancestral deity practices of the mixed tribe-caste communities of the region to highlight popular narratives of its historical polity. As he struggles with his own dilemmas as ethnographer-king, what comes into view is a polity where the princely state is drawn out amidst a terrain of gods and spirits as much as that of law courts and magistrates, and political power is divided, contested and shared between the raja/state and the people. This study constitutes not only an intervention in the larger debate on the relationship between state formations and tribal peoples, but also on the very nature of history as a knowledge practice, especially the understandings of power, authority and sovereignty in it.Combining intensive ethnography, complementary archival work and crucial theoretical questions engaging social scientists worldwide, the author charts an unusual explanatory path that can allow us to obtain a meaningful understanding of societies/peoples that have historically been marginalized and seen as different. This book will be of interest to students and researchers of history, anthropology, politics, religion, tribal society and Modern South Asia.

Le pouvoir est contraint de se donner à voir afin de se maintenir. Pour ce faire, la figure du souverain se doit d'incarner une autorité elle-même en partie fondée sur celle de la religion et sur une perfection morale aptes à légitimer cette domination. La sacralité du pouvoir évolue au fil des siècles et s'adapte aux publics visés et aux discours qu'elle désire propager. L'émergence de l'État, entité anonyme et désincarnée, consolide ce pouvoir temporel face à l'Église, mais contraint celui-là à renouveler son langage iconographique à mesure qu'il s'émancipe du divin. Quelles sont les stratégies iconographiques, toujours appuyées sur une imagerie discursive, mises en oeuvre par la monarchie? Comment incarner l'État et comment représenter la nation souveraine?

Proximity to the monarch was a vital asset in the struggle for power and influence in medieval and early modern courts. The concept of ‘access to the ruler'has therefore grown into a dominant theme in scholarship on pre-modern dynasties. Still, many questions remain concerning the mechanisms of access and their impact on politics. Bringing together new research on European and Asian cases, the ten chapters in this volume focus on the ways in which ‘access'was articulated, regulated, negotiated, and performed. By taking into account the full complexity of hierarchies, ceremonial rites, spaces and artefacts that characterized the dynastic court, The Key to Power? forces us to rethink power relations in the late medieval and early modern world.Contributors are: Christina Antenhofer, Ronald G. Asch, Florence Berland, Mark Hengerer, Neil Murphy, Fabian Persson, Jonathan Spangler, Michael Talbot, Steven Thiry, and Audrey Truschke.

Thoroughly interdisciplinary in approach, this volume examines how concepts such as the exercising of power, the distribution of justice, and transgression against the law were treated in both textual and pictorial terms in works produced and circulated in medieval French manuscripts and early printed books. Analysing texts ranging from romances, political allegories, chivalric biographies, and catalogues of famous men and women, through saints'lives, mystery plays and Books of Hours, to works of Roman, canon and customary law, these studies offer new insights into the diverse ways in which the language and imagery of politics and justice permeated French culture, particularly in the later Middle Ages. Organized around three closely related themes - the prince as a just ruler, the figure of the judge, and the role of the queen in relation to matters of justice - the issues addressed in these studies, such as what constitutes a just war, what treatment should be meted out to prisoners, what personal qualities are needed for the role of lawgiver, and what limits are placed on women's participation in judicial processes, are ones that are still the subject of debate today. What the contributors show above all is the degree of political engagement on the part of writers and artists responsible for cultural production in this period. With their textual strategies of exemplification, allegorization, and satirical deprecation, and their visual strategies of hierarchical ordering, spatial organization and symbolic allusion, these figures aimed to show that the pen and paintbrush could aspire to being as mighty as the sword wielded by Lady Justice herself.

Quels sont les aspects politiques et juridiques de la domination? Ce volume traite de l'Antiquité et du Moyen Âge. Il regroupe les textes issus de conférences prononcées dans le cadre du CEIR (Centre d'Études Internationales sur la Romanité) durant l'année 2019-2020 ou de communications présentées lors du colloque 2019 de « Méditerranées ». Des phénomènes d'évidence font sauter aux yeux la domination, tandis qu'existent aussi des zones de demi-teintes dans lesquelles la domination possède le double profil de Janus.

The relationship between information and power is a relevant subject for all times. Today's perceived ‘information revolution'has caused information to become a separate object of study during the last two decades for several disciplines. As the contemporary perspective is dominant, information history as a discipline of its own has not yet crystallized. In bringing together studies around a new research agenda on the relationship between information and power across time and space, presenting various governance regimes, media, materials, and modes of communication, this book forces us to rethink the prospects and challenges for such a new discipline.

The Triumph of an Accursed Lineage analyses kingship in Castile between 1252 and 1350, with a particular focus on the pivotal reign of Alfonso XI (r. 1312–1350).This century witnessed significant changes in the ways in which the Castilian monarchy constructed and represented its power in this period. The ideas and motifs used to extoll royal authority, the territorial conceptualisation of the kingdom, the role queens and the royal family played, and the interpersonal relationship between the kings and the nobility were all integral to this process. Ultimately, this book addresses how Alfonso XI, a member of an accursed lineage who rose to the throne when he was an infant, was able to end the internal turmoil which plagued Castile since the 1270s and become a paradigm of successful kingship.This book will appeal to scholars and students of medieval Spain, as well as those interested in the history of kingship.

Time is the backdrop of historical inquiry, yet it is much more than a featureless setting for events. Different temporalities interact dynamically; sometimes they coexist tensely, sometimes they clash violently. In this innovative volume, editors Dan Edelstein, Stefanos Geroulanos, and Natasha Wheatley challenge how we interpret history by focusing on the nexus of two concepts—“power” and “time”—as they manifest in a wide variety of case studies. Analyzing history, culture, politics, technology, law, art, and science, this engaging book shows how power is constituted through the shaping of temporal regimes in historically specific ways. Power and Time includes seventeen essays on human rights; sovereignty; Islamic, European, Chinese, and Indian history; slavery; capitalism; revolution; the Supreme Court; the Anthropocene; and even the Manson Family. Power and Time will be an agenda-setting volume, highlighting the work of some of the world's most respected and original contemporary historians and posing fundamental questions for the craft of history.

This book is a study of politics and the changing configuration of power in a developing country in which political domination during the past 155 years has almost without exception coincided with economic hegemony.

Politischer Protest und Gewalt sind in der Vergangenheit vielfach zum Gegenstand historischer, soziologischer und politikwissenschaftlicher Forschung geworden, ohne dass allerdings ihr spezifischer stadträumlicher Kontext Berücksichtigung gefunden hätte. Ausgehend von Henri Lefebvres Konzept eines'Rechts auf die Stadt'- und in kritischer Auseinandersetzung mit demselben - entwickeln die Autoren des vorliegenden Bandes spezifische Zugänge zum Verhältnis von politischer Gewalt und Stadtraum. Dabei rücken vor allem drei Kernfragen in den Blick: Kann Gewalt als erfolgversprechender Versuch gewertet werden, an der städtischen Politik zu partizipieren? Sind stadträumliche Veränderungen ursächlich für den Ausbruch von Gewalt im urbanen Kontext? Welche Konzepte und Praktiken wenden polizeiliche Sicherheitsapparate an, um städtische Räume zu kontrollieren und in welchem Verhältnis stehen diese zu Gewaltphänomenen? Diese drei Fragen stehen im Fokus von acht europäischen und globalen Fallstudien.

Originally published in 1990, Medicine at the Courts of Europe 1500-1837 is a collection of essays examining the whole range of medical activities in a variety of European courts, from Rome of the Borgias to the Russia of Catherine the Great. It documents the diverse influences of custom, wealth, religion and royal intervention, along with foreign innovation, popular literary satire and matters of litigation which so changed the face of court medicine over three centuries. By looking at court medical practitioners in such a wide chronological, geographic and thematic context, these essays provide many new insights for all those interested in the history of medicine, society and politics from the sixteenth century to the early nineteenth century.

Comment entrevoir l'avenir de la France si on a supprimé l'enseignement de l'histoire et si par la suite, on ignore les circonstances de sa genèse? Pendant les années des Capétiens, l'avenir de la France s'est constitué une destinée historique. A partir du gouvernement personnel de Louis XIV, la France à l'apogée de sa puissance, a commencé à marcher vers son déclin. Puis progressivement, après la tragédie de la Révolution, ce pays n'est plus marqué par sa dimension historique mais par ses multiples idéologies qui se sont livrées à un inutile combat politique. Telle est la situation actuelle de la France.

This book explores a striking common feature of pre-modern ruling systems on a global scale: the participation of childless and celibate men as integral parts of the elites. In bringing court eunuchs and bishops together, this collection shows that the integration of men who were normatively or physically excluded from biological fatherhood offered pre-modern dynasties the potential to use different reproduction patterns. The shared focus on ruling eunuchs and bishops also reveals that these men had a specific position at the intersection of four fields: power, social dynamics, sacredness and gender/masculinities. The thirteen chapters present case studies on clerics in Medieval Europe and court eunuchs in the Middle East, Byzantium, India and China. They analyze how these men in their different frameworks acted as politicians, participated in social networks, provided religious authority, and discuss their masculinities. Taken together, this collection sheds light on the political arena before the modern nation-state excluded these unmarried men from the circles of political power.

Medieval London, like all premodern cities, had a largely immigrant population-only a small proportion of the inhabitants were citizens-and the newly arrived needed to be taught the civic culture of the city in order for that city to function peacefully. Ritual and ceremony played key roles in this acculturation process. In Ceremony and Civility, Barbara A. Hanawalt shows how, in the late Middle Ages, London's elected officials and elites used ceremony and ritual to establish their legitimacy and power. In a society in which hierarchical authority was most commonly determined by inheritance of title and office, or sanctified by ordination, civic officials who had been elected to their posts relied on rituals to cement their authority and dominance. Elections and inaugurations had to be very public and visually distinct in order to quickly communicate with the masses: the robes of office needed to distinguish the officers so that everyone would know who they were. The result was a colorful civic pageantry. Newcomers found their places within this structure in various ways. Apprentices entering the city to take up a trade were educated in civic culture by their masters. Gilds similarly used rituals, oath swearing, and distinctive livery to mark their members'belonging. But these public shows of belonging and orderly civic life also had a dark side. Those who rebelled against authority and broke the civic ordinances were made spectacles through ritual humiliations and public parades through the streets so that others could take heed of these offenders of the law. An accessible look at late medieval London through the lens of civic ceremonies and dispute resolution, Ceremony and Civility synthesizes archival research with existing scholarship to show how an ever-shifting population was enculturated into premodern London.

Through a study of a variety of Ottoman and modern Turkish accounts of the Ottoman-Habsburg sieges of Nagykanizsa Castle (1600-01) including official documents, correspondence, histories, and more literary genres such as gazavatnames [campaign narratives], Plural Pasts explores Ottoman literacy practices. By considering the diverse roles that the various accounts served – construction of identities, forging of diplomatic alliances and legitimization of political ideologies and geo-political imaginations – it explores the cultural and socio-political significance the various accounts had for different audiences. In addition, it interweaves theoretical reflection with textual analysis. Using the sieges of Nagykanizsa as a case study, it offers a sophisticated contribution to ongoing historiographical arguments: namely, how historians construct hierarchies of primary sources and judge some to be more truthful, or more valuable, than others; how texts are assigned to particular genres based on perceived epistemological status – as story or history, fact or fiction; and the circular role that historians and their histories play in constructing, reflecting and reinforcing cultural and political imaginaries.

Queens Consort, Cultural Transfer and European Politics examines the roles that queens consort played in dynastic politics and cultural transfer between their natal and marital courts during the sixteenth, seventeenth, and eighteenth centuries. This collection of essays analyses the part that these queens played in European politics, showing how hard and soft power, high politics and cultural influences, cannot be strictly separated. It shows that the root of these consorts'power lay in their dynastic networks and the extent to which they cultivated them. The consorts studied in this book come from territories such as Austria, Braunschweig, Hanover, Poland, Portugal, Prussia and Saxony and travel to, among other places, Britain, Naples, Russia, Spain and Sweden. The various chapters address different types of cultural manifestation, among them collecting, portraiture, panegyric poetry, libraries, theatre and festivals, learning, genealogical literature and architecture.The volume significantly shifts the direction of scholarship by moving beyond a focus on individual historical women to consider ‘queens consort'as a category, making it valuable reading for students and scholars of early modern gender and political history.

The end of the Cold War put the planet on a new track, abruptly replacing the familiar world of bipolarity, red phones, and intercontinental ballistic missiles with the strange new world of the Internet, e-commerce, and Palm Pilots. The'New World Order'was defined by a U.S.-led war against Iraq, bloody ethnic strife in Bosnia and Rwanda, and religious turmoil in Central Asia. This evolving global system, however, overlooked the powerful role of credit, which functions as a critical building block for developing greater national and individual wealth. This volume examines the evolution of credit in the Western world and its relationship to power. Spanning several centuries of human endeavor. it focuses on Western Europe and the United States and also considers how the Western system became the global credit system. Six major themes run throughout: (1) the direct relationship between credit and power; (2) different kinds of political power promote different kinds of economic behavior; (3) various societal and cultural groups were often more successful in mingling credit and political power; (4) the Western credit system evolved in tandem with the development of the nation-state; (5) historically, there has been a pattern of financial crises; (6) credit spread from being the privilege of the wealthy and powerful to being available to vast numbers. MacDonald and Gastmann have broken history into five periods, ranging from early pre-modern, defining the earliest references to banking and credit as exemplified by the Code of Hammurabi, circa 1726 BC, through the Roman Empire with its creation of money and growing use of credit in trade, the barbarian invasions of the 11th century which led to a breakdown in credit networks in the West, through the establishment of the Italian city-states, to the modern period which incorporates the rise of credit in the Low Countries in the 1500s and extends through the rise of London and New York as the major international credit hubs.

During World War I and II, modern states for the first time experimented with feeding--and starving--entire populations. Within the new globalizing economy, food became intimately intertwined with waging war, and starvation claimed more lives than any other weapon. As Alice Weinreb shows in Modern Hungers, nowhere was this new reality more significant than in Germany, which struggled through food blockades, agricultural crises, economic depressions, and wartime destruction and occupation at the same time that it asserted itself as a military, cultural, and economic powerhouse of Europe. The end of armed conflict in 1945 did not mean the end of these military strategies involving food. Fears of hunger and fantasies of abundance were instead reframed within a new Cold War world. During the postwar decades, Europeans lived longer, possessed more goods, and were healthier than ever before. This shift was signaled most clearly by the disappearance of famine from the continent. So powerful was the experience of post-1945 abundance that it is hard today to imagine a time when the specter of hunger haunted Europe, demographers feared that malnutrition would mean the end of whole nations, and the primary targets for American food aid were Belgium and Germany rather than Africa. Yet under both capitalism and communism, economic growth as well as social and political priorities proved inseparable from the modern food system. Drawing on sources ranging from military records to cookbooks to economic and nutritional studies from a multitude of archives, Modern Hungers reveals similarities and striking ruptures in popular experience and state policy relating to the industrial food economy. In so doing, it offers historical perspective on contemporary concerns ranging from humanitarian food aid to the gender-wage gap to the obesity epidemic.

The naturalist tradition in American fiction was a product of the tremendous changes wrought in late nineteenth-century America by the development of science and technology and by the intellectual upheavals associated with the ideas of Darwin, Marx, Nietzsche, and Freud. This book is an account of naturalism, perhaps the strongest and most influential intellectual tradition or, as Harold Kaplan would argue, mythology to affect modern American literature and culture.Kaplan approaches the naturalist writers through a study of Henry Adams. He sees in Adams the paradigmatic intelligence of his time a prophetic mind, though not a seminal one and a man absorbed with the twin notions of power and order. Adams's major work illustrates the joining of a literary imagination and moral temperament with an almost obsessive response to the science, economic life, and politics of his world. Adams's work exemplifies what Kaplan calls the myth of metapolitics a view of human struggle and fate profoundly dominated by naturalist concepts of power.Kaplan then turns to the fascination that power in its various manifestations material, moral, social, political held for writers such as Dreiser, Norris, Crane, and others. Their dramatic plots, characters, and allegorical images are examined in detail. In wider reference, this book should concern those who are interested in problems of modern ethics and politics in the effort to harmonize concepts of value with images of power and natural order.

The county of Tripoli in what is now North Lebanon is arguably the most neglected of the so-called ‘crusader states'established in the Middle East at the beginning of the twelfth century. The present work is the first monograph on the county to be published in English, and the first in any western language since 1945. What little has been written on the subject previously has focused upon the European ancestry of the counts of Tripoli: a specifically Southern French heritage inherited from the famous crusader Raymond IV of Saint-Gilles. Kevin Lewis argues that past historians have at once exaggerated the political importance of the counts'French descent and ignored the more compelling signs of its cultural impact, highlighting poetry composed by troubadours in Occitan at Tripoli's court. For Lewis, however, even this belies a deeper understanding of the processes that shaped the county. What emerges is an intriguing portrait of the county in which its rulers struggled to exert their power over Lebanon in the face of this region's insurmountable geographical forces and its sometimes bewildering, always beguiling diversity of religions, languages and cultures. The counts of Tripoli and contemporary Muslim onlookers certainly viewed the dynasty as sons of Saint-Gilles, but the county's administration relied upon Arabic, its stability upon the mixed loyalties of its local inhabitants, and its very existence upon the rugged mountains that cradled it. This book challenges prevailing knowledge of this little-known crusader state and by extension the medieval Middle East as a whole..

The Ideal Ruler in Medieval Bohemia discusses the development of medieval concepts and ideas about just and unjust rulership in medieval Bohemia. This theme is examined in the context of the European political thinking between 6th and 14th centuries.Robert Antonín provides new insights into interpretations of medieval sources of various kinds and asks innovative questions regarding the legitimization of monarchic power, the importance of Saint Wenceslaus, the role of ancient and biblical motifs in the Czech sources, and the influence of chivalric ideals on concepts of power. The theme of the book revolves around medieval perceptions of ideal rulership, which is seen as one of the cultural-anthropological constants shaping the social reality of the contemporary world.

Power and Exploitation in the Czech Lands in the 10th-12th Centuries: A Central European Perspective offers a unique analysis of the history of early medieval Czech society. It draws new attention to the role of serfdom and slavery in the early period of the Přemyslid dynasty in the Czech lands, and the organization of land and property access and ownership. The provocative conclusions reached by the author in this study shed new light on the oldest period of Czech history. Petráček analyses these issues comparatively, also taking into account Poland and Hungary; this is an approach unique to this book.

Gender and Political Culture in Early Modern Europe investigates the gendered nature of political culture across early modern Europe by exploring the relationship between gender, power, and political authority and influence. This collection offers a rethinking of what constituted ‘politics'and a reconsideration of how men and women operated as part of political culture. It demonstrates how underlying structures could enable or constrain political action, and how political power and influence could be exercised through social and cultural practices. The book is divided into four parts - diplomacy, gifts and the politics of exchange; socio-economic structures; gendered politics at court; and voting and political representations – each of which looks at a series of interrelated themes exploring the ways in which political culture is inflected by questions of gender. In addition to examples drawn from across Europe, including Austria, the Dutch Republic, the Italian States and Scandinavia, the volume also takes a transnational comparative approach, crossing national borders, while the concluding chapter, by Merry Wiesner-Hanks, offers a global perspective on the field and encourages comparative analysis both chronologically and geographically. As the first collection to draw together early modern gender and political culture, this book is the perfect starting point for students exploring this fascinating topic.

Esta obra recorre los acontecimientos políticos que marcaron el final del califato de Córdoba y, a partir de aquí, analiza cómo se manifestaron los cambios de poder y de lealtades en las acuñaciones de moneda de las taifas. Una de las mayores aportaciones de esta obra es el estudio de las monedas anónimas y de difícil atribución, que se tratan detalladamente, identificando las cecas de ciudades como Almería, Badajoz o Valencia. Las conclusiones que se derivan del análisis numismático es que, de una manera u otra, los diferentes reyes buscaron la forma de emitir moneda sin transgredir las normas legales, unos invocando imam tras imam, todos legítimos, otros mediante argucias, disimulando sus intenciones, pero siempre intentando no sobrepasar los límites del orden establecido, que reservaba esta prerrogativa a la autoridad califal.

Le mythe de Rome charrie d'éternels fantasmes, qui sont exploités à Cinecittà comme à Hollywood par la féconde veine du péplum, qui revivifie l'épopée en la représentant.'Qu'est-ce que Rome'quand l'écran s'en saisit, question lancinante qui hante les trois films ici interrogés : Spartacus, La Chute de l'Empire romain et Gladiator?

This book presents a cross-disciplinary and methodologically innovative study, combining historical macro-sociology and a sociology of emotions with historical anthropology and cultural studies. Drawing on the concepts and theories of Norbert Elias on the Civilizing Process, it sets out to pin down and compare qualities that are simultaneously instantly recognisable and highly elusive, that is a kind of typical'Englishness'and of'Austrianness'that developed contemporaneously in the period up to the First World War. The authors chart the development of political authority structures in their varied historical manifestations, as well as their affective sedimentation as collective habitus ( national character), comparing England and Austria from 1700 to 1900 as a case study. Their argument is based on an analysis of literary sources, mainly novels and plays, applying a sociology of literature approach. Axtmann and Kuzmics argue that the very different national characters formed in England and Austria during this time are related to differences in the affective experience of power and powerlessness, in short, of authority. They show that the formation of national character is determined partly by the different mixture of authoritative external constraints and milder self-restraint, and partly by the affective experience of human beings in uneven power balances. Specifically, they show how the formation of the bureaucratic state with strong patrimonial features in Austria, and of a self-organizing civil society with strong bourgeois-liberal features in England resulted both in different institutional structures of authority, and in different modes of the affective experience of this authority. Employing empirical detail of individual cases and texts to analyse and illuminate broad processes, the authors reach a clearer and deeper understanding of seemingly intangible and irrational aspects of national identity.

Yasuma Takata (1883-1971), nicknamed'the Japanese Marshall'by Martin Bronfenbrenner, dominated sociology and then economics in Japan over a long period. In sociology he was known through his articles published in German, whilst as economist he remained rather unknown in the West, despite his work along the line connecting Walras, Bohm-Bawerk, Wicksell and Keynes. His scope is so wide as to view Marx critically and accommodate Veblen, Pareto, Schumpeter. Accepting the orthodox economic theory as a first approximation, he tried to introduce institutional factors and power relationships as a second approximation. This volume is edited so as to represent a synthesis of his economics and sociology.

A Slave's Place, A Master's World, based on original field research, evaluates the transition from slave to free labour in rural Brazil, highlighting the ways in which slaves, free farmers, freedmen and planters shaped the labour markets of an agrarian economy. Documentation from two areas in the Rio de Janeiro hinterland provides the foundation for comparisons between slavery in Vassouras, a highland town where coffee was produced for the export market, and Rio Bonito, a lowland town where coffee and foodstuffs were marketed regionally. The book examines the settlement processes in both towns, the marginalization of indigenous tribes, the onset of slave labour, and the de facto and de jure claims to land, as planters, small producers and slaves forged the bases of rural society. A feature of the book is the detailed study of the link with the African past during the transition process, when African languages, customs and religion, and social and work-related networks were increasingly juxtaposed with'master class'practices on the fazendas.

Examining the evolution of kingship in the Ancient Near East from the time of the Sumerians to the rise of the Seleucids in Babylon, this book argues that the Sumerian emphasis on the divine favour that the fertility goddess and the Sun god bestowed upon the king should be understood metaphorically from the start and that these metaphors survived in later historical periods, through popular literature including the Epic of Gilgameš and the Enuma Eliš. The author's research shows that from the earliest times Near Eastern kings and their scribes adapted these metaphors to promote royal legitimacy in accordance with legendary exempla that highlighted the role of the king as the establisher of order and civilization. As another Gilgameš and, later, as a pious servant of Marduk, the king renewed divine favour for his subjects, enabling them to share the'Garden of the Gods'. Seleucus and Antiochus found these cultural ideas, as they had evolved in the first millennium BCE, extremely useful in their efforts to establish their dynasty at Babylon. Far from playing down cultural differences, the book considers the ideological agendas of ancient Near Eastern empires as having been shaped mainly by class — rather than race-minded elites.

What use is it to be given authority over men and lands if others do not know about it? Furthermore, what use is that authority if those who know about it do not respect it or recognise its jurisdiction? And what strategies and'language'-written and spoken, visual and auditory, material, cultural and political - did those in authority throughout the medieval and early modern era use to project and make known their power? These questions have been crucial since regulations for governance entered society and are found at the core of this volume. In order to address these issues from an historical perspective, this collection of essays considers representations of authority made by a cross-section of society within the British Isles. Arranged in thematic sections, the 14 essays in the collection bridge the divide between medieval and early modern to build up understanding of the developments and continuities that can be followed across the centuries in question. Whether crown or noble, government or church, burgh or merchant; all desired power and influence, but their means of representing authority were very different. These essays encompass a myriad of methods demonstrating power and disseminating the image of authority, including: material culture, art, literature, architecture and landscapes, saintly cults, speeches and propaganda, martial posturing and strategic alliances, music, liturgy and ceremonial display. Thus, this interdisciplinary collection illuminates the variable forms in which authority was presented by key individuals and institutions in Scotland and the British Isles. By placing these within the context of the European powers with whom they interacted, this volume also underlines the unique relationships developed between the people and those who exercised authority over them.

Taking their inspiration from the work of Thomas N. Bisson, to whom the book is dedicated, the contributors to this volume explore the experience of power in medieval Europe: the experience of those who held power, those who helped them wield it, and those who felt its effects. The seventeen essays in the collection, which range geographically from England in the north to Castile in the south, and chronologically from the tenth century to the fourteenth, address a series of specific topics in institutional, social, religious, cultural, and intellectual history. Taken together, they present three distinct ways of discussing power in a medieval historical context: uses of power, relations of power, and discourses of power. The collection thus examines not only the operational and social aspects of power, but also power as a contested category within the medieval world. The Experience of Power suggests new and fruitful ways of understanding and studying power in the Middle Ages.

Dans l'imaginaire collectif, le Nigéria rime avec Boko Haram, puissance démographique, pétrole ou encore piraterie maritime. Que sait-on des dynamiques politico-économiques qui ont dessiné la trajectoire institutionnelle de ce pays et présidé à son édification? Depuis les premiers peuplements humains, la période coloniale à partir de 1861 et la création du Nigéria en 1914, l'indépendance en 1960 et l'entrée dans l'ère pétrolière marquée par 33 années de régime militaire, voici retracée l'histoire des rapports de force entre élites et non élites.

È un potere tragico, il potere di punire. Protegge, minacciando. Contiene la violenza attraverso l'uso della forza. È uno scudo potente; ma può ferire quanto le armi da cui difende. La sua fonte di legittimazione risiede nella tutela della vita, dell'integrità e della libertà delle persone; che, in assenza di proibizioni legali munite di sanzioni, resterebbero in balìa della legge del più forte. Eppure, esso invade la sfera di immunità che presidia: inquisendo, imputando, costringendo e condannando. È un potere necessario e terribile, il cui esercizio può sempre degenerare in forme oppressive. Per questo, occorre limitarlo e modellarlo attraverso il diritto, al fine di renderlo aderente agli scopi garantistici che ne costituiscono la ragion d'essere. «È dalla bontà delle leggi penali – scrisse Montesquieu, oltre due secoli e mezzo fa – che dipende principalmente la libertà del cittadino»: dalla configurazione della sfera dei reati, dalla composizione dell'arsenale delle pene, dall'organizzazione giurisdizionale e dalle regole del processo. Questa lezione politica ha lasciato una traccia profonda nella civiltà del diritto. Ha ispirato Beccaria, ha fecondato il dibattito illuministico, ha inciso sul processo di laicizzazione, umanizzazione e razionalizzazione del sistema penale. Rileggere l'Esprit des lois, in un'epoca di espansione del potere punitivo, può essere un utile esercizio di resistenza contro la propaganda dogmatica del securitarismo. Con la sua critica dei divieti esorbitanti, dei castighi sproporzionati, delle accuse inverificabili e dei giudizi arbitrari, Montesquieu ci avverte che le fondamenta dello Stato di diritto poggiano sul terreno del garantismo penale.

The lives of William Cavendish, first duke of Newcastle, and his family including, centrally, his second wife, Margaret Cavendish, are intimately bound up with the overarching story of seventeenth-century England: the violently negotiated changes in structures of power that constituted the Civil Wars, and the ensuing Commonwealth and Restoration of the monarchy. William Cavendish, 1st Duke of Newcastle, and his Political, Social and Cultural Connections: Authority, Authorship and Aristocratic Identity in Seventeenth Century England brings together a series of interrelated essays that present William Cavendish, his family, household and connections as an aristocratic, royalist case study, relating the intellectual and political underpinnings and implications of their beliefs, actions and writings to wider cultural currents in England and mainland Europe.

Ruling England, now in its second edition, is a key text for students wishing to understand the complexities of medieval kingship in England from 1042–1217. Beginning just before the Norman Conquest, and ending with the ratification of Magna Carta, this book is divided into three parts: Late Anglo-Saxon England, Anglo-Norman England and Angevin England. Richard Huscroft considers the reign of each king during these periods, including their relationships with the nobility, local government, the courts and the Church and poses the central question of how the ruler of the most sophisticated kingdom in twelfth century Europe was eventually compelled to submit to the humiliation of Magna Carta at the start of the thirteenth. This new edition has been fully revised and updated to take into account the latest scholarship. Throughout the book key areas of historiographical debate are highlighted and analysed, including nationhood, feudalism and Magna Carta. The narrative is supported by maps, a genealogy of the kings of England, a chronology, a glossary and an introduction to the principal narrative sources and their authors to provide a thorough introduction to the political history of medieval England. This book will be essential reading for students of English medieval history.

A key theme in this collection of thirteen essays is the creative tension between the Carolingian dynasty and its aristocratic followers across 250 years. The first section explores the rising dynasty's attempts to consolidate its power through war and rewards. The second section focuses on the exercise of authority through a complex system of governance and representation, and the pivotal role played by the courts of Charlemagne and his successors. In the third section, we see the Carolingian system undergoing a crisis of legitimacy, challenged by civil war, royal divorce, and aristocratic encroachment on dynastic exclusivity. These essays anatomise the dynamics of power relations in the greatest empire of the early medieval west.

Characterised by an interest in the nature and expression of power, this collection of essays by George Bernard combines a number of previously published pieces with original studies. Chapters range from detailed studies of aspects of the political and religious history of the reign of Henry VIII to more general accounts of early-modern architecture, the development of the Church of England, and a polemical attack upon'postmodern'historiography. The role of the nobility is a major theme. Emphasis is given to their social, economic, political and ideological power and the ways in which they exercised it in support of the monarchy. In-depth examinations of the falls of Anne Boleyn and Cardinal Wolsey and the relationship of the King and ministers challenge widespread views concerning the significance of factionalism. Analyses of such key events indicate that Henry VIII was very much in charge. Likely to provoke considerable debate, this stimulating collection is an important contribution to Tudor history.

How do gender and power relationships affect the expression of family, House and dynastic identities? The present study explores this question using a case study of the House of Orange-Nassau, whose extensive visual, material and archival sources from both male and female members enable the authors to trace their complex attempts to express, gain and maintain power: in texts, material culture, and spaces, as well as rituals, acts and practices. The book adopts several innovative approaches to the history of the Orange-Nassau family, and to familial and dynastic studies generally. Firstly, the authors analyse in detail a vast body of previously unexplored sources, including correspondence, artwork, architectural, horticultural and textual commissions, ceremonies, practices and individual actions that have, surprisingly, received little attention to date individually, and consider these as the collective practices of a key early modern dynastic family. They investigate new avenues about the meanings and practices of family and dynasty in the early modern period, extending current research that focuses on dominant men to ask how women and subordinate men understood'family'and'dynasty', in what respects such notions were shared among members, and how it might have been fractured and fashioned by individual experiences. Adopting a transnational approach to the Nassau family, the authors explore the family's self-presentation across a range of languages, cultures and historiographical traditions, situating their representation of themselves as an influential House within an international context and offering a new vision of power as a gendered concept.